Saturday, April 16, 2022

Jalal Al-e Ahmad: The last Muslim intellectual

Through the thick and thin of his political career, the Iranian redefined what it meant to be a Muslim in the world

Hamid Dabashi
7 April 2022 

Jalal Al-e Ahmad was ‘a self-confessed Muslim thinker’ (Wikimedia Commons)

Jalal Al-e Ahmad (1923-69) was the "last Muslim intellectual". At least, that's the claim I make in my latest book, which explores the life and legacy of the towering Iranian critical thinker.

This was a deliberately provocative title, intended to draw attention to the work. But it also relies on an argument embedded throughout the volume - one that turns the writing of an intellectual biography into a potent claim on the future of Muslim critical thinking.

In the book, I place Al-e Ahmad next to Frantz Fanon, Aime Cesaire, Leopold Sedar Senghor and Edward Said. The argument thus required rethinking the significance of a Muslim critical thinker in larger global terms.

Al-e Ahmad was not chasing after any lost self; he was aiming to decolonise critical consciousness

How could any Muslim thinker be called “the last Muslim intellectual”? How do we know whether other, more commanding Muslim intellectuals will emerge in the near or distant future?

The full range of Muslim critical thinkers, from Morocco to India, makes any such claim dubious, if not altogether ludicrous. But there was some method behind my provocation.

Let me begin with the epithet “Muslim”. Al-e Ahmad was born and raised in a prominent Shia clerical family. His father was a leading member of the Shia clergy, as were other members of his family. He, too, was meant to go to Iraq and study in a Shia seminary. But his agitated soul was drawn to the more adventurous aspects of his time.

Early in his youth, Al-e Ahmad was drawn to militant secularists, such as Ahmad Kasravi, and ultimately to the pronounced socialism of the Tudeh Party. He rose in their ranks, and at some point became the editor of their newspaper.

But soon after the Allied invasion and occupation of Iran during World War II, and the heavy-handed Soviet interference in Iranian affairs, Al-e Ahmad and many other independent-minded intellectuals left the communist Tudeh Party, without abandoning their socialist ideals.

Through the thick and thin of his political career, Al-e Ahmad remained a self-confessed Muslim thinker, in the broadest and most self-conscious way. Almost single-handedly, he redefined what it meant to be a Muslim in the world - aware, conscious, engaged and receptive.

Restless soul


As a Muslim, Al-e Ahmad was a restless soul - not just in politics, but particularly in his moral imagination, literary taste, critical thinking and sense of the sacred. After he abandoned his father’s wishes for him to become a cleric, and unbeknownst to his family, he opted to pursue a more contemporary, state-sponsored public (misunderstood as “secular”) education.

But the turmoil of his homeland soon drew him to the political predicament of a young, inquisitive mind. After his initial attraction to Kasravi and the Tudeh Party, his restless soul sailed towards less charted territories. He was reenacting what it meant to be a Muslim in the world.


Iran and the US: When friends fall out  Read More »

Al-e Ahmad’s most famous text is Gharbzadegi, usually translated as “Westoxication”, in which he sought to offer a prognosis for a colonised mind.

The Muslim world, the colonised world, and Iran are shown to be sites of this Gharbzadegi, where thinking, acting and the very lexicon of collective consciousness have been Europeanised, mesmerised, westernised - in short, colonised.

A thick layer of false consciousness had overcome the very condition of thinking. Al-e Ahmad was not chasing after any lost self; he was aiming to decolonise critical consciousness. This short treatise was the subject of intense debate, and has had enduring significance since its publication in the early 1960s.

Al-e Ahmad’s response to the colonised mind was intense intellectual engagement with the vital issues of the time in relentlessly critical prose, including literature.

Throughout his short but fruitful life, Al-e Ahmad remained committed to literature and produced some of the most popular works of fiction of his time, chief among them The School Principal (1958), an autobiographical critique of public education.
Ideological force

Al-e Ahmad’s post-Marxist turn to existentialism, which led to a sustained period of translations from European and Russian sources, including the seminal works of Jean-Paul Sartre, Albert Camus and Fyodor Dostoevsky, must be read in the same vein. Through these translations, he was reliving a critical consciousness outside of his own immediate life and heritage.

After the failed June 1963 uprising led by Ayatollah Khomeini (a dress rehearsal for the 1979 revolution), with which he identified, Al-e Ahmad wrote a major study on the services and treacheries of public intellectuals, heavily influenced by the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci. By this time, Al-e Ahmad was convinced that leftist movements that were bereft of local and regional rootedness were destined to fail.



In this respect, he was the forerunner of perhaps the most potent ideological force of the 1979 revolution, Ali Shariati, with whom he had a brief encounter in the holy city of Mashhad.

Shariati was a convinced and convincing ideologue, a visionary Islamist. Al-e Ahmad was too much in the sun, too self-doubting, too much drawn to “on the other hand” - he was like a bee always attracted to the next flower. He made of his nomadic mind a proverbial truth.

After his brief affiliation and subsequent departure from the Tudeh Party, Al-e Ahmad remained committed to the cause of socialism. Precisely in that period, he made the monumentally stupid decision to travel to Israel on an official invitation and to write a deeply misguided account defending the Zionist project.

Soon after the 1967 war, however, he realised the inanity of his hurried impressions, and wrote a second part in which he denounced Zionism and its US and European supporters. The two parts were so diametrically opposed that some even doubted the authenticity of one or the other.

But they were both his, reflecting his agitated, restless, impatient and impressionistic way of thinking. He was not consistent. He was real. Before his detractors had collected the prose to criticise him, he was already somewhere else. He compared himself to a horse who could hear the tremors of a pending earthquake, rather than a seismographer measuring it scientifically.

The 'four qibla'


Al-e Ahmad’s most enduring works were perhaps his ethnographic monographs on Iranian localities, such as Kharg Island or the village of Owrazan, followed by his travelogues, the most important of which arose from his Hajj pilgrimage.

From his travels to the Soviet Union, the US, Mecca and Jerusalem, Al-e Ahmad had intended to publish a fourfold account of the “four qibla” of his time. To these four destinations, he was drawn with equal intensity. The result was a critical consciousness of the world around him that became the critical consciousness of the world around his nation.

Good or bad, pleasant or nefarious, critical or implicated, Al-e Ahmad represented a moment in a Muslim's intellectual engagement with the world

Al-e Ahmad’s most important and potent works of prose were delivered in the form of short essays, a mode he perfected. He did for Persian prose what George Orwell, James Baldwin, EB White or Samuel Johnson did for English.

His telegraphic prose became proverbial, forever changing how Iranians would read the world. His essays on leading literary figures, such as Nima Yooshij and Sadegh Hedayat, remain among the most insightful works of literary criticism in the language.

Perhaps his most controversial text was an autobiographical confession titled Sangi bar Guri (A Tombstone), in which he wrote candidly and subversively about his inability to have children, his extramarital affair, and his exceedingly loving but troubled relationship with his wife, Simin Daneshvar.

Simin Daneshvar, Jalal's wife, was a towering literary figure in her own right

Daneshvar (1921-2012) was a towering literary figure in her own right; her masterpiece novel, Savushun, was a landmark in modern Persian fiction. The couple cut an exceptionally powerful set of public personae and deeply influenced each other’s work. The recent publication of their extensive correspondences has shed light on a crucial aspect of the private and public lives of prominent couples in Iran.
Critical revaluation

Al-e Ahmad died at the age of 45, purportedly from a sudden heart attack, though it has also been claimed that he was poisoned by the agents of Savak, the Shah's secret police.

His wife’s eulogies for her husband today read as landmarks of literary prose, illuminating the deepest aspects of love. They were written with a forgiving soul that turns troubled realities into enduring truths.

