Sunday, February 23, 2020

How love evolved to favour cooperation over the instinct to survive
It began with maternal love – the first kind of love, from which all others evolved.
 
Nick Longrich, The Conversation

Why do we love? At best, it’s a mixed blessing, at worst, a curse. Love makes otherwise intelligent people act like fools. It causes heartache and grief. Lovers break our hearts, family sometimes drive us mad, friends can let us down.

But we’re hard-wired to bond with each other. That suggests the capacity for love evolved, that natural selection favoured caring for one another. Fossils tell us that love evolved hundreds of millions of years ago, helping our mammalian ancestors survive in the time of the dinosaurs.

Humans have peculiarly complex emotional lives. Romantic love, a long-term bonding, is unusual among mammals. We’re also unusual in forming long-term relationships with unrelated individuals through friendships.
The original love

But humans and all other mammals share one kind of love, the bond between a mother and her offspring. The universality of this attachment suggests that it’s the original, ancestral form of bonding – the first kind of love, from which all others evolved.

Evidence of parent-offspring bonding appears around 200 million years ago, in the latest Triassic and earliest Jurassic periods. Fossils of Kayentatherium, a Jurassic proto-mammal from Arizona, preserve a mother who died protecting her 38 tiny babies. For this behaviour to exist, the instincts of both mother and offspring first had to evolve.

In primitive animals, such as lizards, parents aren’t exactly parental. A mother Komodo dragon abandons her eggs, leaving hatchlings to fend for themselves. If she ever meets her young, she is likely to try to eat them: komodo dragons are cannibals. The young will instinctively run for their lives upon meeting her – and should.

Guarding hatchlings requires that the mother evolve instincts to see her small, helpless offspring as things to protect, not easy prey. Meanwhile, the offspring must evolve to see mum as a source of security and warmth, not fear.

Kayentatherium‘s fossilised mother-child association implies that this instinctive evolution had already happened. But Kayentatherium probably wasn’t a doting mother. With 38 kids, she probably couldn’t feed them, or spend much time on them.

In Welsh rocks laid down in the Late Triassic, we find evidence of more advanced parental care. Here, the proto-mammal Morganucodon shows mammal-style tooth replacement. Instead of endlessly replacing teeth from birth to death – as in lizards and sharks – Morganucodon was toothless as a baby, developed baby teeth, then shed those for adult teeth.

This replacement pattern is associated with lactation. Babies that suckle milk don’t need teeth. So Morganucodon mothers made milk. Providing more care to her young, Morganucodon probably invested heavily in a few offspring, like modern mammals, and would have evolved a correspondingly stronger bond with them. The young, completely dependent on the mother for food, would have developed a stronger emotional attachment as well.  

Credit: Pikrepo

It’s at this point in mammal history that our mammal ancestors stopped seeing each other as lizards did – exclusively in terms of danger, food and sex, feeling only the primitive emotions of fear, hunger and lust. Instead, they started to care for one another. Over millions of years, they increasingly began to bond, to protect and seek protection, exchange bodily warmth, groom one another, to play with, teach and learn from each other.

Mammals evolved the ability to form relationships. Once they did, this adaptation could be used in other contexts. Mammals could form relationships as family and friends in sophisticated social groups: elephant herds, monkey troops, killer whale pods, dog packs, human tribes. And in some species, males and females formed pair bonds.

Romantic love is a recent evolutionary development, associated with males helping females care for children. In most mammals, males are absentee fathers, contributing genes and nothing else to their offspring. In our closest relatives, chimpanzees, paternal care is minimal.

In a few species, including beavers, wolves, some bats, some voles and Homo sapiens, pairs form long-term bonds to cooperatively raise children. Pair bonding evolved sometime after our ancestors split from chimps, six million to seven million years ago – probably before the split between humans and Neanderthals.
Love in our DNA

We can guess that Neanderthals formed long-term relationships, because their DNA is in us. That implies that Neanderthals and humans didn’t simply mate. We had children, who themselves became parents and grandparents, and so on. For the results of those unions to not just survive, but thrive and integrate into their tribe, mixed children were likely to have been born to parents who cared for them – and each other.

Not all encounters between our species were peaceful or pretty, but neither were they entirely violent. Neanderthals were different from Homo sapiens, but enough like us that we could love them, and they, us – even coming from different tribes. A love story worthy of Jane Austen, literally written into our species’ DNA.

There’s an adaptive benefit to love. Today, the ecosystem is dominated by animals with parental care. Mammals and birds, and social insects including ants, wasps, bees and termites, all of which care for their young, dominate terrestrial ecosystems. Humans are the dominant terrestrial animal on Earth.

Parental care is adaptive by itself, but by teaching animals to form relationships, it also paved the way for the evolution of sociality and cooperation on a larger scale. Parental care in wood roaches, for example, led one lineage, termites, to evolve vast family groups, or colonies, that literally reshape the landscape.

Ants, forming up to 25% of the biomass of some habitats, likely evolved coloniality in the same way. Evolution can be violently competitive, but the ability to care and form relationships allowed for cooperative groups, which became effective competitors against other groups and species.

Caring helps us cooperate and cooperation helps us compete. Humans can be selfish and destructive. But we’ve dominated the planet only because an unparalleled ability to care for one another – for partners, children, families, friends, fellow humans – allowed cooperation on a scale never before seen in the history of life.

Nick Longrich, Senior Lecturer in Evolutionary Biology and Paleontology, University of Bath.

This article first appeared on The Conversation.Support our journalism by subscribing to Scroll+.

