Friday, November 22, 2024

PAKISTAN

Education: the economic angl
e


Ijaz A. Qureshi 
November 22, 2024 
DAWN




“The economy is the start and end of everything. You can’t have successful education reform or any other reform if you don’t have a strong economy.” — David Cameron


IN the age of information, economies are dependent on knowledge workers. The more innovative the higher education institutions in a country, the better the economy. Graduates produced without knowing what organisation they would be serving simply means the workforce isn’t market-ready.

This situation would not only create further stress for the graduates due to unemployment but would also burden the economy, ie, no value added. When the number of unemployed graduates rises, the youth will resort to activities that are not healthy for them and not supportive of the economy.

Worth mentioning here are two of our neighbours. The exports of India and Iran are continuously on the rise. The most important reason for this undoubtedly is the education system — what’s taught at university is helping the economy.

Software exports in India in FY2024 touched $205.2 billion; the US was the major destination, with 54pc of total exports reaching there and 31pc went to Europe, where the UK was the major destination. Overall, India’s exports are expected to cross $800bn across the world soon.

At the same time, our other neighbour, Iran, has touched $98.2bn in exports, despite being impacted by the serious economic sanctions imposed by the US and the European Union that prevent the country from reaching its full economic potential. While Indian exports include software products and services, plus other items, Iran is gradually moving from oil-only products to consumer goods and UAVs mostly used in warzones.

When a comparison is made with our neighbours’ export figures, Pakistani and global intellectuals and policymakers should sit up and reflect on the situation. Among the first questions that come to mind is: what are our universities doing and what contribution should they be making to economic growth in Pakistan?

It seems that our universities simply follow the ‘research publication’ area and overlook other extremely important responsibilities, such as best teaching practices, industry collaborations and engagement, and producing confident, knowledgeable students, who have been prepared for a cutting-edge world. International rankings show that Pakistan stands at number 30 out of 245 in the category of countries with the most publications in scientific research. Apparently, it has left behind countries like Singapore and other fast-moving economies. On the face of it, this might appear to be a convincing effort, but where is the reflection of this research work in the economy?

It seems like there is a numbers game when it comes to research publications. University faculties are financially rewarded for the number of publications they put out; it is a quick cash-creating win-win for authors and institutions. Authors get cash and their name is added to the existing list of publications, which the university in question reports to global ranking agencies for enhanced marketing results. The faculty is fully aware of the fact that working with industry won’t produce immediate results and neither will the university acknowledge the time and energy invested, as nothing is visible in the short run.

MS theses and PhD dissertations are completed as research articles — without any consideration for local industry. There are several benefits of involving local industry in university research activities. For example, students will not be unemployed after graduation. Secondly, they will receive a certain honorarium if projects are completed in collaboration with a local industry. And third, the university will correct its direction and build its reputation in a specific domain, like Stanford University has in science and technology, UC Davis in agriculture sciences and USC Los Angeles in film and communication.

For Pakistan, to catch up with its neighbours, it is imperative that higher education institutions set right their focus. They should target the industry in their community and work closely with them to add value. The cottage industry can produce high-value products. In some cases, university administrators who have never ventured into practical business would not understand the cottage industry and value addition. The idea is not simply to increase exports but to also add value to them — in a way that does not require expensive technology to complete this process. This is achievable provided there is a willingness to go the extra mile. An example of value-addition are dairy products — just one area that many of our small cities are known for.

The university regulators need to create a culture of increased industry engagement to enhance practical research skills and to boost the local economy through academic input. The colleges (now offering associate degree programmes) should be encouraged to adhere to professional qualifications — ADP in computer science, software engineering, and animation and game design can put our young researchers in the queue of professionals. They can then contribute towards turning around the country’s fortunes as freelancers or as employees of organisations working with foreign clients.

Finally, another important aspect missing in the university system is the training of students as members of customer services teams. Young graduates have no clue that in the US and Europe, it is normal for CEOs to be part of a team serving customers in the retail environment. The ability to communicate with foreign clients using correct and comprehensible language skills can also contribute to making our graduate market-ready and a real asset for industry.

The writer is the founding vice chancellor of the University of Sialkot and currently serves as the president of the JFK Institute, Lahore.
IjazQureshi@Berkeley.edu.