Soon after his death, and upon the violent triumphalism of the Islamic Republic that took over after Iran’s 1979 revolution, the legacy of Al-e Ahmad became as divisive as his lifetime achievements. Iran’s ruling elite began actively incorporating his memory into the ideological apparatus of the Islamic Republic, naming highways after him, printing stamps in his honour, and giving literary prizes to commemorate his legacy, while paradoxically, the English translation of his travelogue to Israel turned him into a fully fledged Zionist.


'The Shah is gone': Revisiting the Iranian revolution 40 years later
Read More »

As his detractors began blaming him for the atrocities of the Islamic Republic, the vast and variegated contours of his short but exceptionally fruitful life were lost and neglected in the process.

My renewed interest in Al-e Ahmad, which led to my critical revaluation of his life and legacy, was prompted by a need to retrieve the cosmopolitan disposition of the age that gave birth to his character and the rich body of work he left behind. In doing so, I also paid closer attention to his relationship with Daneshvar, detailing how their respective voices had become dialogical.

My paramount concern was to retrieve a mode of being a Muslim in the world, in which a towering Muslim intellectual was embracing the planet in all its contradictions and paradoxes, rather than dismissing and rejecting them in an act of futile piety or staged resentment.

Good or bad, pleasant or nefarious, critical or implicated, Al-e Ahmad represented a moment in a Muslim’s intellectual engagement with the world when banal sectarian divisions or deeply alienated triumphalism had not distorted the rich and effervescent intellectual legacy of Islam.

It is in that sense that the legacy of Al-e Ahmad as “the last Muslim intellectual” becomes a prelude to a post-Islamist liberation theology, which shimmers in the future of the Muslim world.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.



Hamid Dabashi is Hagop Kevorkian professor of Iranian studies and comparative literature at Columbia University in the City of New York. His latest books include Reversing the Colonial Gaze: Persian Travellers Abroad (Cambridge University Press, 2020), and The Emperor is Naked: On the Inevitable Demise of the Nation-State (Zed, 2020). His forthcoming book, On Edward Said: Remembrance of Things Past, is scheduled to be released by Haymarket Books later this year.
Expect a Full Pink Moon to Shine This Entire Weekend

The full moon sets behind Stonehenge in Amesbury, England, on April 27, 2021. (Finnbarr Webster/Getty Images)

Apr 15, 2022

April’s full moon will illuminate the sky this entire weekend, and while it’s called the pink moon, it’s not actually that color.

The pink moon will appear full from early Friday to Monday morning, according to NASA. It will be at its peak fullness on Saturday, April 16, at 2:55 p.m. ET.

The moon is associated with the springtime blossoming of the Phlox subulata plant, a pink wildflower native to eastern North America, according to The Old Farmer’s Almanac. The plant is commonly known as creeping phlox, moss phlox, or mountain phlox.

Native American names for April’s full moon were homages to the spring season, according to The Old Farmer’s Almanac. The Dakota tribe dubbed it the “moon when the streams are again navigable,” while the Tlingit tribe called it “budding moon of plants and shrubs,” in reference to the end of winter and the resurgence of plant growth.

The pink moon also aligns with several religious holidays, according to NASA. It’s called the Paschal moon in the Christian ecclesiastical calendar, because it’s the full moon before Easter. For Hindus, this moon marks Hanuman Jayanti, the celebration of the Hindu monkey deity Lord Hanuman. The pink moon is Bak Poya for Buddhists, especially in Sri Lanka, and commemorates Buddha’s visit to the island country, where Buddha prevented a war by settling a dispute between chiefs.

Unlike the last two years, this April’s pink moon will not be a supermoon. However, it still comes with its own folklore. According to The Old Farmer’s Almanac, “A full moon in April brings frost. If the full moon rises pale, expect rain.”

“There certainly is a chance of rain or frost this weekend. There is also a chance of neither,” said CNN Meteorologist Judson Jones. “But in some areas of the Midwest, people will see some below-average morning temperatures this weekend, which may leave them wishing for a pale moon.”

After the pink moon, there are eight full moon events still to come in 2022, with two of them qualifying as supermoons. Here’s a list of the remaining moons for 2022, according to the Farmers’ Almanac:

May 16: Flower moon
June 14: Strawberry moon
July 13: Buck moon
August 11: Sturgeon moon
September 10: Harvest moon
October 9: Hunter’s moon
November 8: Beaver moon
December 7: Cold moon

While these are the popularized names associated with the monthly full moons, the significance of each one may vary across Native American tribes.


Jackie Robinson was a radical – don’t listen

to the sanitized version of history


“I cannot stand and sing the anthem. I cannot salute the flag; I know that I am a Black man in a white world.”

The Conversation
April 14, 2022


In our new book, “Baseball Rebels: The Players, People, and Social Movements That Shook Up the Game and Changed America,” Rob Elias and I profile the many iconoclasts, dissenters and mavericks who defied baseball’s and society’s establishment.

But none took as many risks – and had as big an impact – as Jackie Robinson. Though Robinson was a fierce competitor, an outstanding athlete and a deeply religious man, the aspect of his legacy that often gets glossed over is that he was also a radical.

The sanitized version of the Jackie Robinson story goes something like this: He was a remarkable athlete who, with his unusual level of self-control, was the perfect person to break baseball’s color line. In the face of jeers and taunts, he was able to put his head down and let his play do the talking, becoming a symbol of the promise of a racially integrated society.

With this April 15 marking the 75th anniversary of Jackie Robinson’s breaking baseball’s color line, Major League Baseball will celebrate the occasion with great fanfare – with tributes, movies, TV specialsmuseum exhibits and symposia.


I wonder, however, about the extent to which these celebrations will downplay his activism during and after his playing career. Will they delve into the forces arrayed against Robinson – the players, fans, reporters, politicians and baseball executives who scorned his outspoken views on race? Will any Jackie Robinson Day events mention that, toward the end of his life, he wrote that he had become so disillusioned with the country’s racial progress that he couldn’t stand for the flag and sing the national anthem?

Laying the groundwork


Robinson was a rebel before he broke baseball’s color line.


When he was a soldier during World War II, his superiors sought to keep him out of officer candidate school. He persevered and became a second lieutenant. But in 1944, while assigned to a training camp at Fort Hood in Texas, he refused to move to the back of an army bus when the white driver ordered him to do so.

Robinson faced trumped-up charges of insubordination, disturbing the peace, drunkenness, conduct unbecoming an officer and refusing to obey the orders of a superior officer. Voting by secret ballot, the nine military judges – only one of them Black – found Robinson not guilty. In November, he was honorably discharged from the Army.

Describing the ordeal, Robinson later wrote, “It was a small victory, for I had learned that I was in two wars, one against the foreign enemy, the other against prejudice at home.”

Three years later, Robinson would suit up for the Dodgers.

His arrival didn’t occur in a vacuum. It marked the culmination of more than a decade of protests to desegregate the national pastime. It was a political victory brought about by a persistent and progressive movement that confronted powerful business interests that were reluctant – even opposed – to bring about change.

Beginning in the 1930s, the movement mobilized a broad coalition of organizations – the Black press, civil rights groups, the Communist Party, progressive white activists, left-wing unions and radical politicians – that waged a sustained campaign to integrate baseball.

Biting his tongue, biding his time

This protest movement set the stage for Brooklyn Dodgers executive Branch Rickey to sign Robinson to a contract in 1945. Robinson spent the 1946 season with the Montreal Royals, the Dodgers’ top farm club, where he led the team to the minor league championship. The following season, he was brought up to the big leagues.

Robinson promised Rickey that – at least during his rookie year – he wouldn’t respond to the verbal barbs from fans, managers and other players he would face on a daily basis.

His first test took place a week after he joined the Dodgers, during a game against the Philadelphia Phillies. Phillies manager Ben Chapman called Robinson the n-word and shouted, “Go back to the cotton field where you belong.”

Though Robinson seethed with anger, he kept his promise to Rickey, enduring the abuse without retaliating.