Mutual Aid by Peter Kropotkin
https://archive.org/details/mutualaid01krop/page/n9/mode/2up
Language English

To understand the nature and value of Kroptkin's work, one must realize several things about him. In the first place, he was a noted physical geographer, as well as a trained agriculturist, and was widely read in biology and sociology. In the second place he was a lifelong revolutionary and a communist-anarchist. Both these facts directed and determined his principal book, "Mutual Aid,"




HEARD EN PASSANT 
DAVID CORN (MOTHER JONES) 
ON AM JOY MSNBC 2/23/2020 
YEAR OF THE RAT 

THE AMERICAN VOTER GETS TO CHOOSE BETWEEN:
  
AUTOCRACY, 

PLUTOCRACY 

OR SOCIAL DEMOCRACY

DEFINITIONS OF THESE TERMS CAN BE FOUND IN 


JACK LONDON'S IRON HEEL 1907 
A CLASSIC AMERICAN NOVEL OF CLASS WAR



 
1917 VERSION SMALL PRESS EDITION


‘Alternative cover’ landfill bill moves forward; ADEM says coal ash no longer permitted material.

LONG READ GOOD INFO ON LANDFILLS PUBLIC HEALTH ACTIVISM

By MARY SELL, Alabama Daily News  WBRC
© Provided by Birmingham WBRC 

MONTGOMERY, Ala. - The Alabama House of Representatives on Thursday approved legislation that clarifies landfills’ ability to use materials other than dirt to cover new garbage each day. Previously approved “alternative cover” materials have included shredded vehicle components from scrapped cars, contaminated soil and coal ash.

The Alabama Department of Environmental Management said Thursday that it no longer allows the use of coal ash as cover and while a Walker County landfill still has a permit to use it, it soon will not.

Sponsor Rep. Alan Baker, R-Brewton, said House Bill 140 is needed to codify what ADEM has allowed for about three decades.

“It would be up to ADEM to decide in permits what covers are allowed,” Baker said on the House floor.

Federal Environmental Protection Agency regulations say landfill operators must cover disposed solid waste with six inches of earthen material at the end of each operating day for safety and health reasons.

The EPA also says approval of alternative covers is allowed by directors of state environmental agencies if the landfill operator “demonstrates that the alternative material and thickness control disease vectors, fires, odors, blowing litter and scavenging without presenting a threat to human health and the environment.”

But late last year, some landfills had to stop using the alternatives after communities near two sites filed a lawsuit that argued ADEM wasn’t making landfills demonstrate the effectiveness of their covers.

The Alabama Court of Civil Appeals ruled in October that ADEM should not have allowed the alternatives, the Associated Press reported. The court was responding to a lawsuit filed by people who live near Arrowhead Landfill in Perry County and Stone’s Throw Landfill in Tallapoosa County.

The lawsuit claimed that the use of waste covers including tarps has led to a foul smell and vermin around landfills. The judges overturned a lower court that dismissed the lawsuit.

Current state law defines a sanitary landfill as a “controlled area of land upon which solid waste is deposited and is compacted and covered with compacted earth each day as deposited…”

House Bill 140 now allows for alternative coverings besides just compacted earth on the landfills.

It was approved by the House 102-0 on Thursday and now moves to the Senate.

Rep. Kyle South, R-Fayette, asked on the House floor Tuesday about the possibility of biosolids, treated sewage sludge, as cover. The Big Sky Environment Landfill in western Jefferson County is in South’s district. Several years ago, it was accepting biosolids from out of state. Referred to as the “poop train,” the waste from New York and New Jersey generated numerous complaints.

Baker said “zero” landfills were permitted to use biosolids as cover.


“Well, I encourage you to help me keep an eye out for that and hopefully it will stay at zero,” South said.

Several Birmingham area Democrats voiced concern for the bill early in the week and ADEM’s oversight of landfills, but voted for the amended version.

Rep. A. J. McCampbell, D-Demopolis, agreed with the changes that were made to Baker’s bill.

“I am appreciative that this has been a bipartisan effort to come up with legislation that will not only protect our environment but still allow the business community and waste disposal community to still provide the needed services and not fill up our landfills as quickly,” McCampbell said.

The bill was debated for about an hour earlier this week before being carried over to Thursday, giving supporters time to work on an amendment that specified alternative covers that “shall be approved by the Department of Environmental Management in compliance with federal law and United States Environmental Protection Agency rules or guidance to achieve a level of performance equal to or greater than earthen cover material.”

That amendment seemed to satisfy Democrats, who earlier in the week expressed opposition to the bill.

On Tuesday, House members voted down an amendment from Rep. Pebblin Warren, D-Tuskegee, that would have required public hearings before an alternative cover is approved and prohibited the use of coal ash.


The advocacy group Conservation Alabama had lobbied against Baker’s bill and had multiple concerns, including the health impacts on neighborhoods when nearby landfills use alternative covers.


On Thursday, Conservation Alabama Executive Director Tammy Monistere told Alabama Daily News the group is pleased with language added to the bill to specify alternative covers have to be “equal or greater” than earthen cover.

"We definitely feel like it was a positive amendment,” Monistere said.

While she said she wishes a ban on coal ash as cover had been added to the bill, Monistere said she was glad to see ADEM publicly say it’s being phased out.

Coal combustion residuals, commonly known as coal ash, are byproducts of the combustion of coal at power plants by electric utilities and independent power producers, according to the EPA. Coal ash contains contaminants like mercury, cadmium and arsenic associated with cancer and various other serious health effects, according to the agency.

‘Dirt poor’

Last year, the TimesDaily reported that the Court of Civil Appeals ruling meant the Colbert County Landfill could no longer use paper waste, or sludge, from a nearby paper plant as cover dirt.

“We got several tons daily, it kept our garbage from moving,” landfill manager Mike Shewbart told Alabama Daily News this week.

The paper sludge was trucked in daily and was easier to use than earth, especially in rainy weather like the areas experienced recently.

“It’s not dirt, it’s mud,” Shewbart said. “(Paper waste) allows us to cover in wet weather.”

Shewbart said the sludge is also applied to crop land and pastures in the area.

