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Saturday, June 27, 2026

After the DSA’s Political Earthquake in NYC, Will the Tremors Be Felt Elsewhere?

Establishment Democrats are on the back foot after candidates backed by Democratic Socialists of America swept races.
June 25, 2026

Supporters of NYC Congressional Candidate Claire Valdez celebrate as she is announced the winner of her race during her primary night watch party at 99 Scott Studio on June 23, 2026, in East Williamsburg, Brooklyn, New York City.Michael M. Santiago / Getty Images

The establishment wing of the Democratic Party is reeling in the wake of the stunning democratic socialist victories in New York City this week, as races won by progressive challengers exposed different facets of the establishment’s increasingly tenuous hold on its voters.

And the drama is not over yet: The next test of democratic socialism’s appeal will come on June 30, when newcomer Melat Kiros, who has the support of Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) and Justice Democrats, faces off against Diana DeGette in Colorado’s 1st congressional district.

This week in New York City, all three candidates who defeated Democratic Party establishment candidates had a political brand in common: They were progressive insurgents who ran in opposition to Israel’s genocide in Gaza, and all three were endorsed by New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani. Two — Claire Valdez and Darializa Avila Chevalier — were endorsed by the New York City Democratic Socialists of America (NYC-DSA).

For the NYC-DSA, these results are a continuation of the momentum the organization has built since Mamdani surged to win the mayoral primary last year. “Because of Zohran and NYC-DSA’s success in 2025 and continued success governing the city, we can clearly make the case to voters that being represented by a democratic socialist means their life will change for the better,” NYC-DSA co-chair Grace Mausser told Truthout. Each candidate made Mamdani’s endorsement, and campaign stops with him, a core part of their pitch to voters.

In New York’s 10th congressional district, which covers parts of lower Manhattan and some of Brooklyn’s wealthiest neighborhoods, former city comptroller Brad Lander easily dispatched incumbent Dan Goldman. Meanwhile, in New York’s 7th district, Valdez triumphed over Brooklyn borough president Antonio Reynoso by a margin that topped even the most optimistic polling for her in the days leading up to the election. And, in the showstopper of the night, Avila Chevalier, a political newcomer, defeated Rep. Adriano Espaillat, a longtime congressional representative and the powerful head of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus.


Further down the ballot, the winning streak continued for democratic socialist and progressive candidates.

Further down the ballot, the winning streak continued for democratic socialist and progressive candidates. Ten DSA-backed candidates won their races for state assembly and senate seats in New York City districts, while another two democratic socialists, Adam Bojak and Jo Bennett, won state elections in Buffalo and Syracuse.

Conrad Blackburn, who was endorsed by the DSA but not Mamdani, lost a primary for the state assembly, as super PACs spent more in this contest than in any New York City race to defeat a DSA candidate.

The political implications for the Democratic Party’s establishment wing are dire. In three congressional primaries, voters spurned candidates who, in prior cycles, would have been seen as shoo-ins to win their elections. The results on June 23 were tantamount to a rejection not just of the individual candidates backed by the party establishment, but of the entire politics that they represented.

Brad Lander Wins After Criticizing Israel’s Genocide in Gaza

Lander ran in a district where he had deep roots and leveraged the visibility he gained during New York’s mayoral primary last year to crush Goldman by more than 30 points. Lander became well known in the mayoral primary for his cross-endorsement of Mamdani at a time when the future mayor was being falsely smeared with accusations of antisemitism. Lander, who has been the highest-ranking Jewish official in New York City for several years, gave Mamdani cover at a time when it seemed that the spurious accusations might hurt his candidacy. Now, Mamdani has repaid the favor, campaigning energetically with Lander over the closing days of the race and helping to deliver the Democratic nomination to him.

Lander’s race also highlighted the growing split among Democratic Party voters over the issue of support for Israel. Goldman spent his two terms in Congress as an unflagging supporter of Israel, refusing to call its actions in Gaza genocidal and voting against attempts to rein in weapons sales to the country. That support dogged Goldman throughout the campaign; at one point he was banned from a coffee shop in his district that wrote on social media that it “[didn’t] need [Goldman’s] money (it’s probably coming from AIPAC anyways).” The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) donated at least $370,000 to Goldman directly in this cycle, with more cash coming from AIPAC-aligned donors.