But after that first year, he increasingly spoke out against racial injustice in speeches, interviews and his regular newspaper columns for The Pittsburgh Courier, New York Post and the New York Amsterdam News.

Many sportswriters and most other players – including some of his fellow Black players – balked at the way Robinson talked about race. They thought he was too angry, too vocal.

Syndicated sports columnist Dick Young of the New York Daily News griped that when he talked to Robinson’s Black teammate Roy Campanella, they stuck to baseball. But when he spoke with Robinson, “sooner or later we get around to social issues.”

A 1953 article in Sport magazine titled “Why They Boo Jackie Robinson” described the second baseman as “combative,” “emotional” and “calculating,” as well as a “pop-off,” a “whiner,” a “showboat” and a “troublemaker.” A Cleveland paper called Robinson a “rabble rouser” who was on a “soap box.” The Sporting News headlined one story “Robinson Should Be a Player, Not a Crusader.” Other writers and players called him a “loudmouth,” a “sorehead” and worse.

Nonetheless, Robinson’s relentless advocacy got the attention of the country’s civil rights leaders.

In 1956, the NAACP gave him its highest honor, the Spingarn Medal. He was the first athlete to receive that award. In his acceptance speech, he explained that although many people had warned him “not to speak up every time I thought there was an injustice,” he would continue to do so.

‘A freedom rider before the Freedom Rides’

After Robinson hung up his cleats in 1957, he stayed true to his word, becoming a constant presence on picket lines and at civil rights rallies.

That same year, he publicly urged President Dwight Eisenhower to send troops to Little Rock, Arkansas, to protect Black students seeking to desegregate its public schools. In 1960, impressed with the resilience and courage of the college students engaging in sit-ins at Southern lunch counters, he agreed to raise bail money for the students stuck in jail cells.

Robinson initially supported the 1960 presidential campaign of Sen. Hubert Humphrey, a Minnesota Democrat and staunch ally of the civil rights movement. But when John F. Kennedy won the party’s nomination, Robinson – worried that JFK would be beholden to Southern Democrats who opposed integration - he endorsed Republican Richard Nixon. He quickly regretted that decision after Nixon refused to campaign in Harlem or speak out against the arrest of Martin Luther King Jr. in rural Georgia. Three weeks before Election Day, Robinson said that “Nixon doesn’t deserve to win.”

In February 1962, Robinson traveled to Jackson, Mississippi, to speak at a rally organized by NAACP leader Medgar Evers. Later that year, at King’s request, Robinson traveled to Albany, Georgia, to draw media attention to three Black churches that had been burned to the ground by segregationists. He then led a fundraising campaign that collected $50,000 to rebuild the churches.

In 1963 he devoted considerable time and travel to support King’s voter registration efforts in the South. He also traveled to Birmingham, Alabama, as part of King’s campaign to dismantle segregation in that city.

“His presence in the South was very important to us,” recalled Wyatt Tee Walker, chief of staff of King’s Southern Christian Leadership Conference. King called Robinson “a sit-inner before the sit-ins, a freedom rider before the Freedom Rides.”

Robinson also consistently criticized police brutality. In August 1968, three Black Panthers in New York City were arrested and charged with assaulting a white police officer. At their hearing two weeks later, about 150 white men, including off-duty police officers, stormed the courthouse and attacked 10 Panthers and two white supporters. When he learned that the police had made no arrests of the white rioters, Robinson was outraged.

“The Black Panthers seek self-determination, protection of the Black community, decent housing and employment and express opposition to police abuse,” Robinson said during a press conference at the Black Panthers’ headquarters.

He challenged banks for discriminating against Black neighborhoods and condemned slumlords who preyed on Black families.

And Robinson wasn’t done holding Major League Baseball to account, either. He refused to participate in a 1969 Old Timers game because he didn’t see “genuine interest in breaking the barriers that deny access to managerial and front office positions.” At his final public appearance, throwing the ceremonial first pitch before Game 2 of the 1972 World Series, Robinson observed, “I’m going to be tremendously more pleased and more proud when I look at that third base coaching line one day and see a black face managing in baseball.”

No major league team had a Black manager until Frank Robinson was hired by the Cleveland Indians in 1975, three years after Jackie Robinson’s death. The absence of Black managers and front-office executives is an issue that MLB still grapples with today.

Athlete activism, then and now


Athletes still face backlash for speaking out. When NFL quarterback Colin Kaepernick protested racism by refusing to stand during the national anthem, then-President Donald Trump said that athletes who followed Kaepernick’s example “shouldn’t be in the country.”

In 2018, after NBA star LeBron James spoke about a racial slur that had been graffitied on his home and criticized Trump, Fox News’ Laura Ingraham suggested that he “shut up and dribble.”

Even so, in the past decade, athletes have become more outspoken on issues of racism, homophobia, sexism, American militarism, immigrant rights and other issues. They all stand on Robinson’s shoulders.

It was Robinson’s strong patriotism that led him to challenge America to live up to its ideals. He felt an obligation to use his fame to challenge the society’s racial injustice. However, during his last few years – before he died of a heart attack in 1972 at age 53 – he grew increasingly disillusioned with the pace of racial progress.

In his 1972 memoir, “I Never Had It Made,” he wrote: “I cannot stand and sing the anthem. I cannot salute the flag; I know that I am a Black man in a white world.”

By Peter Dreier, E.P. Clapp Distinguished Professor of Politics, Occidental College

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Baseball greats, family honor Jackie Robinson

Baseball legends, fans and family gathered in New York to celebrate Jackie Robinson Day. Friday is the 75th anniversary of Robinson breaking the color barrier in Major League Baseball when he started for the Brooklyn Dodgers. (April 15)

 

Column: Remembering Jackie Robinson in town where it started

By PAUL NEWBERRY

1 of 10
A jersey of Jackie Robinson is displayed at the National Museum of African American History and Culture in Washington, commemorating the 75th anniversary of Jackie Robinson's integration of Major League Baseball, Thursday, April 7, 2022. Robinson became the first African American to play in Major League Baseball breaking the baseball color barrier on April 15, 1947, when he started at first base for the Brooklyn Dodgers. (AP Photo/Manuel Balce Ceneta)

Far off the beaten path, way down in southwest Georgia near the Florida state line, a remarkable life began in the most humble of circumstances.

Jackie Robinson was born just outside the small town of Cairo (pronounced “KAY-ro”), the child of sharecroppers struggling to make ends meet in the grinding poverty of the Jim Crow South.

As Major League Baseball honors the 75th anniversary of Robinson’s historic breaking of the color barrier, let’s not forget where he came from.

Robinson spent the first year of his life near Cairo. For decades, there was nothing to mark that he was ever there — a forgotten first chapter to one of America’s most significant stories.

That has changed over the last quarter-century.

There are now a pair of historic signs honoring Robinson — one downtown in front of the library, another at the remnants of the rural shack where he was delivered by his grandmother, a midwife, on Jan. 31, 1919, less than three months after the end of World War I.

Even more significantly, the Jackie Robinson Boys & Girls Club was founded about a dozen years ago, striving to create a better life for Cairo’s young people, many of whom still face some of the same challenges that Robinson did a century ago.

Stephen Francis, the club’s director, proudly notes that it’s the only Boys & Girls Club in the entire world to bear Robinson’s name.

Its mission certainly would’ve met with his approval.

“Being named after Jackie Robinson makes us feel a little more special than the normal Boys & Girls Club,” Francis said. “But it’s also a great responsibility with what he stood for. We have to uphold that and pass it down to the children in our daily programs and the life skills that we teach. We want to make sure we’re instilling the character that Jackie Robinson stood for.”

What was that?

“It’s OK to fall as long as you get back up,” Francis replied. “Failing is not falling. Failing is giving up when you fall. You’re gonna go through some things. But if something is worth it, it’s worth fighting for.”