Some landfills are “dirt poor,” not having access to a lot of earth to use on a daily basis. That’s not the case at the Colbert County landfill, but the paper byproduct was going into the landfill everyday as garbage, Shewbart said, so it made sense to use it as cover.

He said the landfill hasn’t considered any other alternatives.

“We’ve been very blessed with a lot of sludge , so that helps us out,” Shewbart.

State Rep. Phillip Pettus, R-Green Hill, said he was initially concerned about the Baker’s bill, but supports it after talking to ADEM staff this week.

He said most of the alternative covers are tarps. Using them keeps six inches of material out of landfills each day.

And regulations say dirt must cover landfills at the end of each week.

“In the long run, they still have to cover it,” Pettus said.

Lynn Battle, ADEM's external affairs chief, told Alabama Daily news that when a landfill wants to use an alternative cover, it sends the department a permit modification request, including a justification for the change. The department’s approval process includes research on the material and whether it’s used elsewhere and a decision is issued based on the material’s ability to meet requirements like controlling odor and disease vectors and holding waste in place.

Battle said the approval process won’t change under Baker’s bill.

Advanced Disposal has five landfills in Alabama and while at least one, Turkey Trot Landfill in Washington County, had been permitted for coal ash but never used it as cover, Gerald Allen, Georgia-based Advanced Disposal South region landfill manager said.

He said most Advanced Disposal sites use 50’ by 50’ tarps, like patching a roof, at the end of the work day. The next morning, they’re picked up and more garbage is put down.

“You still have to cover with earth at the end of the work week,” Allen said.

Advanced Disposal owns the Stone’s Throw site in Tallassee, which was part of the lawsuit settled last year. That landfill was in 2015 named ADEM’s landfill of the year.

But Phyllis Gosa said her family and others have been fighting that site for years. Gosa doesn’t live in the area anymore, but her brother and his children and grandchildren are near it and smell it from their property.

“There is a sweet, chemical smell that’s nauseating,” Gosa said. “… My brother has a granddaughter who’s 2, she’s never smelled clean air.”

Gosa, who is black, said her family doesn’t want to leave the property that they can trace back to the 1870s and ancestors who had been slaves.

“That is our inheritance, because they understood the value of property***,” Gosa said.

Alabama Daily News reporter Caroline Beck contributed to this report.

Copyright 2020 WBRC. All rights reserved.


***What is Property? 
An Inquiry into the Principle of Right and of Government
by Pierre Joseph Proudhon
Publication date 1840
Topics Mutualism
Language English

Proudhon believed that the common conception of property conflated two distinct components which, once identified, demonstrated the difference between property used to further tyranny and property used to protect liberty. He argued that the result of an individual's labor which is currently occupied or used is a legitimate form of property. Thus, he opposed unused land being regarded as property, believing that land can only be rightfully possessed by use or occupation (which he called "possession"). As an extension of his belief that legitimate property (possession) was the result of labor and occupation, he argued against such institutions as interest on loans and rent.

The Oreo Workers Trump Betrayed



Union member Michael Smith stands outside Chicago’s MondelÄ“z snack 

factory before starting his 11 p.m. shift on Dec. 20, 2019. Smith toured 
the United States on the union’s behalf to explain the harm done by 
companies offshoring jobs. (Photo by Meredith Goldberg)

FEATURES » FEBRUARY 18, 2020


The Oreo Workers Trump Betrayed

Trump used these workers to win the White House. 
Their union has fought a losing battle against outsourcing ever since.

BY STEPHEN FRANKLIN

600 MondelÄ“z workers had been laid off—half the plant. In job-hungry Chicago neighborhoods, the union plant, with an average $27 wage, had been an oasis.
CHICAGO—Some labor struggles can feel like long, dramatic sagas: unexpected twists, broken hopes, valiant attempts to overcome unyielding giants. Michael Smith knows this tale well as a member of the small, beleaguered Bakery, Confectionery, Tobacco Workers and Grain Millers International Union, BCTGM.

Smith lost his delivery job of 15 years in the massive 2008 DHL Express layoff, then fell into debt, lost his house, and skimped by on unemployment checks and any work he could find. He finally landed a $25-an-hour job on Chicago’s South Side in 2010, with pension and healthcare benefits, on a factory line at snack-foods company MondelÄ“z International (known at the time as Kraft Foods). The job was a union one, with BCTGM.


But Smith again found himself in the crosshairs of a massive layoff six years later, as Mondelēz announced it was shifting 600 jobs to a new factory, with far lower wages, in Mexico. At 58, Smith had four children, bills for prostate cancer treatments, and slim prospects for finding another decent factory job in Chicago. So when BCTGM launched a public campaign to pressure Mondelēz into bringing the jobs back, Smith agreed to become a spokesperson, and the union offered him a modest stipend. Smith could have signed up for federally funded job training instead, but he wanted to fight the union fight.

Smith and BCTGM have now been battling the $26 billion global behemoth for nearly four years. Back in 2016, presidential candidates Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton both briefly took up the cause. Meanwhile, MondelÄ“z has sent hundreds of union bakery jobs to Mexico and dealt a blow to the union’s remaining 2,000 members by ending their guaranteed pension plan.


BCTGM has suffered for years: Factory workers in Billings, Mont., joined a nationwide BCTGM strike in November 2012 in response to unilateral contract concessions imposed by Hostess in bankruptcy court. In response to the strike, Hostess shut down all its plants and laid off 18,500 workers. (Photo courtesy of BCTGM)

As a union, BCTGM has suffered. Automation, non-union shops, plant closures and offshoring in the bakery and confectionery industries have shrunk the union’s ranks from 115,000 members in 2002 to 66,000 in 2018.