Lander, meanwhile, has explicitly referred to the killing in Gaza as genocidal and campaigned with the backing of progressive Jewish groups like Jewish Voice for Peace and IfNotNow. That Lander scored such a resounding victory in a congressional district with one of the highest Jewish populations of any in the country is an even more stark reminder of how toxic the AIPAC brand has become in Democratic primaries, even among districts with many Jewish voters.


“For years, elected officials treated the New York Jewish community as though we were a political monolith … Those days are over.”

“For years, elected officials treated the New York Jewish community as though we were a political monolith,” Jewish Voice for Peace Action’s political director, Beth Miller, told Truthout. “Those days are over. This city is home to hundreds of thousands of unapologetically progressive Jewish people who are committed to justice and dignity for all people, from their neighbors in New York City to Palestinians living under Israeli genocide and apartheid.”

Lander’s victory, and those of Valdez and Chevalier too, speaks to growing discontent with Democratic Party policy toward Israel within its base. Eight in 10 Democrats now have an unfavorable view of Israel, while Democrats in the House and Senate are still divided over whether to condition arms sales to Israel, much less fundamentally alter the U.S. relationship with the country. In the view of Jewish Voice for Peace and other organizations that supported Lander, that disconnect was on full display on June 23. “New Yorkers care about moral consistency and are inspired to canvass, to call their friends, to take action when they see candidates who will be real fighters for our communities,” said Miller.


Grassroots Canvassing Paves Way for Claire Valdez and Darializa Avila Chevalier



Valdez’s race, meanwhile, pitted the progressive face of New York City establishment politics against the more insurgent, firebrand political tendency that the DSA represents. Antonio Reynoso, the Brooklyn borough president, was endorsed by numerous stalwarts of the pre-DSA progressive political ecosystem in the city. The Working Families Party backed Reynoso, as did a number of labor locals and prominent local progressives, including New York City Public Advocate Jumaane Williams and longtime Donald Trump antagonist New York Attorney General Letitia James. These endorsements were not enough to overcome the campaign’s field operation though, which, in the run-up to the election, reported that it had knocked on over 300,000 doors in the district. The margin of victory as of the evening of June 24 was about 13,500 votes.

This expression of raw power in DSA and aligned groups’ field operation should be deeply concerning for establishment Democrats. Over the last decade, the NYC-DSA has steadily built a formidable base of volunteers who now number in the thousands. This feat is not easily replicated, especially by a Democratic Party mainstream that is still suffering from lagging enthusiasm, with only about half of Democrats feeling the party’s views are “about right” and just under 70 percent having a favorable opinion of their own party.


Over the last decade, the NYC-DSA has steadily built a formidable base of volunteers who now number in the thousands.

Finally, Darializa Avila Chevalier’s stunning upset victory over Adriano Espaillat may be the most ominous for establishment Democrats in the city. Espaillat, who has been in Congress since 2017, was seen in the early days of the primary as a firmly entrenched incumbent with deep ties both to the Latino power base in his district and powerful allies in Washington, D.C. Chevalier, a political newcomer who had organized with Columbia University students protesting the war in Gaza, was initially seen as a long-shot candidate. Beyond that, the district is far away from New York’s so-called Commie Corridor, a band of younger, underemployed New Yorkers who have reliably voted for left-leaning candidates over the last few cycles. Espaillat’s district is older and poorer, with a working-class base that has neighborhood roots stretching back generations.

Espaillat, like Goldman, was attacked on the basis of his support for Israel while in Congress and was criticized by Chevalier for being slow to support Mahmoud Khalil and other Columbia students who were persecuted by the Trump administration for their advocacy for Palestine. The campaign took on ugly racial undertones in the days leading up to the election, with Chevalier’s supporters accusing Espaillat’s supporters of playing on anti-Haitian racism within the district’s Dominican communities by inaccurately “calling Darializa Haitian as though that were a slur.” (Avila Chevalier’s parents are both from the Dominican Republic.)

In the end, Chevalier eked out a win of just over 2,000 votes, completing the left’s sweep of congressional primaries in the city. Once again, the establishment candidate was apparently overwhelmed by the insurgent’s field operation: Chevalier’s campaign knocked north of 75,000 doors, in a district where just over 65,000 total votes were counted.


Support for Democratic Socialists Is Also Rising in Other States



The wins in New York come on the heels of a banner 12 months for leftist candidates. Mamdani’s stunning primary win last June was the starting horn for a series of wins by democratic socialists that have taken place mostly in large cities on both coasts.