The Jackie Robinson Boys & Girls Club was at the center of a big celebration Friday.

In a most fitting gesture, the Atlanta Braves brought their World Series championship trophy to Robinson’s birthplace on Jackie Robinson Day.

The whole town was buzzing over its appearance.

“People are cleaning their yards like the the trophy is coming to their house,” Francis said, chuckling. “They’re cutting their grass and washing their cars and getting their hair done. It’s like a big party.”

Dr. Linda Walden was among those who planned to attend the trophy celebration. She wouldn’t have missed it for the world.

Walden is a third cousin of Robinson’s. A native of Queens, she never met Robinson — who died in 1972 at age 53 — but moved to Cairo in the mid-1990s to start a much-needed medical practice in an area that played such a significant role in her family’s history.

She was stunned at what she found — or, more accurately, what she didn’t find.

No statues. No monuments. Not even a simple marker to commemorate this is where it all began for Robinson. Heck, he wasn’t even in the Georgia Sports Hall of Fame (which finally inducted him in 1998).

Maybe that was only natural since Robinson spent such a short time in Georgia. After his father left the family, his mother packed up Jackie and his four siblings and moved to Pasadena, California in search of a better life.

Even so, Walden has dedicated much of her life outside of medicine to making sure that Cairo is remembered for more than its famous syrup.

She now owns the site where Robinson was born. A fence protects the grounds, though all that is left is a brick chimney. The abandoned structure burned down long ago.

Walden also had a historic marker installed, which sadly became a symbol of just how far we have to go in this country. Vandals damaged the plaque with gunshots. She suspects it was the work of racists who were none too pleased with the progress that Robinson fought for throughout his all-too-short life.

“I’m gonna let God handle all that and take care of whoever did it. He has his ways to dealing with people,” Walden said. “But it’s really disappointing that people would show the ugly face of racism that still exists. I just pray for those people.”

Fortunately, the nasty part of the story takes a more promising turn. MLB made a $40,000 donation that got the ball rolling to install not one, but two replacement markers. One at the library, where more people in the town of roughly 10,000 would be able to see it, and another at the birthplace outside the city limits.

“Birthplace of Jackie Robinson: First African American in Modern-Day Major League Baseball,” the marker says.

A dedication ceremony for the new plaques was held in January.

“I’m very proud,” said Walden, who still gets emotional every time she talks about her distant relative. “This means his legacy will continue. Those signs represent the man and the resilience of Jackie Robinson. They’re a symbol of hope, a symbol of courage, a symbol of confidence and determination, a symbol of excellence. No matter what, we can achieve.”

The damaged sign, meanwhile, was shipped to the Negro Leagues Baseball Museum in Kansas City. Missouri, which held its own event Friday to unveil the marker “as a reminder that the ugliness of America’s past persists to this day.”

It will remain on temporary display through mid-August, said Raymond Doswell, the museum’s vice president and curator. Then it will become part of a permanent exhibit.

“We’re not going to try to repair it,” he said. “We want to show people his humble origins, and at the same time show with the damaged marker that the fight against racism and violence continues.

”We have a long, long way to go.”

We’d like to see MLB take another big step to honor Robinson’s legacy.

Bring a real big league game to the town where it all started.

Already, MLB has constructed a pair of temporary stadiums to host a one-off game at the Fort Bragg military base in 2016 and the wildly popular “Field of Dreams” game in Iowa that will have an encore in 2022.

How about a “Jackie Robinson Day” game in Cairo next April 15 between the home-state Braves and the Los Angeles Dodgers, the team that Robinson played his entire big league career for while they were in Brooklyn?

The Braves could wear replica uniforms from the Atlanta Black Crackers, the city’s Negro Leagues team. The Dodgers could don the caps they wore during the Robinson era, adorned with a “B” rather than “LA.”

Walden has long dreamed of raising funds to build a field that could host big league teams in Cairo. This seems like a perfect opportunity for MLB to step up again to honor its most significant ballplayer and, hopefully, boost waning interest in the national pastime among Black Americans.

If a fictional movie is worthy of a special game, Jackie Robinson most certainly is, too.

His story really happened.

___

Paul Newberry is a national sports columnist for The Associated Press. Write to him at pnewberry(at)ap.org or at https://twitter.com/pnewberry1963

___

More AP MLB: https://apnews.com/hub/mlb and https://twitter.com/AP_Sports
Putin’s other war zone --- Africa --- goes barely noticed

Francis Karugu, Dc Report@ Raw Story
April 16, 2022

The late Robert Mugabe

As Vladimir Putin wages war in Ukraine, little attention is being paid to how he has long waged a quiet campaign to win the hearts of African strongmen.

Over the last decade, Russia’s involvement in Africa largely escaped world attention as the world focused more on ISIS in Iraq and Syria and the Taliban in Afghanistan. As a result, Russia stealthily cemented ties with many African countries during this period, including Togo, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Uganda, and the Central Africa Republic.
The two dictators spoke like economic sanctions are a good thing, an honor even.

Putin’s Russia uses private military companies to support dictatorial African regimes in Sudan and the Central Africa Republic. From the Central African Republic, to Chad, Congo, Rwanda, and Sudan to Uganda, Putin’s weaponry and military training have kept African dictators as ruthless as Putin in power.

Name any dictator in Africa — Teodoro Obiang Nguema of Equatorial Guinea, Salva Kiir of South Sudan, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni of Uganda, the late John Pombe Magufuli of Tanzania, Dennis Sassou Nguesso of Congo — and you will find unholy alliances with Vladimir Putin.

Putin hosted an initial Russia-Africa summit at the Black Sea resort city of Sochi in 2019. All 54 African nations sent delegates. They discussed increasing sales of Russian grains and other foodstuffs to Africa, along with killing machines.

Weapons account for about 40% of Russian exports to Africa.

A Kremlin spokesman put the value of Russian food exports to Africa at $25 billion and weaponry at $15 billion. That is just shy of 10% of Russian exports that year.

During the summit, there were also discussions to allow more Russian deals to mine metals and extract oil in Africa. More oil and minerals mean more money to Russia for wheat and weapons.

What Putin had in common with some of his guests was lust for power and murderous hatred of dissent.

Misery companions

Misery loves company. Putin finds his in African despots who love Putin’s style of extinguishing dissent at home and using military firepower to stay in power.

Consider Robert Mugabe, the strongman who ruled Zimbabwe for 47 years. He flew to Moscow in 2015 ostensibly to discuss the defeat of Nazi Germany 70 years before. But this was not long after the West had placed economic sanctions on Russia for invading Ukraine’s Crimea, the first illicit seizure of land from a sovereign country since WWII ended and a precursor to the 2022 invasion of the rest of Ukraine, which is roughly the size of Texas.

Mugabe’s playful greeting to Putin: “You have sanctions, we have sanctions!”

The two dictators spoke like economic sanctions are good, like valorous medals or even scars from battlefield bravery. But these two earned their economic scars on the wrong battlefields through atrocities and oppression that made their countries pariah nations with troubled economies and widespread poverty.

Rigged Elections


Mugabe rigged elections and ruled Zimbabwe with an iron fist, just as Putin does in Russia. Unlike Putin, however, Mugabe ruled in an unholy alliance with his wife Grace. Her parading about wearing expensive high fashion in a desperately poor country earned her the nickname “Gucci” Grace Mugabe.

Putin smiled broadly during a photo-op with Mugabe, the man who turned an African breadbasket into a basket case. Zimbabwe’s economy per capita, measured in purchasing power equivalent dollars, is a scant $1,214. At the same time, neighboring Botswana’s economy generates five times as much, Russia at 11 and the United States at 54 times as much.

Putin remains in power as a modern tsar while Mugabe was ousted in a 2017 coup, his power eroded by years of economic decline and brutal repression of critics. He died in 2019, but that didn’t weaken the ties between Harare and Moscow.