MondelÄ“z, for its part, has been doing just fine. Most consumers know the company for its Nabisco products: Oreos, Ritz, Triscuits and more. After the snack giant spun off from Kraft Foods in 2012, it turned steady profits, returning $2.9 billion to its shareholders in 2014 as then-CEO Irene Rosenfeld took a 50% pay increase, to $21 million. To meet shareholder demand for continuing profits, Rosenfeld then embarked on an “aggressive cost-cutting plan.” Since 2015, the company has been shuttering plants and trimming labor costs.

In May 2015, BCTGM received a jolting offer from the company: MondelÄ“z would consider $130 million in equipment upgrades at the 62-year-old Chicago plant if the union accepted $46 million in annual wage and benefit cuts—a 60% cut in pay and benefits, the union calculated. If the union refused, the investment and jobs would go to a new multi-million-dollar plant in Mexico.

The union refused, hoping to deal with the issue when company-wide contract talks began in February 2016. Then, MondelÄ“z “stonewalled” on providing “cost comparisons” and information about the Mexico plant, says BCTGM International Strategic Campaign Coordinator Ron Baker. “There was no negotiation,” Baker recalls. (MondelÄ“z spokesperson Laurie Guzzinati says that all “valid requests for information” received a response “within a reasonable timeframe.”)

MondelÄ“z began layoffs in March 2016, saying the union hadn’t offered a proposal.

A veteran of United Mine Workers of America’s long battles with coal behemoths, Baker doubted that negotiations could convince MondelÄ“z to stay in Chicago—but he believed public pressure could draw sympathy over the loss suffered by workers at a plant that makes the Oreo, a truly iconic American snack.

Indeed, Trump had repeatedly brought up the Oreo saga as part of his campaign rhetoric about offshoring jobs. “I’m not eating Oreos anymore,” Trump said in New Hampshire in September 2015. “Nabisco is closing their plant, a big plant in Chicago, and they’re moving it to Mexico.” The plant remains open (it had never planned to close), but about half of its jobs were moved.

Donald Trump swears off Oreos at a presidential campaign
 event in Rochester, N.H., Sept. 17, 2015.
 (Photo by Darren McCollester/Getty Images)

When Mondelēz began its first round of 277 layoffs in March 2016, BCTGM stepped up its boycott campaign against Mexican-made Mondelēz products, begun months earlier, and opened a makeshift office across from the factory. The union was counting on publicity from the 2016 presidential campaigns.

Clinton visited the union’s campaign office that March, meeting with Michael Smith and other workers, then with Rosenfeld, reportedly to urge a halt to the move. Nothing changed.

The union sent Smith and others across the United States to meetings, public rallies and media interviews to talk about the harm done by prosperous companies seeking cheaper labor overseas. At a June 2016 Democratic Party platform committee meeting in Washington, D.C., Smith appealed: “I am not a number, nor [is] my family, nor my neighbors, nor my coworkers … We are, however, victims of [the] global snatch-and-grab that has gutted our community.”


In visits to 25 college campuses, BCTGM reps urged students to boycott Mexican-made MondelÄ“z products and have their schools do the same (though the union is not sure whether any schools did). More than 280 U.S. religious leaders signed a letter asking MondelÄ“z to stop shipping jobs outside the United States. The boycott made headlines and the rounds on social media, though some critics pointed to the limited success of such efforts and the xenophobic potential of “buy American” rhetoric.
After Trump became president, the union was optimistic he would take up the fight from the White House. In 2017, BCTGM reached out to Trump directly but received no reply, not even a tweet. Ron Baker says Trump has done nothing to help the union since 2016.
The 2016 job loss landed like a hammer. By summer, 600 MondelÄ“z workers had been laid off—half the plant—though the company did begin callbacks to fill openings created by retirements, per the union contract, and kept the process in place after the contract expired, according to a company spokesperson.

According to the union, the majority of workers at the plant were over 40, and many came from families that had worked for generations at the massive Southwest Side Chicago factory, which was built in the 1950s and employed up to 4,000 workers in its heyday. In job-hungry Chicago neighborhoods, the union plant, with an average $27 wage, had been an oasis. Manufacturing, once a driver of Chicago’s economy, accounted for about 18% of the city’s jobs in 1994 and only 10% in 2017. Chicago’s Black communities were hit especially hard: The percentage of workers in factory jobs dropped from almost 30% in 1960 to 6.5% in 2017, while unemployment more than doubled, to 20%. Two-thirds of the laid-off MondelÄ“z workers were people of color.

Lisa Peatry landed a job at MondelÄ“z in 2013, after four different layoffs and closings, including the Kool-Aid plant that sent some work to Mexico in 2002. She was 50, living on her own after raising three children. She liked her job on the production lines because they were fast and she appreciated her coworkers. “There was a diversity of races and everyone got along,” she says. Peatry was laid off in March 2016. Unable to keep up with rent, she lost her home and has been staying with a relative.

Eventually, Peatry found a factory job at $14 an hour—a job that often left her crying nightly from its difficulty and the treatment she received from bosses—and then a better job at $18. She still wanted to return to her $25.43-an-hour job at MondelÄ“z, but the company stopped its recalls, stranding Peatry and about 100 others on the recall list.

After being laid off, former Mondelēz worker Salvador Ortiz, 49, signed up for English classes and hoped to do better than friends, who were finding $11-an-hour jobs. Talking about his future one day in May 2016, in the living room of a comfortable bungalow not far from the plant, his wife cried, saying their middle-class dream was over. Ortiz feared losing his house and car. More than a year later, Ortiz was recalled back to the plant, but had suffered financially, getting by on unemployment checks and $14-an-hour jobs.