In Philadelphia, Chris Rabb won his congressional primary with the backing of DSA and will join Valdez and Chevalier as the newest democratic socialist members of the House of Representatives in January 2027.

In Seattle, democratic socialist Katie Wilson assumed office on January 1, 2026, after winning the general election in November 2025.

And, just last week, Janeese Lewis George, another self-described democratic socialist, won the mayoral primary in Washington, D.C.; she will soon join the cadre of socialist mayors leading large U.S. cities.


The drama is not over yet: The next test of democratic socialism’s appeal will come on June 30 in Colorado’s 1st congressional district.

Despite these wins, democratic socialist candidates have still struggled to win elections outside of large, urban power centers. On June 23, results outside of New York were less encouraging for progressive and democratic socialist candidates. In Utah, Nate Blouin — who had been endorsed by prominent national progressives like Sen. Bernie Sanders, Rep. Pramila Jayapal, and Rep. Ro Khanna — lost his primary race by a wide margin. And in Maryland, where a glut of candidates vied for retiring Rep. Steny Hoyer’s seat, Adrian Boafo emerged victorious. Boafo had the enthusiastic backing of AIPAC and pro-crypto groups, which reportedly spent $11 million on his behalf.

With less than a week to go, all eyes will now turn on the June 30 primary in Colorado. If the left can round out this primary season with a win in a state not traditionally considered a stronghold for socialists, it will cement the last 12 months as the left’s most electorally successful in decades. Colorado’s 1st district covers parts of Denver and some of its suburbs; it will present a test of whether Melat Kiros’s democratic socialist message resonates with voters in a district that, while deep blue, is a far cry from the demographic makeup of those where left candidates have found success on the country’s coasts. With backing from DSA and Justice Democrats, Kiros has been running a competitive campaign. A progressive-leaning polling organization had her leading DeGette by five points in a recent survey, and she has raised over $600,000 in her campaign.

If Kiros is successful in pulling off the upset, it will be another sign that establishment Democrats are on the outs with voters. If not, it may be a signal of the limits of democratic socialism’s appeal to the broader Democratic Party electorate, at least so far.


This article is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), and you are free to share and republish under the terms of the license.


Sam Rosenthal
Sam Rosenthal is the political director at RootsAction and serves on the Democratic Socialists of America’s National Electoral Committee. He was formerly a staffer at Our Revolution and lives in Washington, D.C.

This Fight Within the Democratic Party Is About Which Future We Get

The party is trying to get born again. This is a fight worth having.



New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani speaks during a primary-night watch party for NYC Congressional candidate Claire Valdez at 99 Scott Studio on June 23, 2026 in the East Williamsburg neighborhood of the Brooklyn borough in New York City.
(Photo by Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images)



Corbin Trent
Jun 25, 2026
Common Dreams


The Democratic Party is trying to get born again.

For forty years it didn’t want to be. Since Reagan, the Democrats stopped fighting the world he built and started managing it. Bill Clinton signed NAFTA and sent the factories south. He signed the crime bill Joe Biden wrote and helped fill the prisons. He ended welfare and called it reform. He tore down the wall between the banks and your money, and a few years later the banks lost your money and got bailed out for it. Obama bailed them out, let the houses go, deported people by the millions, and kept the drone war and the surveillance state running without missing a step. On the things that decide who holds power, money and war and the police and the spying, our party and theirs were one party. That was never where they fought.

What they fought over was the rest of it, and even there they did the least they could get away with, because anything real would have cost their donors. They told us things were getting better and better. They told us they were on our side. They put out a statement for women and Black people and immigrants and Latinos every time one was due, and then they went back to managing the decline. And every couple of years they came back and told us this was the most important election of our lifetimes, so hold your nose and vote, and we did, and the rent went up anyway.

The left is connecting now because it tells the same truth and points it the right way. America is falling apart, and it didn’t fall by accident, and the people who broke it are not the busboy or the kid at the border.

Then Trump stood up and said the whole thing was a fraud and the country was a wreck. Media talking heads were appalled. They laughed at him. But he connected, because it rang true. We’d been told for thirty years that we’d never had it so good while the ground gave out under us, and here was a man saying out loud that it was a lie. The trouble was where he pointed. Trump took the truth of our condition and aimed it straight down, at the immigrant and the poor and the weak and the despised, the people with the least power in the whole arrangement. He found the real anger and fed it to the worst part of us.