The current ruler of Zimbabwe, Emmerson Mnangagwa, sided with Putin by abstaining from a United Nations debate over sanctions on Russia for its vicious invasion of Ukraine.

Mnangagwa is Mugabe’s former vice president, part of a thieving regime.

Since 2006, no Ugandan election can be said to have been free and fair. Uganda’s army is a ruffian collection of underpaid, sometimes undisciplined, gun-toting youth committing war crimes in Africa’s Great Lakes region – Lakes Victoria, Tanganyika, and Malawi — which hold even more water than the North American Great Lakes.

Lousy Pay


Putin’s army is comprised mainly of conscripts paid just $30 a month. Poor pay and draftee status may explain the Russian army’s appallingly poor performance in Putin’s current war against Ukraine.

Museveni used to be a darling of the West, primarily because of his rhetoric on democracy, his successful campaign against HIV infection and his contribution to the so-called war on terror, especially in the Horn of Africa.

Just as Putin makes the absurd claim that he is the legitimately elected leader of the Russian Federation, fellow dictator Museveni made the laughable claim last year that Uganda had the best democracy in the world.

Putin sent Semivolos Vladlen to Uganda as his ambassador in 2021 with a new mission. In a hushed brief, both parties indicated that Russia and Uganda would be entering into a serious partnership that will mix oil and military weaponry.

Oil Discovered

In the last decade, oil was discovered in Uganda, which could transform Uganda’s economy if petroleum exports begin as expected in 2024 or 2025. Revenue from black gold emboldened Museveni, who tightened his authoritarian grip on power.

Museveni holds his defense sector close to his chest, just like Putin in Russia. Oil money to buy weapons and pay soldiers is of close interest to Museveni as he works to stay in power for life.

Museveni runs the Ugandan People’s Defense Forces as his personal enterprise. It’s not exactly closely supervised in its outreach. Click on the official website URL produces a “this site can’t be reached” message.

Museveni came to power in 1986 with a coup staged by his guerrilla force, the National Resistance Army. He then became the latest in a long line of Ugandan military rulers.

The Resistance Army was among the first rag-tag militias in Africa that used child soldiers deployed to commit brute offensives on civilian targets. This army then converted into Uganda’s ruling political party, the National Resistance Movement.

That successful conversion from guerrilla military force to political party inspired other movements in East Africa, the African Great Lakes region and West Africa. In the 1990s and the 2000s, dozens of militias applied the Uganda model to disturb the peace, capture power and fight other guerilla movements.

Inside Uganda, Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army, and the ISIS-linked Allied Democratic Force, used Museveni’s military strategies.

Paul Kagame, the Rwandese strongman, created a child-soldier militia to capture power. So did the late Laurent Kabila, who toppled Congolese dictator Mobutu Sese Seko. Kagame and Kabila were proteges of Museveni. In fact, Paul Kagame was a general in Museveni’s NRA before forming the similarly organized Rwandan Patriotic Front, which captured power in Rwanda in 2000.

America Looks Away

These warlords rose to power in the 1990s, soon after the Iron Curtain fell with the 1989 collapse of the old Soviet regime in Moscow. Washington and Europe eased their involvement in Africa, contributing to the vacuum in which the wannabe dictators used violence to attain power.

Museveni, Kagame and Kabila had earlier proclaimed their Communist-Marxist inclinations. All three received covert support from China and Russia through Tanzania, where Julius Nyerere built close ties to both Moscow and Beijing and promoted communist economic policies in rural areas. Such policies failed.

The World Bank in Washington and European countries were, at the same time, pushing for expanded private enterprise in Africa.

Museveni and Kagame quickly transformed into small “d” democrats and declared themselves champions of market economies while dropping their freedom-fighter and communist tags.

At the same time, their benefactors were also transforming. China was developing its state capitalism model, while in 1998 Putin took over Russia together with his band of oligarchs. They ended up with the wealth of the old Soviet which, in theory at least, belonged to the proletariat, the people.

In 2011, Uganda’s GDP was $26 billion. Military spending accounted for 4% of that, more than double the norm in Europe. Putin spends 4.3% of his economy on war and is the fourth largest weapons exporter.

Relying on Russia

With increasingly cold relations with the West, Uganda relies heavily on Russia to feed its heavy-handed military. In 2011, Uganda spent close to $1 billion on Russian military equipment, including six Sukhoi Su-30MK2 fighter planes.

At ceremonies during the delivery of the Russian jets, Museveni declared that, unlike the United States and Europe, Russia doesn’t interfere with the politics of Uganda.

Museveni meant that he was free to use Russian arms to extinguish internal political competition with no fear that Moscow would stop weapons sales.

Indeed, with his Russian-equipped army, Museveni constricts political space for competitors such as Kizza Besigye, who has been his most fervent opponent since 2006. More recently, Museveni unleashed his military on supporters of another competitor, Robert “Bobbi Wine” Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, during the 2021 elections in Uganda.
Soviet-style purge

Museveni also has been purging military comrades using Soviet tactics in a plot to ensure that his son, Gen. Muhoozi Kaneirugaba, will consolidate power and be able to succeed him.

The Muhoozi Project, as it is known in Uganda, is a plan to eliminate all competition — political, financial, military – to Museveni’s rule. Army rank and file must toe his line. Soldiers suspected of dissent are destroyed financially, exiled or killed.

Applying a Putin-style rulebook that brooks no dissent, Museveni uses three methods:
Consolidation of military power with himself as the top general while his son Muhoozi Kaneirugaba commands land forces.

Unleashing his police, whose leaders are military officers, on supporters of opponents such as Bobbi Wine and Kizza Besigye.

Eliminating internal opposition within ruling his NRM party.

This third method is perhaps the most important to Museveni. Only a few of the upper echelons from the original bush comrades remain today as Museveni is fast eliminating them through assassinations, exile, forced retirement and financial ruin.

Among those cast out are Gen. Mugisha Muntu (dishonorably discharged from the military, his businesses destroyed by the state); Gen. Henry Tumukunde (exiled and facing state-sponsored prosecutions on trumped-up charges); Gen. David Tiyefunza (exiled); Gen. Kale Kayihura (charged with high treason, stripped of rank and politically ruined).

Last year a rising political figure, Gen. Katumba Wamala, survived an assassination attempt.

When time runs out for Museveni, his intended successor may not be up to the job. While his favored son holds the rank of general, he is known as a spoiled brat, has no combat experience, and owes his good fortune entirely to his father’s largesse.

Museveni’s bush comrades despise the son.

A scheme known as the “Muhoozi Project” began a decade ago when Museveni brought his son Muhoozi into the army. Journalists who report on this are prosecuted, as are citizens who dare to speak up.

Paranoid Pals


Just like Putin, Museveni is a paranoid man fearful of those around him who might challenge his power.

This Putin-inspired pattern has been observed with other African strongmen. In Chad, military dictator Idris Deby kept an iron grip on the landlocked West African nation of more than 16 million people. After his assassination in 2021, the Russians continued supporting his successor, his son Mahamat Deby.

Putin has sold weapons to the Deby regime for over a decade, becoming the murderous regime’s primary backer.

At the same time, France and the United States helped prop up Deby’s government because of his support for counterterrorism operations in the Sahel and the Lake Chad basin while simultaneously turning a blind eye to his repression and violations of social and economic rights at home.

Since Deby’s assassination, Putin has deployed forces in Libya, Sudan, Central Africa Republic, and Nigeria. Russia is the main military ally of Chad’s neighbor to the south, the Central Africa Republic, where human rights abuses are routine.

In the Republic of the Congo, Putin’s oligarchs provide a lifeline for the dictatorial regime of Denis Sassou-Nguesso. Sassou-Nguesso, a military strong man, has been in power since 1979, except for a five-year hiatus between 1992 and 1997.