When Michael Smith was called back to MondelÄ“z in March 2018, he found the working conditions had changed for the worse. Smith was on mandatory overtime almost daily, sometimes working a double shift, getting only four or five hours of sleep and never knowing when he could make a doctor’s appointment. Smith felt the company was in disarray. He was now running an oven, a new job for him that was uncomfortable because of the high temperatures. “It’s 120 degrees and it’s like I’m sitting in the oven,” he tells In These Times. (Guzzinati says mandatory overtime may be required more than once weekly, to accommodate workload.)

Lisa Peatry enjoyed working on the production lines at Mondelēz
—for the pay, but also the diverse community. After MondelÄ“z 
offshored her job in March 2016, she was unable to pay rent, 
and lost her home. (Photo by Meredith Goldberg)​

In May 2018, just over two years after the union contract expired, MondelÄ“z imposed part of its benefits cuts, switching Smith and his coworkers’ retirement benefits from a guaranteed pension to a 401(k) account. MondelÄ“z honored existing pensions but pulled its 2,000 remaining union bakery workers out of BCTGM’s multiemployer pension fund, committing to instead pay an early withdrawal fee of $560 million over 20 years. MondelÄ“z told workers it was thinking about their future: The multiemployer plan could collapse by 2030, the company warned.

But the union sees it as just another blow to one of the most troubled multiemployer pension plans, which has suffered since the 2008 recession. When Hostess Brands, once the fund’s largest contributor, closed and filed bankruptcy in 2012, the company left a $2 billion pension liability. By 2018, the fund had $7.9 billion in liabilities and only $4.1 billion in assets.


In 2018, Mondelēz CEO Dirk Van de Put earned $15 million. The median Mondelēz worker worldwide, meanwhile, is a part-time hourly employee earning $30,639, an income ratio of 489 to 1.

A Navy vet with three children, Anthony Jackson mourned
 the loss of his job at MondelÄ“z, his best-paying job ever.
 Since the layoff in March
2016, when MondelÄ“z moved hundreds of jobs to a new 
factory in Mexico, Jackson says he’s only found low-wage 
work. (Photo by Meredith Goldberg)

Preventing U.S. firms from outsourcing jobs was a drumbeat for the 2016 Trump campaign. “These companies aren’t going to be leaving anymore,” Trump declared in December 2016 in Indianapolis. “They’re not going to be taking people’s hearts out. They’re not going to be announcing, like they did at Carrier, that they’re closing up and they’re moving to Mexico.”

But Rosemary Coates, head of the Reshoring Institute, a California-based nonprofit, says that, rather than bringing jobs back to the United States, companies are increasingly looking for new places to send production. The latest reshoring survey by consulting company A.T. Kearney shows that imports of manufactured items to the United States from 14 low-cost countries have steadily grown for the past five years, indicating that offshoring continues.

The Trump administration has lauded tariffs and trade wars as a way to pressure companies into keeping jobs in the United States. Yet, as Tobita Chow, director of the Justice Is Global project at the People’s Action Institute (and member of In These Times’ board of directors), explains, this strategy has backfired. “Trump’s trade wars have raised costs, reduced demand, killed jobs in the United States and worsened working conditions across much of the Global South,” Chow says.

In Mexico, factory workers earn 40% less than those in China. MondelÄ“z’s new plant opened in Salinas Victoria, Mexico, in late 2014 and now has 1,800 workers, according to the company. But workers in Mexico have been pinned under a mountain of problems.

Most Mexican unions serve companies under “protection contracts,” in which the company actually picks the union and dictates contract terms, defanging worker movements before they begin. Protection contracts are often signed by unions when a factory has very few workers to actually negotiate. In October 2014, with just 20 workers at the new plant, MondelÄ“z signed a union contract that capped the top day rate at 200 pesos, about $14.90 per day. BCTGM eventually obtained a copy of the contract, which it called proof that the Mexican workers were victims of a protection contract.

According to an August 2017 ruling from the National Labor Relations Board, a MondelÄ“z official told an administrative law judge that its Mexican workers earned $7 an hour in wages and benefits. As for the union there, a MondelÄ“z official told In These Times that the 2014 contract was no longer in effect and disputed the “protection union” moniker.

Meanwhile, BCTGM continued pressuring MondelÄ“z to reshore its jobs. In May 2017, 17 Democrats in the U.S. Senate called on MondelÄ“z to hire back workers let go at its plants in Chicago and at its operations in Fairlawn, N.J., Richmond, Va., Portland, Ore., and Atlanta—but nothing happened.

In November 2017, BCTGM partnered with religious and union leaders to arrange a visit with Mexican union activists from different groups in Monterrey, Mexico. The union has since reached out to the independent Mexican Los Mineros union, which separates itself from Mexico’s more corrupt or compromised unions. Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador has pushed through stronger worker protections, but implementing them will be a challenge as longstanding protection unions fear losing control.

Importantly, the new trade agreement between the United States, Mexico and Canada—passed in December 2019 with support from U.S. labor unions—is a blow to the protection contracts signed by corrupt unions, calling for union monitoring and access to bi-national panels for inspections triggered by worker complaints.

Mondelez and BCTGM remain in a stalemate over lost jobs and a lost pension plan. They have not talked in a year, each claiming the other has quit negotiations. MondelÄ“z’s stock is up more than 30% since May 2015.

BCTGM Strategic Campaign Coordinator Nate Zeff, who picked up the torch when Baker retired in 2018, says a new campaign will launch early this year and will involve mobilizing Mondelēz workers in Mexico.

“We are almost four years into this fight,” Zeff says. “Eventually, we are going to win.”

“The real solution to offshoring is not trade wars—it’s to raise standards for workers across borders,” says Justice Is Global’s Chow. “We can get there through international worker solidarity, not by pitting workers against each other across borders as Trump has done.”

Michael Smith, who now works at the Chicago plant, has his own strategy. Ever an optimist, he is writing to Trump to ask for his help saving pension plans like his.

“It’s an opportunity for him to own up to saying he would never eat Oreos again,” Smith says. “It’s only a hope. He is still my president.”