The left is connecting now because it tells the same truth and points it the right way. America is falling apart, and it didn’t fall by accident, and the people who broke it are not the busboy or the kid at the border. We’ve been unjust. We’ve been immoral, paying for a genocide in Gaza with our own tax money while we couldn’t house our own people. We are failing, and we need to be redeemed. Trump never offers that last part, because his whole act runs on it being someone else’s fault. The left says it plain. We did this, and we can undo it, and we can make this country great, the real kind, not the red hat version.

So this is a fight about which future we get. One is the future the war party keeps selling, a trillion-dollar arsenal standing guard over a pile of money while the killing goes on. The other one has to be built, and it starts by telling the truth about where we’re standing. The whole question is which one we choose.

On Tuesday we got our first real look in a while at people choosing the hard one. Zohran Mamdani is the mayor of New York, and he spent his own standing to back primary challengers against sitting Democrats. Three of the House candidates he backed won, two of them democratic socialists. They ran against the party that signed the checks for Gaza, and they won anyway. Krystal Ball put it as plain as anybody, that the real radicals are the politicians who back the killing of children. Jaime Harrison, who used to run the party machine, told people like Mamdani that if they hate the Democratic Party they should stop using its name and go build their own. We’re not going anywhere. The party was never Harrison’s to hand out, and the people who actually built it just voted for the truth.

It’ll be loud and it’ll be ugly, and men like Jaime Harrison will keep telling us to leave. We’re staying, because the country is worth saving and we’re the ones who’ll do it.

We’ve been here before, and the last time we got it right. Between the 1930s and the 1960s, Democrats and socialists fought over the future and then they built one. They passed Social Security and the right to a union into law. They strung electric lines out to farms that had never seen a light bulb. They sent a generation to college on the GI Bill and gave the old and the poor a doctor with Medicare and Medicaid. They put us on the road to the moon. They built the biggest middle class the world had ever seen and pulled millions out of poverty doing it. They argued the whole way, and the country came out stronger for the fight.

But we forgot the other half of the job, which was the building. A roof you can afford. A doctor you can see. A job that holds a family together. We handed all of it to the market, and the market handed us back rent we can’t pay and care we can’t afford and kids who don’t believe they’ll ever own a home. The rights we won, for Black people and women and immigrants and gay and trans people, were real and worth every fight, but they don’t pay the rent, and the party that told us to clap never wanted to talk about the rent.

The Democratic Party needs a rebirth not a rebrand.

We’ve done it before, so we know it’s not a dream. We need a politics and an economy and a democracy and a country that works for all of us, and not for the shrinking few who bought up the last one. We can build that. And the thing they have left to stop us with is fear.

Jesse Watters went on television and said the New York socialists aren’t even socialists, they’re communists, and you can’t reason with them, you have to crush them. That’s the same move Trump makes, the powerful turning your fear on someone weaker than you. Be scared of your neighbor, and keep trusting the people who paid for a genocide and couldn’t fix a thing here at home. We’re done taking that.

So the party is trying to get born again. It’ll be loud and it’ll be ugly, and men like Jaime Harrison will keep telling us to leave. We’re staying, because the country is worth saving and we’re the ones who’ll do it. We tell the truth about how far we’ve fallen, and then we build our way back up. We make it great for real, or we don’t get it.


Our work is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0). Feel free to republish and share widely.


Corbin Trent
Corbin Trent is an Appalachian-born general contractor and political organizer. He co-founded Brand New Congress and Justice Democrats, helped recruit AOC, and served as her first communications director. He publishes AmericasUndoing.com, a project exposing America’s economic decline and calling for bold, public-led rebuilding. Find morework on his TikTok, YouTube, and Facebook channels.
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‘The Message Is Pretty Clear,’ Says Sanders After Progressive Wins in NY

“The American people—in New York and all across this country—are sick and tired of status quo politics... of a rigged economy... of billionaires and their super PACs buying elections.”



Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani hosted a get out the vote rally at the Kings Theatre in Brooklyn on June 18, 2026.
Photo by Selcuk Acar/Anadolu via Getty Images

Jessica Corbett
Jun 24, 2026
COMMON DREAMS


Democratic socialist firebrand US Sen. Bernie Sanders on Wednesday welcomed a wave of progressive primary victories in New York as proof that Americans “are sick and tired of status quo politics” and “want to end the corrupt campaign finance system, which enables billionaires to spend huge amounts of money to elect candidates who will represent their interests and go to war against working-class people.”

Sanders (I-Vt.) said so in a video posted on social media, as New York voters and progressives around the world celebrated Tuesday wins by Claire Valdez in New York’s 7th Congressional District, Brad Lander in the 10th District, and Darializa Avila Chevalier in the 13th District.

As Common Dreams reported earlier Wednesday, the trio campaigned on affordable housing, Medicare for All, stronger union protections, and an end to US military support for Israel’s genocidal assault on Palestinians—and all three were backed by New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani, a democratic socialist supported and even sworn in by Sanders.



“What we saw last night in New York City and what we’ve been seeing for the last few months all across this country—the message is pretty clear,” said the Brooklyn-born senator, who last year launched his Fighting Oligarchy Tour and this year has backed progressive candidates at various levels of government in the lead-up to the November midterm elections.

“People want change,” asserted Sanders, who sought the Democratic presidential nomination in 2016 and 2020. “Our job is to grow that movement. Volunteer. Run for office. Stand up and fight. We can win this thing if we stand together.”

While establishment Democrats in Washington, DC “downplayed the results, denying they reflected any major leftward shift nationally,” according to NOTUS, other congressional progressives joined Sanders in cheering the results in New York.

Sen. Ed Markey (D-Mass.) said that “last night in New York, we saw progressives win. And win big. Voters are making their voices heard—they’re done with the status quo, and they’re ready for a progressive majority. Happy to see our movement rising and to see the power of true grassroots organizing. Congratulations.”

Another Massachusetts Democrat, Rep. Ayanna Pressley, declared: “That’s right, a little louder for the folks in the back NY! The people demand and deserve elected officials who fight for working families, stand against genocide, reject corporate greed, and reject anti-Blackness. A more just America is possible, we’re building it together.”

Congratulating the trio along with Micah Lasher, the Democratic primary winner in New York’s 12th District, Congressional Progressive Caucus Chair Emerita Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.) said that “something powerful happened in New York last night. Four bold, people-powered candidates took on the Democratic establishment and won.”

“They ran on Medicare for All. On a public option for housing. On a foreign policy that centers human dignity over political convenience. And they won,” she continued. “This is what happens when movements build power. People-powered movements win.”

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, a New York Democrat who has become a leading progressive voice in Congress since her 2018 primary upset and overwhelmingly won in the 14th District on Tuesday, congratulated those four, plus Cait Conley in the 17th District, “on their impressive primary victories.”

“I look forward to working together as a delegation as we fight for working families across New York,” she said.


Beyond Capitol Hill, Ben Davis—who worked on the data team for Sanders’ 2020 campaign and is an active member of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA)—tied the developments in New York to Chris Rabb’s win in Pennsylvania’s 3rd Congressional District last month, after which “the left won across Los Angeles” and “swept the elections in the District of Columbia.”

Noting that in New York on Tuesday, DSA’s “down-ballot slate also swept across the board, taking out four incumbent state legislators,” Davis wrote for The Guardian that “the Democratic electorate has moved radically to the left over the past four years, and this will shape politics this year and for decades to come. There are a number of factors at play here, many of them long-term, but the magnitude of this shift shows a rapid movement among Democratic primary voters. This is spurred first by the second Trump administration.”

“The second major factor that needs to be mentioned is the impact of Israel’s assault on Gaza and its mass exposure,” he continued. “Democratic voters have turned sharply against Israel—within the Democratic coalition, this is now an 80/20 issue, while the party establishment and elected officials trail, having completely missed the moral outrage felt by the Democratic base and across the political spectrum.”

“Democrats are also moving to the left because of a generational shift. Sanders won large margins with Democrats under 35 in 2016. The oldest of those voters are now 45, but still voting the same,” he added. “Lastly, the left surge is based on a return to mass politics, specifically, DSA as a democratically run, member-funded organization.”

He concluded that “after the last month, Democratic leadership should be seriously taking stock of their position. The energy is on their left. The people are on their left. Democrats want fighters, and they want a politics rooted in the collective struggles of the masses, not decided in smoke-filled rooms. We still need moderate Democrats to win those pesky median voters, for now. But the party’s leadership is deeply out of touch with its base. A leftist wave is cresting across the country.”