Congo’s National Petroleum Company, a government enterprise, has deep ties with Russia’s Pipe Metallurgical Co. The oil company has been a cash cow for the Sassou Nguesso family.

Russia’s Deputy Defence Minister, Alexander Fomin, acknowledged in 2018 that Congo has lots of Russian-made military and special hardware dating to Soviet times. The Putin-Nguesso alliance means newer Russian military and police equipment for the Congolese dictator. Russian specialists also train the Congolese army, police, and the presidential guard.

Awful as Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is, it is part of a pattern in which Putin seeks to buoy murderous dictators in his quest to destabilize democracies and create a new world order run by the unaccountable.
Corporate America steps up to fight for abortion access — after backing anti-abortion Republicans

Jon Skolnik, Salon
April 16, 2022

Activists supporting a woman's right to choose to have an abortion protested 
in March 2020 outside the US Supreme Court(AFP)

Just after the Texas GOP's near-total abortion ban (S.B.8) officially took effect last September, companies like Uber, Lyft, Bumble, and Match parachuted into the political fray by providing their Texas-based employees with benefits packages designed to dampen the impact of the bill. Uber and Lyft, for instance, created legal defense funds for drivers who might be sued for providing rides to abortion doctors. And Match, which owns Tinder, a created relief fund for staffers and their dependents seeking to get an abortion outside the Lone Star State. This week, Citigroup and Yelp vowed to cover similar out-of-state care for their employees, a move that no doubt reinforces Corporate America's veneer of progressivism as more Republican-led states – like Idaho, Oklahoma, Arizona, South Dakota – join the race to pass draconian restrictions.

But campaign finance records reveal that at least four out of the six named companies donated heavily to anti-abortion Republicans over the past three decades, underscoring the ongoing disconnect between Corporate America's professed principles and its pocketbook.

Over the past three decades, Citigroup has donated over $6.2 million to the Republican Party, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. In Texas, for instance, Citigroup has given at least $452,370 to various GOP candidates, including the state's vehemently anti-abortion governor, Greg Abbott ($258,370), as well as many of the S.B.8's legislative sponsors. Most notably, the company has directed at least $2,000 toward the bill's chief architect, state Sen. Bryan Hughes.

In Oklahoma, which made abortion provision a felony by up to ten years in prison, Citigroup has lined up the campaign coffers of state Rep. Frank D. Lucas ($27,500), who has consistently voted to undermine abortion access, as well as U.S. Sen. James Lankford, R-Okla. ($7,000), who just this year described himself as "the leading voice in Congress for the protection of life."

Citigroup declined to respond to Salon's request for comment.


Yelp's political contributions similarly fly in the face of its recent stance on abortion, despite the company's reported "progressive" workplace.

Since 2014, Yelp has contributed at least $71,600 to both state and federal Republicans across the country, donating thousands to anti-abortion lawmakers like U.S. Sen. Mike Lee, R-Utah ($5,400), Louisiana Attorney General Jeff Landry ($5,000), Utah Attorney General Sean Reyes ($8,000), and former U.S. Rep. Randolph Farenthold, R-Texas ($5,500). The company has also donated to the National Republican Senatorial Committee, whose current chair, Sen. Rick Scott, R-Fla., rolled back abortion protections as the governor of Florida in 2016, imposing heightened requirements on abortion clinics and prohibiting them from collecting taxpayer dollars.

Asked about these donations, a Yelp spokesperson told Salon that the company's "limited and bipartisan government relations effort is focused on advocating for antitrust policies that rein in Big Tech."

"We take action against abortion bans that violate women's individual freedoms in a number of ways, including evaluating our employee benefits, using our voice to call out these inequities, making sure that when people visit our platform they can find the trusted information they need about the services they are looking for, and donating to organizations that are fighting the legal battle against abortion bans, as well as those that provide reproductive health services and financial support to underserved women," they said.

Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.

Needless to say, none of this is untrue – at least on paper. In 2019, for example, Yelp signed the "Don't Ban Equality" letter condemning S.B. 8. And last year, it began double-matching employee donations to organizations that are pushing back against the measure. But still, these kinds of gestures are incredibly misaligned with the company's political contributions, said Jennifer Stark, Senior Director of Corporate Strategy at the Tara Health Foundation.


"Companies need to align their political giving with [their rhetoric and benefits policies] so that women and people of color and LGBTQ+ community are no longer the collateral damage of corporate political giving," Stark told Salon in an interview. "You can't really 'op-ed' or 'statement' your way out of where we're at. It takes structural reform on multiple levels."


Even ride-sharing services like Uber and Lyft, which profit disproportionately from users in Democratic-led cities, bear responsibility in fueling the GOP's war on reproductive rights.

Uber has spent at least $78,000 on state and federal Republicans over the span of eight years, including anti-abortion advocates such as Illinois state Rep. Jim Durkin ($7,500), former Illinois state Sen. Bill Brady ($7,500), Georgia state Sen. Steve Gooch ($5,000), and California state Rep. Janet Nguyen ($4,900). The company has also given $100,000 to the Florida Republican Senate Campaign Committee, whose beneficiaries in the legislature recently passed a ban on abortion after fifteen weeks into pregnancy.

Uber did not respond to Salon's request for comment.

Lyft has followed a similar pattern, donating at least $175,614 to state and federal Republicans over the past eight years. Among its most notable beneficiaries are Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp ($3,000), who signed a "fetal heartbeat" bill in 2019, former Missouri Gov. Eric Greitens ($2,500), who in 2017 signficantly curtailed the state's access to abortion options; Gerogia Senate President Pro Tempore Butch Miller ($2,000), who is angling to pass a state measure along the lines of S.B.8; and Tennessee state Rep. Glen Casada ($2,000), who has consistently fought for a total ban on the abortion.

Likewise, Lyft has donated $101,100 to various GOP groups, like the Florida Republican Party ($30,000), the Texas Republican Legislative Caucus ($20,000), and the Senate Republican Caucus of Tennessee ($5,500).

Asked about these donations, a Lyft spokesperson told Salon that the company "could not be clearer about our stance on this issue."

"We believe women should be able to exercise their right to choose and have access to the healthcare they want and need," they added. "We are committed to providing support for the drivers on our platform which is why we created a Driver Legal Defense Fund to cover 100% of legal fees for drivers sued while driving on our platform."

While abortion may be the latest issue in which Corporate America has found itself torn between good business and bad politics, it's certainly not the only one.

Last year, Popular Information reported that 25 major U.S. corporations who advertised their support of Pride month donated over $10 million to lawmakers who have fought to curtail LGBTQ+ rights.

And while big companies like Amazon, Starbucks, and Microsoft issued commitments to promoting diversity, equity, and inclusion, many continue to sit on and donate to police foundations, which allow police departments secretly green-light off-the-books expenditures for initiatives that disproportionately harm people of color.

Most notably, after the Capitol riot, much of big business announced that it would halt donations to any lawmakers who objected to the 2020 presidential election. Two years later, dozens of companies have completely reneged on this pledge, donating nearly $5 million to insurrectionist political groups and members of the Sedition Caucus, according to the government watchdog Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW).


"We've only seen a handful of companies stick to their commitments to quit giving to folks that wouldn't certify the election," Stark said. "We want corporate America, who will continue to give to both sides for as long as it's in their interest … to demand candidates that are less extreme, to demand a better quality of moderate. I think that is what we can and should hope for.
ECOCIDE
Ship carrying 750 tons of fuel sinks off Tunisia's southeast coast

Agence France-Presse
April 16, 2022

The ship started taking on water seven kilometers off the Gulf of Gabes in southeast Tunisia, not far from the beaches on the island of Djerba. 
Photo taken on July 9, 2011. © Paul Schemm, AP

A tanker carrying 750 tonnes of diesel fuel from Egypt to Malta sank Saturday in the Gulf of Gabes off Tunisia's southeast coast, sparking a rush to avoid a spill.