Trump's son gets permit allowing him to hunt Alaska grizzly bear


GRIZZLIES ARE ENDANGERED 
IT WOULD BE NICE IF THE 1% WERE TOO

ANCHORAGE, Alaska (Reuters) - Donald Trump Jr. has been granted the right to hunt a grizzly bear in northwestern Alaska near the Bering Sea town of Nome, a state official said on Friday.

The son of U.S. President Donald Trump was one of three people who applied for 27 spots for non-resident hunters targeting grizzlies in a designated region of northwestern Alaska’s Seward Peninsula, said Eddie Grasser, the wildlife conservation director for the Alaska Department of Fish and Game.

The state conducts periodic drawings for permits to hunt bears, caribou, moose and other animals in various regions. Winners are chosen by a lottery, and there are typically many more applications than hunting tags awarded.

“We get thousands of applications,” Grasser said. Whether anyone wins, he said, comes down to “pure chance, luck of the draw.”


But in the case of the bear-hunt permit that the president’s son won, there was little competition. Twenty-four tags for hunting bears in that region went unclaimed, Grasser said.

Winners of the state’s latest hunting-permit drawings were announced on Friday.

To follow through with the Nome-area bear hunt, Trump must pay a $1,000 non-resident tag fee and buy a $160 non-resident hunting license, Grasser said.

The president’s eldest son is an avid hunter and has made several trips to hunt in Alaska and Canada.


He is scheduled to come to Alaska later this year to hunt deer and ducks.

The Safari Club this month raffled off a $150,000 seven-day “dream hunt” expedition with Trump Jr. The raffle winner got the right to accompany the president’s son on a yacht traveling in November along coastal areas of the Tongass National Forest.


Reporting by Yereth Rosen in Anchorage; Editing by Gerry Doyle
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Pope appears to give thumbs down to Trump's Mideast peace plan


BARI, Italy (Reuters) - Pope Francis on Sunday warned against “inequitable solutions” to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, saying they would only be a prelude to new crises, in an apparent reference to U.S. President Donald Trump’s Middle East peace proposal.

Francis made his comments in the southern Italian port city of Bari, where he traveled to conclude a meeting of bishops from all countries in the Mediterranean basin.

“The Mediterranean region is currently threatened by outbreaks of instability and conflict, both in the Middle East and different countries of North Africa, as well as between various ethnic, religious or confessional groups,” Francis said.

“Nor can we overlook the still unresolved conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, with the danger of inequitable solutions and, hence, a prelude to new crises,” he said.

The participants included Archbishop Pierbattista Pizzaballa, the head of the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem, whose jurisdiction includes Israel, the Palestinian territories and Jordan.

It was believed to be the first time the pope, who has often defended both Palestinian rights and Israel’s need for security, has spoken in public about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict since Trump announced the plan on Jan. 28.


The plan would recognize Israel’s authority over West Bank Jewish settlements and require Palestinians meet a series of conditions for a state, with its capital in a West Bank village east of Jerusalem.

Although Trump’s stated aim was to end decades of conflict, his plan favored Israel, underlined by the Palestinians’ absence from his White House announcement with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at his side.

The Palestinians and Arab League foreign ministers have rejected the plan and the Palestinian Authority has cut all ties with the United States and Israel.

Palestinians, with broad international backing, want East Jerusalem as the capital of a future independent state, while Israel views the whole city its “united and eternal” capital.

The pope expressed concern in 2018 when the United States announced the moving of its embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, saying the city’s “status quo” should be respected. Francis has called for all to honor U.N. resolutions on the city.

“There is no reasonable alternative to peace, because every attempt at exploitation or supremacy demeans both its author and its target. It shows a myopic grasp of reality, since it can offer no future to either of the two,” Francis said, speaking in general about the Middle East.


Francis again warned against populist politicians who he said used “demagogic terms” such as “invasion” when talking of migration.

“To be sure, acceptance and a dignified integration are stages in a process that is not easy. Yet it is unthinkable that we can address the problem by putting up walls,” he said.


Reporting By Philip Pullella. Editing by Jane Merriman
Report finds Catholic charity founder sexually abused women
CELIBACY AT ALL COSTS HAS A COST


By SYLVIE CORBET, Associated Press


PARIS (AP) — A respected Catholic figure who helped improve conditions for the developmentally disabled in multiple countries over half a century sexually abused at least six women, a report produced for his French-based charity has found.
© Provided by Associated Press FILE - In this file photo dated Wednesday, March 11, 2015, showing Jean Vanier, the founder of L'ARCHE, an international network of communities where people with and without intellectual disabilities live and work together, in central London.  Saturday Feb. 22, An internal report revealed2020, that L’Arche founder Jean Vanier, a respected Canadian religious figure, sexually abused at least six women. (AP Photo/Lefteris Pitarakis, FILE)

According to the report released by L'Arche International Saturday, the women's descriptions provide evidence enough to show that Jean Vanier engaged in "manipulative sexual relationships" over a period from 19
70 to 2005, usually with a “psychological hold” over the alleged victims. Vanier, a Canadian, died last year at age 90.


“The alleged victims felt deprived of their free will and so the sexual activity was coerced or took place under coercive conditions,” the report said. It did not rule out potential other victims.

None of the women was disabled, a significant point given the Vatican has long sought to portray any sexual relationship between religious leaders and other adults as consensual unless there was clear evidence of disability. The #MeToo and #ChurchToo movements, however, have forced a recognition that power imbalances such as those in spiritual relationships can breed abuse.

During the inquiry, commissioned by L'Arche last year and carried out by the independent, U.K.-based GCPS Consulting group, six adult, non-disabled women said Vanier had engaged in sexual relations with them as they were seeking spiritual direction.

According to the report, the women, who have no links to each other, reported similar facts and Vanier's sexual misconduct was often associated with alleged “spiritual and mystical justifications."