Current Affairs editor in chief Nathan Robinson wrote Wednesday that “I feel like I’ve been waiting for this moment for 10 years. Back in 2016, it was frustratingly obvious that Sanders-style leftism, which centered the material needs of working people, was the best way to fight back against the Trumpian right. But Sanders could not defeat the party establishment in 2016 or 2020.”

During Democratic former President Joe Biden’s sole term, he noted, “DSA membership declined. Mamdani’s victory was an exciting moment, and he’s showing how democratic socialist politicians can both win and govern effectively. But I’m almost more excited by the congressional victories, because they show that the movement is growing beyond Mamdani, albeit with his help.”

“There is little room for error here,” he warned. “Socialists in power must be hyper-competent, so that voters can immediately see a clear contrast between the feckless Democratic establishment, which does not care about them, and the movement that prioritizes their most urgent needs and embodies their aspirations for a livable country. These candidates get that. They know that winning elections is actually the easy part, even though it is very hard. The most difficult work comes after, when you have to demonstrate that socialism is not a bunch of impossible ‘pie in the sky’ promises, but a set of workable ideas that will achieve results.”

“We are facing a once-in-a-generation opportunity to test our politics in practice,” Robinson added. “At last, the left has a real shot at taking power in places around the country. It is an exciting, unprecedented, and uncertain moment. Hopefully this new generation of socialists is up for the challenge. But the signs, so far, are encouraging.”



























Tuesday, June 09, 2026

Cancelling Billionaires: a Review

 June 8, 2026

Cancelling Billion: Cancelling Billionaires Before They Cancel Us: The Urgent Case for a Wealth Tax

By Linda McQuaig and Neil Brooks
Dundurn Press

 


It’s a bit difficult for me to read this book. That’s not the fault of the book, it’s well written and presents a solid case. It’s just that when you’ve seen Hamlet 50 times, the 51st might be a bit anticlimactic.

The basic story is one that, in my old age, I have seen many times. The rich are getting an ever-larger share of society’s income and wealth. The size of their fortunes does not in any plausible sense correspond to their contributions to society. In fact, as McQuaig and Brooks (MB) show, it often stems from corrupt deals.

This is told with a Canadian accent as the authors are both Canadian. This introduces those of us south of the border to some fresh villains, like retail pharmacy baron David Katz and hedge fund billionaire Conrad Black, rather than the usual accounts of Zuckerberg, Musk, Ellison and the rest.

They also point out that the rich have managed to reduce their tax burden over the last half century, leaving a larger share to be borne by the middle class and poor, often in the form of reduced public services. MB also give a good account of the evidence that higher taxes on the rich and less inequality are associated with better outcomes on a wide range of metrics most of us care about, such as health, education, democracy, gender equality, and environmental quality.

The book also has a discussion of various other efforts to tax the rich in addition to the wealth tax they push. I think they are a bit overly dismissive of the evasion/avoidance problem. The rich might be awful people, but they do care about their money. When it comes to finding ways to hang on to it, they can be very creative or at least hire people who can be very creative.

As a genuine libertarian (some do exist) explained to me many years ago, if you have a 90 percent top tax bracket, you are paying people 90 cents for each dollar of income they can hide. That is a serious incentive.

Anyhow, MB cite the work of Thomas Piketty, Emmanuel Saez, and Gabriel Zucman on how to design wealth taxes and minimize evasion/avoidance. These are outstanding economists who have done great work, but to my mind, the evidence is more mixed than MB suggest, but I would be happy to be shown wrong. With some luck we will get to test this proposition in California, where a 5% wealth tax is on the ballot this fall.

I would have been hesitant to push this initially. Its key feature is that the tax applies to people who lived in the state at the end of 2025. Some of the billionaires felt the threat serious enough that they moved or at least changed their official residence (these are very different things), prior to the December 31 deadline.

Having already chased away some of the excessively greedy rich, there seems little reason not to move ahead with the tax. California still has enough billionaires that it should raise a ton of money if it passes and survives the inevitable court challenges. In addition to giving the state more money to fund things like housing, education, healthcare and other vital needs, the tax will also give us important new evidence on the impact of these taxes.