"The ship sank this morning in Tunisian territorial waters. For the moment, there is no leak," local court spokesman Mohamed Karray said.

A disaster prevention committee would meet in the coming hours "to decide on the measures to be taken", he added.

The Equatorial Guinea-flagged Xelo was headed from the Egyptian port of Damietta to the European island of Malta when it requested entry to Tunisian waters on Friday evening due to bad weather.

The tanker is 58 meters (63 yards) long and nine meters wide, according to ship monitoring website vesseltracker.com.

It began taking water around seven kilometers (over four miles) offshore in the Gulf of Gabes and the engine room was engulfed, according to a Tunisian environment ministry statement.

It said Tunisian authorities evacuated the seven-member crew.

Environment Minister Leila Chikhaoui was traveling to Gabes "to evaluate the situation... and to take necessary preventive decisions in coordination with the regional authorities", a ministry statement said.

Authorities have activated "the national emergency plan for the prevention of marine pollution with the aim of bringing the situation under control and avoiding the spread of pollutants".

Court spokesman Karray said the Georgian captain, four Turks and two Azerbaijanis were briefly hospitalized for checks and were now in a hotel.

The defense, interior, transport and customs ministries were working to avoid "a marine environmental disaster in the region and limit its impact", the environment ministry said.

Before the ship sank, the ministry had described the situation as "alarming" but "under control".

The Gulf of Gabes was traditionally a fishing area but activists say it has suffered from pollution due to phosphate processing industries based near the city of Gabes.

The last maritime accident involving the country was in October 2018, when Tunisian freighter Ulysse slammed into the Cyprus-based Virginia anchored about 30 kilometers (20 miles) off the northern tip of the French island of Corsica, sending hundreds of tonnes of fuel spilling into the Mediterranean.

It took several days of maritime maneuvers to disentangle the boats and pump some 520 cubic meters of propulsion fuel, which had escaped tanks.
Al Jazeera investigation ‘Myanmar’s State of Fear’ wins top award

Collaboration between 101 East and AJ Labs amongst top jury picks at prestigious data journalism award.


Published On 15 Apr 2022

Al Jazeera’s digital interactive investigation, This is Myanmar’s State of Fear, has been recognised at the prestigious Sigma Awards 2022.

Honouring the very best of data journalism worldwide, This is Myanmar’s State of Fear, was one of just 12 winners chosen by the Sigma Awards panel of judges from a pool of more than 600 entries from 86 organisations in 28 countries.

A collaboration between Al Jazeera English’s investigative documentary team, 101 East, and Al Jazeera’s digital unit, AJ Labs, the digital interactive investigation exposed cases of alleged torture, mysterious deaths, disappearances, and detention without charge in the months following the military coup in Myanmar in February 2021.

As a forensic, data-driven investigative project, the State of Fear digital interactive drew upon testimonies by those detained by the military, field reportage, and satellite technology to reveal the full extent of the violence forced on the civilian population by the military. The project also utilised data from Myanmar’s Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP).

In the making of State of Fear, Al Jazeera’s 101 East investigative documentary team uncovered a secret facility in a military compound on the outskirts of Myanmar’s largest city, Yangon. Working with the University of London’s Forensic Architecture team, Al Jazeera was able to first locate and then digitally recreate the compound, which was allegedly used for the interrogation and abuse of prisoners.

Sigma Awards Managing Director Simon Rogers said the competition continues to be the global standard for data journalism.

“I was incredibly impressed by the quality of work we saw this year,” Rogers said.

“To be coming through a pandemic and seeing data journalism around the world play such a powerful global role is really inspiring,” he said.

Al Jazeera’s 101 East reporter Ali Fowle thanked Sigma for the award and congratulated the extraordinary team effort that State of Fear involved.

“It is vitally important to shed light on the dire situation in Myanmar,” Fowle said.

“This data-driven project combined investigative reporting and impactful production to document the six months following the military coup on February 1, 2021. It is a lasting digital resource for online audiences,” she said.

101 East’s Senior Supervising Producer Nick Olle said the award was pleasing in light of Al Jazeera English’s commitment to journalistic collaboration.

“At 101 East, we’re keen to deliver more than just video documentary content and it was great to work with AJ Labs and the University of London’s Forensic Architecture team on this creative data-driven project,” he said.

Supported by the Google News Initiative, the Sigma Awards celebrate the very best data journalism from around the world.

Winners for 2022 can be found in the Sigma Awards winners gallery on Facebook.





SOURCE: AL JAZEERA

The banned weapon Russia (and the US) won’t give up

Why war crime investigators are looking for cluster bombs in Ukraine.

In Ukraine, human rights investigators like Amnesty International and Bellingcat have been tracking Russian attacks to aid in a potential war crimes investigation. One thing they’re paying special attention to is cluster bombs. Cluster bombs were first used in World War II, and scatter numerous smaller bombs over a wide area — often killing civilians. It’s this indiscriminate nature that often makes their use a war crime.

Our modern conception of war crimes was established by a series of treaties whose creation spanned decades. In 1977, one of those treaties banned what’s known as “indiscriminate attacks.” That means militaries are legally prohibited from attacking an area imprecisely, in a way that can harm civilians.

Russia is not alone in using these weapons: In conflicts since the 1977 treaty, many militaries continue using them in civilian areas, with impunity, including the US. This video explains how they’re being used by Russia, and why places like the US and Russia just won’t give them up.

This video is part of our ongoing, broader coverage of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. For more videos that provide historical context to the headlines in the news today, watch our playlist here.

The Hoplite



Russian POM-3 anti-personnel landmines documented in Ukraine (2022)
Mick F. & N.R. Jenzen-Jones
ARES

On the 28 March 2022, a pro-Ukrainian Facebook account posted several pictures of Protivopekhotnaya Oskolochnaya Mina 3 (противопехотная осколочная мина; ПОМ-3; POM-3) scatterable anti-personnel (AP) landmines and one КБ ПОМ-3 (KB POM-3) cassette—each holding four POM-3 mines—apparently taken in Kharkiv Oblast, in the east of Ukraine (bordering the Russian Federation). These images show markings which indicate that the KB POM-3 was produced in 2021, implying that the mines were likely also produced very recently (see Figure 1). Unlike display examples photographed in 2019, marked “КПОМ-3”, the cassette recovered in Ukraine is marked “КБ ПОМ-3”, possibly standing for кассета блок противопехотная осколочная мина (Kasetta Blok Protivopekhotnaya Oskolochnaya Mina 3; ‘cassette block POM-3’), instead of simply ‘cassette POM-3’

.
Figure 1 Four POM-3 AP mines and one KB POM-3 cassette, recorded in Kharkiv Oblast, Ukraine (source: ARES CONMAT Database via Олександр Мар’яш).

The POM-3 was unveiled in 2015 as the successor to the Soviet POM-2 series of scatterable AP mines. The POM-3 (sometimes referred to as the ‘Медальон’, or ‘Medallion’) is manufactured by JSC NPK Tekhmash, and uses a seismic proximity fuze—the seismic sensor embedded into the ground upon contact—to detect human footsteps, collecting data on vibrations proximate to the mine and comparing this data with seismic signatures in the munition’s onboard catalogue. If the vibrations are similar enough to the correct seismic signatures in the landmine’s memory, and have sufficient and increasing amplitude (indicating movement towards the mine), the munition is triggered. After the mine is triggered, an expelling charge detonates, projecting the warhead to approximately 1–1.5m above ground level, at which point the warhead detonates. This ‘bounding’ action maximises the lethality of the munition, project fragmentation at a height more likely to strike vital organs in a target’s body. The POM-3 is has a fragmenting body consisting of numerous ‘toothed’ rings that are stacked in a slightly offset manner to produce the mine‘s partially pre-formed fragmentation effect (see Figure 2). A parachute orients the mine after it is deployed from its cassette.