A statement released by L'Arche France Saturday stressed that some women still have “deep wounds."

The report noted similarities with the pattern of abuse of the Rev. Thomas Philippe, a Catholic priest Vanier called his “spiritual father.” Philippe, who died in 1993, has been accused of sexual abuse by several women.

A statement from L'Arche International said analysis of archives shows that Vanier “adopted some of Father Thomas Philippe's deviant theories and practices.” Philippe was banned from exercising any public or private ministry in a trial led by the Catholic Church in 1956 for his theories and the sexual practices that stemmed from them.

In a letter to the charity members, the Leaders of L’Arche International, Stephan Posner and Stacy Cates Carney, told of their shock at the news, and condemned Vanier's actions.

“For many of us, Jean was one of the people we loved and respected the most. ... While the considerable good he did throughout his life is not in question, we will nevertheless have to mourn a certain image we may have had of Jean and of the origins of L’Arche,” they wrote.

Vanier worked as a Canadian navy officer and professor before turning to charity work. A visit to a psychiatric facility prompted him to found the charity L’Arche in 1964 as an alternative living environment where those with developmental disabilities could be full-fledged participants in the community instead of patients.
The charity now has facilities in 38 countries that are home to thousands of people both with and without disabilities.

Vanier, who was unmarried, also traveled the world to encourage dialogue across religions, and was awarded the 2015 Templeton Prize for spiritual work, as well as France's Legion of Honor. He was the subject of a documentary shown at the 2017 Cannes Film Festival called “Jean Vanier, the Sacrament of Tenderness.”

The allegations against Vanier reveal a major gap in the Catholic Church’s handling of sex abuse allegations to date: Because he was a layman, he was exempt from the Vatican’s in-house sanctioning procedures for abuse, which only cover priests, bishops and cardinals. For these offenders, the worst penalty the Vatican can impose is defrocking — essentially, making the priests laymen again.

A similar case concerned the lay leader of a Peru-based organization, Sodalicio, who escaped Vatican justice for years even though there were credible allegations of sexual, physical and psychological abuse against him. The Vatican finally ordered him to live in isolation from his followers, a penalty that drew scorn from his victims given that it amounted to an all-expense-paid retirement in Rome.


L'Arche: Investigation reveals abuses committed by founder Vanier

FILE PHOTO: Jean Vanier, poses outside his home in Trosly-Breuil, in this picture taken March 7, 2015. REUTERS/Tom Heneghan

PARIS (Reuters) - Jean Vanier, the now deceased founder of L’Arche, a not-for-profit organization which helps people with learning difficulties, sexually abused six women in France, the body said on Saturday, citing the conclusions of an investigation.

In a letter sent on Saturday to the L’Arche Federation, the leaders of the organization made public the conclusions of the investigation which they had commissioned from an external and independent UK-based body GCPS.

Vanier, who founded l’Arche in 1964, died last year aged 90.

The GCPS investigation included testimonies implicating Vanier and highlighted his historic links to Father Thomas Philippe, a priest whom he considered to be his spiritual father, the letter said.

From 2014, L’Arche officials received several testimonies from women alleging that they had been sexually abused by Philippe, prompting the latest investigation.

The probe also uncovered acts of abuse committed by Vanier. “Sincere and consistent testimonies spanning from 1970-2005 were received from six adult women without disabilities indicating that Jean Vanier initiated sexual relations with them, generally as part of spiritual accompaniment. Some of these women have suffered deep wounds,” L’Arche said, without specifying the nature of the harm suffered.

The current leaders of L’Arche International, Stephan Posner and Stacy Cates Carney, wrote in a letter to the L’Arche Federation published on Saturday, that they were shocked by the discoveries and unreservedly condemned the actions of Vanier and Philippe.

Dominicans take to the streets in protest after election suspension

ON THE OTHER SIDE OF HAITI


Ezequiel Abiu Lopez


SANTO DOMINGO (Reuters) - Hundreds of Dominicans took to the streets on Saturday night in fresh protests after the abrupt suspension of municipal elections that unleashed a political crisis months before the Caribbean island votes for a new president.

The protests started after the electoral institute on Feb. 16 suspended a nationwide election four hours after voting began. The authority said about half of the machines used in the most populated municipalities to cast votes electronically had failed.

“We came to take out the garbage,” read one banner, carried by a group of masked students in front of the electoral institute in Santo Domingo. Across the country, protesters have demanded the resignation of the institute’s officials and an investigation.

“I’m tired of them always treating us like we’re stupid,” said Melina Adames, who, like many who took to the streets, was dressed in black to mourn the death of democracy. Others were hitting cauldrons in a traditional form of protest.


Dominicans will vote for a new president on May 17. In an attempt to stem the protests, the government asked the Organization of American States (OAS) earlier this week to help investigate the ruling that led to the suspension.

Flavio Dario Espinal, a government representative, told reporters a local investigation without independent political actors would only generate more suspicion.

The OAS said on Friday that while there was no evidence to suggest the machines had been manipulated, it was committed to finding a solution for the problems.

Even before the municipal election, opposition politicians had challenged the use of automated voting machines, which the government acquired last year for $19 million, arguing that its software could be manipulated.