As much as I would like to see wealth taxes and other taxes on the rich succeed, I still hold the view that it is better to structure the economy to not give so much money to the rich in the first place. MB are somewhat attentive to this issue, even if it is not the main focus of the book.

I have long focused on government-granted patent and copyright monopolies as interventions that transfer an enormous amount of money from the rest of us to the rich. Without these monopolies, centi-billionaires like Bill Gates and Larry Ellison might still be working for a living or surviving on their Social Security benefits. The sums involved are easily over $1 trillion a year, more than a third of after-tax corporate profits. And we would also eliminate a huge incentive for corruption, especially in the pharmaceutical industry.

We could also structure the financial sector to be less conducive to waste and big fortunes. A modest sales tax on financial transactions, like we have on food and clothes, would eliminate a huge amount of waste in the sector and also downsize many fortunes. Similarly, bankruptcy laws that held the PE folks liable for the debts of the portfolio companies they put into bankruptcy likely would have crimped the fortunes of industry barons like Steve Shwarzman.

I prefer nailing the rich before they get their money, both because it is much more efficient than trying to pry it back after the fact, but also because it takes away the rich’s shield, where they try to hide behind the free market. A government that funds research upfront and puts it all in the public domain is no less free market than a government that grants patent and copyright monopolies. Similarly, a government that taxes financial transactions, like every other item, is no less free market than one that makes a special exemption for the financial industry. And the market doesn’t tell us how to structure bankruptcy laws.

But I learned long ago that intellectuals don’t care much about intellectual consistency and the rest of the world never hears the argument. So, let’s nail the rich where we can.

Folks not familiar with the argument should read the book. Everyone should see Hamlet once, and two or three times will likely be worth it. Even the 51st time may still produce some value.

This first appeared on Dean Baker’s Beat the Press blog.

Dean Baker is the senior economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research in Washington, DC. 

Tuesday, April 07, 2026

 

Students prefer AI chatbots, until they know it is one


University of Cincinnati nursing professor studies AI chatbots in higher education advising



University of Cincinnati

Dr. Joshua Lambert, University of Cincinnati 

image: 

Dr. Joshua Lambert is an associate professor in the University of Cincinnati College of Nursing.

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Credit: Photo provided by the University of Cincinnati.





Do chatbots have a role in higher education?

It’s a question Joshua Lambert, an associate professor and biostatistician in the University of Cincinnati College of Nursing, is pondering. He’s turned to a group of his students to find out their thoughts about the helpfulness and satisfaction of a custom AI education chatbot

Lambert piloted his custom chatbot by examining how a small group of Doctor of Nursing Practice (DNP) students evaluated answers to a set of questions from three different sources: a professor, a graduate assistant and a chatbot. 

The results of the study have been published in the Journal of Nursing Education. This pilot project used a randomized, blinded, within-subjects comparison study with survey-based evaluation.

Seven doctoral students in the study submitted statistical questions related to their capstone projects and received blind responses from the professor, graduate assistant and chatbot. They rated each response on helpfulness, satisfaction and likelihood of use on a scale of one to five with the best being five. They then guessed which response came from the chatbot.

“Students first gave us their questions and then we gave them three responses back in a blinded and randomized fashion so students were unaware which response came from either the professor, graduate assistant or chatbot,” explains Lambert. “The students ranked each response in terms of helpfulness, overall satisfaction and guessed which of the three responses came from the chatbot.”

“The students rated the chatbot’s response the highest in terms of overall satisfaction and helpfulness,” adds Lambert.

The chatbot’s responses were preferred by the students, but Lambert thought the data offered a more nuanced story than originally thought. He found that when students were asked to guess what response came from the chatbot, the lowest rated responses in helpfulness and satisfaction were guessed as coming from the chatbot.

“Students preferred the large language model (LLM) chatbot’s responses when blinded yet demonstrated a bias against it when the source was suspected,” explains Lambert. “This bias is likely rooted in a lack of trust, and trust may influence AI adoption by both students and professors.

“The students rated the chatbot’s responses the highest yet consistently guessed the lowest rated response as the chatbot’s was very interesting and somewhat unexpected. Yet when we read the current academic literature on this topic, we found that user trust is an important component in almost all AI research right now,” says Lambert.