Figure 2 The fragmenting body of the POM-3 scatterable AP mine and a visualisation of its general fragmentation patter (source: TV Zvezda).

The mine is purportedly equipped with artificial intelligence (AI) that can recognise friendly soldiers, thus minimising the risk of collateral damage. This claim has not been established by independent sources. Additionally, the landmine can be armed for a variable period; after this it disarms itself. Claims that the mine can differentiate between soldier and civilian seem implausible given what has been made public about the mine’s sensors. It is possible that a magnetic influence sensor may be present or have been intended for future development. Deliveries of POM-3 AP mines to the Russian military started in early 2019
.
Figure 3 A POM-3 scatterable AP mine, recorded in Kharkiv Oblast, Ukraine
 (source: ARES CONMAT Database via Олександр Мар’яш).

The POM-3 is deployed by the ‘remote mining engineering system’ (инженерная система дистанционного минирования; Inzhenernaya Sistema Distantsionnogo Minirovaniya; ISDM) Zemledeliye (Земледелие; ‘Agriculture’), built by NPO Splav around a KamAZ-6560 8 × 8 vehicle. The ISDM first debuted at the Moscow Victory Day Parade in May 2020, and began to be issued to Russian troops toward the end of that year. The Zemledeliye minelaying system fires four-metre-long, 140 mm over-calibre rockets (with 122 mm rocket engines), each carrying an undisclosed number of KB POM-3 cassettes. Given the estimated overall length of the KB POM-3 as between 450 and 500 mm, it is estimated that each four-metre-long KIB rocket can carry 3 KB POM-3 cassettes, for a total of 12 POM-3 landmines per rocket.

Each Zemledeliye minelaying vehicle carries two blocks of 25 launch tubes, for a maximum total of 50 rockets dispersing an estimated total of 600 POM-3 landmines. Each block of 25 launch tubes, called a ‘transport and launch container’ (Транспортно-пусковые контейнеры; Transportno-puskovyye konteynery; TPK) weighs 3.8 tons, and can be transported and loaded separately. The Zemledeliye system is able to deploy a minefield at a distance of 5 to 15 km. According to Russian state sources, the vehicle’s sensors automatically creates a digital map of the minefield after it has been laid. The weapon has now been deployed in the area of Kharkiv City (Kharkiv Oblast) during the recent Russian invasion of Ukraine. At least two vehicles were documented firing their rockets at an unknown target. One video shows full salvos of 50 rockets being fired from two vehicles. 

Figure 4 A Zemledeliye ‘ISDM’ minelaying vehicle pictured in 2020
 (source: Vitaly V. Kuzmin).

JSC NPK Tekhmash has also designed the POM-4, which is a scatterable anti-tank (AT) landmine, and was reportedly working on a multipurpose (anti-tank and anti-personnel) landmine designated POM-5, which likely finished development in late 2020.
Technical Specifications

POM-3 scatterable anti-personnel landmine
Height: 200 mm
Diameter: 60–70 mm
Weight: 1.3 kg
Fragmentation: ~1,850 fragments
Effective range: 8–13 m (depending on if protective equipment is worn)
Shelf life: 11 years
Number of POM-3 mines in KB POM-3 cassette: 4

Figure 5 POM-3 scatterable AP mine (centre-right) and KPOM-3 cassette (rear-right) on display at the International Military-Technical Forum ‘ARMY-2019’ (source: soyuzmash.ru).

KIB rockets*
Diameter: 140 mm (122 mm rocket motor)
Overall length: 4,000 mm
Weight: 100 kg

*Russian army designation unknown at this time

Figure 6 KIB rockets fired by the Zemledeliye minelaying vehicle (source: Rostec).

Special thanks to Charlie Randall and Ivan Kochin.
Sources

ARES (Armament Research Services). n.d. Conflict Materiel (CONMAT) Database. Confidential. Perth: ARES.

Drozdenko, Dmitry. 2017. Проклятие вражеской пехоты: чем страшна мина ПОМ-3 [‘The curse of the enemy infantry: what is the terrible POM-3 mine?’]. Zvezda. 26 September. <https://tvzvezda.ru/news/201709260758-b9rq.htm>.

Gurov, S.V. 2021. Опытная инженерная система дистанционного минирования “Земледелие” [‘Experimental engineering system for remote mining “Agriculture”’]. Ракетная Техника. 21 May. <https://missilery.info/missile/isdm>.

Gurov, S.V. 2022. Иностранное СМИ о боевом дебюте инженерной системы дистанционного минирования “Земледелие” в ходе специальной военной операции ВС РФ [‘Foreign media about the combat debut of the “Agriculture” remote mining engineering system during a special military operation of the RF Armed Forces’]. Ракетная Техника. 30 March. <https://missilery.info/missile/isdm>.

Kirill, Ryabov. 2022. Противопехотная мина ПОМ-3. Современное оружие для современной войны [‘Anti-personnel mine POM-3. Modern weapons for modern warfare’]. Военное Обозрение. 2 April. <https://topwar.ru/194251-protivopehotnaja-mina-pom-3-sovremennoe-oruzhie-dlja-sovremennoj-vojny.html>.

Rostec. 2020. Ростех начал поставки машин дистанционного минирования «Земледелие» в войска [‘Rostec began deliveries of “Agriculture” machines for remote mining to the troops’]. 24 December. <rostec.ru/news/rostekh-nachal-postavki-mashin-distantsionnogo-minirovaniya-zemledelie-v-voyska/?sphrase_id=4835768>.

Rostec. 2021. Ростех показал на «Армии-2021» боевые возможности новейших систем ТОС-2 и ИСДМ [‘Rostec showed combat capabilities of the latest TOS-2 and ISDM systems at Army-2021’]. 23 August. <https://www.rostec.ru/news/rostekh-pokazal-na-armii-2021-boevye-vozmozhnosti-noveyshikh-sistem-tos-2-i-isdm/?sphrase_id=4835768>.

TASS. 2019. В России до конца 2020 года создадут многоцелевые мины нового поколения [‘In Russia, by the end of 2020, a new generation of multi-purpose mines will be developed’]. 15 December. <https://tass.ru/armiya-i-opk/7352759>.

Union of Machine Builders of Russia. 2019. ‘«Армия-2019»: «Умные» мины от концерна «Техмаш»’. <https://soyuzmash.ru/news/companies-news/armiya-2019-umnye-miny-ot-kontserna-tekhmash/>.

Voyennoye Obozreniye. Применение новейшей системы дистанционного минирования «Земледелие» под Харьковом показали на видео [‘The use of the latest remote mining system “Agriculture” near Kharkov was shown on video’]. Военное Обозрение. 27 March. <https://topwar.ru/194033-primenenie-novejshej-sistemy-distancionnogo-minirovanija-zemledelie-pod-harkovom-pokazali-na-video.html>.

World War III. 2015. Противопехотная мина “Медальон” ПОМ-3 – новинка ВПК России [‘Anti-personnel mine “Medallion” POM-3 – a novelty of the military-industrial complex of Russia’]. 12 November. <http://www.3world-war.su/vooruzhenie/vooruzhenie-rossii/1168-protivopehotnaja-mina-medalon-pom-3-novinka-opk.html>.

Remember, all arms and munitions are dangerous. Treat all firearms as if they are loaded, and all munitions as if they are live, until you have personally confirmed otherwise. If you do not have specialist knowledge, never assume that arms or munitions are safe to handle until they have been inspected by a subject matter specialist. You should not approach, handle, move, operate, or modify arms and munitions unless explicitly trained to do so. If you encounter any unexploded ordnance (UXO) or explosive remnants of war (ERW), always remember the ‘ARMS’ acronym:

AVOID the area
RECORD all relevant information
MARK the area from a safe distance to warn others
SEEK assistance from the relevant authorities