IN 1964 THERE WAS A MASS UPRISING IN THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC THAT WAS PUT DOWN BY US MARINES, FROM FORT BRAGG, BOTH WHITE AND BLACK
IT WAS THE FIRST TIME BLACK TROOPS WERE SENT INTO A COMBAT ZONE AGAINST BLACK PEOPLE, FRATERNIZING ENSUED 


By 1965, forces demanding the reinstatement of Bosch began attacks against the military-controlled government. In the United States government, fear spread ...
Apr 21, 2005 - On April 28, 1965, 42,000 American troops invaded the Dominican Republic. ... Washington was not thrilled with Bosch-which the rebellion favored. ... The Dominicans especially in Santo Domingo are trying to imitate the US ...
Apr 28, 2015 - Johnson ordered U.S. Marines into Santo Domingo 50 years ago today. ... had been behind the recent uprising, Johnson confided to his national security advisor, ... Lyndon Johnson and the Dominican Intervention of 1965.
Oct 28, 2011 - On 24 April 1965, young military officers rose in revolt in the ... rebels holding out in downtown Santo Domingo while the United States and the ...
Newly-banned Thai opposition party says junta helped 1MDB cover-up

BANGKOK (Reuters) - A banned Thai opposition party on Sunday accused the former military junta of helping cover up Malaysia’s multi-billion-dollar 1MDB scandal, urging Thais to demand the truth ahead of a censure debate against Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha.
Photo

View of the slogans written by Thai students and supporters during a protest against a court's decision that dissolved the country's second largest opposition Future Forward party, less than a year after an election to end direct military rule, at Thammasat University in Bangkok, Thailand February 22, 2020. REUTERS/Soe Zeya Tun

The Future Forward Party, the third-largest party in parliament, was dissolved on Friday by Thailand’s Constitutional Court over a loan it took from its billionaire founder.

The dissolution was decried by democracy advocates as a way to weaken opposition to the government of Prayuth, who first came to power in a 2014 military coup and led a military junta until after elections last year that his pro-army party won.

Future Forward’s spokeswoman, Pannika Wanich, told reporters at a news conference on Sunday that the junta had worked with Malaysia’s former government to arrest a whistleblower in the 1MDB case in 2015 and had allowed financial criminals to operate in Thailand, risking the country’s international ties.

“The junta government yearned for international acceptance after the coup...and formed a dark alliance with Malaysia,” Pannika said.

“The only person who can issue these orders is Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha,” Pannika said.


Pannika cited irregularities surrounding Thailand’s arrest and the subsequent confession of Xavier Justo, the Swiss national who was arrested in Thailand in 2015 the first whistleblower in the 1MDB affair.

The government also harbored Malaysian financier Low Taek Jho, known as Jho Low, allowing him to enter the country at least five times between October 2016 and May 2018, despite Low having an Interpol red notice from Singapore, she said.

Low has been charged in Malaysia and the United States over the alleged theft of $4.5 billion from 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB), set up by former Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak with the help of Low, to promote economic development.

At least six countries, including the United States, have launched money laundering, financial mismanagement and criminal probes into 1MDB dealings.

Low has denied any wrongdoing. His whereabouts are unknown.

Future Forward Party said it would have opened an investigation on corruption and money laundering related to the 1MDB case if it were in power.


“If we were in government, we would investigate. We want a government that is a responsible neighbor and acts with dignity,” Pannika said.

“Since we have been dissolved, we can’t, but the Thai public can demand the truth.”

A spokesman for the Malaysian prime minister’s office did not immediately respond to requests for comment.


Reporting by Chayut Setboonsarng; Editing by Jacqueline Wong

Brazil's Carnival kicks off with political divisions front and center

EL CARNAVAL ES LA REVOLUCIÓN!

LA REVOLUCIÓN! ES EL CARNAVAL

Drum queen Viviane Araujo from Mancha Verde samba school performs during the first night of the Carnival parade at the Sambadrome in Sao Paulo, Brazil, February 22, 2020 

Brazil's famed Carnival kicked off in earnest on Saturday, as millions of scantily-clad revelers poured into the streets, many of whom took the opportunity to parody or otherwise comment on the nation's deeply polarized politics.zil's Carnival kicks off with political divisions front and cente

Since right-wing President Jair Bolsonaro took office in January 2019, Brazilians have been sharply divided, with supporters crediting the former army captain for a rapid drop in violent crime and an improving economy, while his detractors have denounced what they consider racism, sexism and disrespect for the poor.

Along with a clutch of conservative allies, including Rio de Janeiro’s evangelical mayor Marcelo Crivella, Bolsonaro has shown little interest in Carnival and at times denounced what he sees as debauched behavior during the festivities.

To be sure, most partiers on Saturday were dressed in distinctly apolitical garb, ranging from mermaid to cowboy costumes, indicating Brazilians were focused on revelry first, and politics a distant second.


But in the biggest cities, there was no love lost, as many costumes poked fun at Brazil’s leaders.

In the northeastern city of Recife, home to one of the country’s most famous Carnival celebrations, musician Antonio Nobrega dedicated an opening performance to Brazil’s artists and journalists. Both those groups have repeatedly drawn ire from Brazil’s political leaders, with politicians often singling out individual journalists and newspapers for criticism.

The famed Mangueira samba school, a type of performing troupe that spend months preparing elaborate parades for Carnival, has already ruffled feathers with plans to march through Rio de Janeiro’s legendary Sambodromo on Sunday night with a performance expected to take jabs at police violence.

Under Bolsonaro, homicide rates in the city have plummeted, but killings by police have sky-rocketed, sparking a major debate about policing tactics, particularly in poor and minority communities.


Early on Saturday, the Tom Maior samba school paid homage during their performance to Marielle Franco, a black, lesbian Rio de Janeiro city councilwoman whose 2018 assassination triggered protests throughout the country.

“I thought it was beautiful, it really moved me,” said Renato Santos Aguessy, a 37-year-old schoolteacher, who attended. “She left a legacy for us of struggle, of confronting adversities in this country, which is being dominated by fascism.”


Reporting by Gram Slattery and Amanda Perobelli; Editing by Franklin Paul and Daniel Wallis



SEE As Rio de Janeiro prepares to kick off Carnival, Mangueira is one of several samba schools using the world’s biggest festival as a platform for protest, with their theme of a Jesus of the favela returning to a land with prophets of intolerance