Other researchers in the study from the UC College of Nursing include Robyn Stamm, DNP, associate professor of clinical nursing; Shannon White, DNP, assistant professor in the doctor of nursing practice program; and Melanie Kroger-Jarvis, DNP, associate dean for graduate clinical learning programs. Bailey Martin, PhD, a postdoctoral research fellow at the University of Colorado Anschutz Medical Campus, is also a co-author of  the study.

Researchers in the study acknowledge that while the small sample size is appropriate for a pilot study, it is insufficient for determining adequate effectiveness. They suggest that larger studies, replicated in multiple sites with additional qualitative and quantitative data are needed to thoroughly evaluate AI chatbot tools in nursing education and advising.

“For this reason, the descriptive results should be considered an initial ‘first step’ toward understanding how such a tool may assist in student learning and consultation,” the researchers wrote in their study.

Lambert says he considered using the chatbot because students, like others, are sometimes hesitant to ask questions to another individual, particularly a professor, that might seem silly or make them appear as not so smart.

However, the chatbot won’t judge you based on your questions, he adds.

“Sometimes the topics we cover are challenging or intimidating,” says Lambert. “Educators want something that will lower the barrier so students can ask any questions they like.”

Funding for the study came from an internal grant from the University of Cincinnati College of Nursing to support conference attendance, participant reimbursement and software fees. The authors of the study report no potential conflicts of interest.

Read the story on the UC website.

Teachers tend to help the same kids repeatedly when using AI-powered tutoring tools




North Carolina State University





A new study finds teachers tend to provide assistance to similar subsets of students when using AI-powered educational tools, rather than touching base regularly with everyone in their classes. The findings could be used to develop tools that help teachers track their classroom interactions to ensure they are giving each student the attention they need.

“AI-powered tools are increasingly common in K-12 classrooms, but teachers still play a critical role,” says Qiao Jin, first author of the study and an assistant professor of computer science at North Carolina State University. “For this study, we wanted to examine how teachers who use AI-powered tools determine which students need help – and how those teachers actually distribute their time among their students.”

For this study, the researchers looked specifically at teachers using intelligent tutoring systems (ITS) to teach middle-school math. ITS are AI-powered software that responds to student activity to provide customized assistance through hints and feedback, as well as tracking student performance.

For the first part of the study, researchers interviewed nine middle school math teachers who used ITS in their classrooms. The interviews helped researchers understand how the teachers determine which students require an intervention (a teacher visit) and what kind of help the teachers provide.

“While teachers said it would be ideal to spend one-on-one time with every student, they noted that this is not possible,” Jin says.

Instead, the teachers made decisions about who to help based on many factors. Two of the most significant factors were whether a student had required assistance in the past, and a student’s “engagement state.”

“ITS can notify teachers when students have been consistently entering incorrect answers or have not interacted with the system for an extended time,” Jin says. “Those are engagement states called ‘struggle’ and ‘idle,’ respectively. And either of those engagement states might lead a teacher to touch base with the relevant students.”

To see how these teacher behaviors are reflected in practice, the researchers drew on data covering 1,437,055 interactions between students and an ITS. The data covers 339 students enrolled in 14 middle and high school math classes across 10 U.S. schools during the 2022-23 school year. All of the data the researchers looked at is data that the relevant teachers had access to via their ITS dashboards.

“We found that teachers are more likely to interact with students that they have interacted with before, even after considering who is engaged and disengaged in the classroom,” says Jin. “Basically, if a teacher has intervened to help a student in the past, they are more likely to intervene to help that student in the future.

“Teachers have their own definitions of fairness and their own understanding of student needs, based on their training and experiences,” says Jin. “We believe our findings can be used to develop software tools, such as dashboard features, that support teachers by giving them information they can use to make decisions about how they allocate their time in a way that is consistent with their definitions of fairness and student need.

“Teachers have a difficult job and developing better tools to help them do that job effectively is worthwhile.”

The paper, “Sticky Help, Bounded Effects: Session-by-Session Analytics of Teacher Interventions in K-12 Classrooms,” will be presented at the 16th Annual Learning Analytics & Knowledge Conference (LAK26) being held April 27-May 1 in Bergen, Norway. The paper was co-authored by YiChen Yu of NC State; and by Conrad Borchers, Ashish Gurung, Sean Jackson, Sameeksha Agarwal, Cancan Wang, Pragati Maheshwary and Vincent Aleven of Carnegie Mellon University.

The work was done with support from the Institute of Education Sciences of the U.S. Department of Education, under grant R305A240281.