Published in Dawn, November 22th, 2024




Is the economy improving?

November 21, 2024 
DAWN




IT has now become a routine question. Every TV anchor and people I meet in any gathering all want to know: is it true that the economy is ‘improving’?

The short, and best, answer here is ‘yes and no’. Yes, because the deficits that plagued it have been plugged. No, because growth remains a far-off dream. The proper term to use is ‘the economy is stabilising’, but it is not yet, and will not be for a long time, ready to grow.

This presents a problem. Without growth, you don’t get employment generation to absorb the new entrants to the labour force, of which there are an estimated two million every year. You also don’t get income growth, meaning all the purchasing power that was destroyed in the inflationary fire of 2021 to 2024 will not be recovered. At least not in the near future.

But stability means the end of inflation, the plateauing out of prices which had begun to spiral out of control in early 2021 and reached an inferno by 2023. It means no shrill warnings of default, at least not for a few years, and no catastrophic deva­luations, rationing of foreign exchange reserves, import controls, and so on. All that belongs to the past now, mercifully. Pakistan dodged a bullet in the summer of 2022, when foreign exchange reserves ran so low that they brought the country to the very edge of a disorderly and potentially catastrophic default. Then it dodged the same bullet again, in the summer of 2023, when it returned to the same position one more time.

Until we see deep-rooted changes being implemented, we cannot say the economy is ‘improving’.

Since July 2023, a set of policies have been implemented steadfastly that have finally averted the dire situation we faced back then. These policies included a very high interest rate and very high tax burden to be borne mostly by those already in the tax net. Between them, these measures extinguished economic growth and choked much of the otherwise routine economic activity. But the net result was that the pesky current account deficit, which returns every few years to drain our foreign exchange reserves, vanished and turned into a surplus. And the fiscal deficit came under manageable control, despite some issues below the surface with provincial surpluses and other line items.

These deficits were the main reason why the country’s foreign exchange reserves had depleted and inflation reached historic highs. With both deficits under control, the reserves stabilised and prices plateaued. So far so good. We’re in a good place.

But we cannot stay here for very long. This stabilisation is what happens every time in the first year of an IMF programme. There are no surprises here. This is precisely what the IMF medicine is supposed to do. Every government that has ever implemented an IMF programme in its first year in power has touted these achievements as its success. This history goes back to 1988, and even earlier. It has happened every single time. A new government enters office. The economy is nearly bankrupt. The new government signs onto an IMF programme. In the first year of the programme the deficits stabilise, growth plummets, reserves rise. The government claims victory.

But the hard-fought stability that comes as a result of the painful decisions made under IMF auspices is only the beginning. The real story is in securing the kind of changes in the structure of the economy that will enable it to grow without depleting its foreign exchange reserves and giving rise to inflationary pressures. The real game is in ensuring growth returns, but either without the deficits that destabilised it, or with the deficits but an accompanying, sustainable way to finance them.

What exactly are these changes? Consider for example, the fact that the state cannot operate a national airline or a power sector without accumulating massive losses. Or consider that the country’s exports remain wedded to the same commodity they were wedded to in the 1980s: cotton. How do we operate state-owned enterprises in a way that doesn’t lead to the accumulation of such massive losses? How do we build an export base beyond cotton?

These are the kinds of questions that require answers urgently to make the transition from stabilisation to growth. But successive governments from 1988 onwards have failed to make this transition. This is the main reason we remain stuck in an endless loop of the same policies that first stabilise the economy, then pump it for growth which destabilises it again making another round of stabilisation necessary.

So if you want to know whether the economy is ‘improving’, ask yourself this question: are deep-rooted changes taking place? Or do you see even the beginnings of deep-rooted changes being brought about? The answer is a clear no. One feeble first step was just attempted in the privatisation of PIA, and we all saw how that ended in an embarrassing fiasco, so much so that various ministers in the government are now blaming each other for the mess.

Until we can see deep-rooted changes being brought about to improve power sector efficiency, a reduction in the rate of accumulation of the circular debt, broadening of the export base as well as the base of revenues, expenditure management, plateauing in the rate of debt accumulation (both domestic and external), rising rate of investment driven by rising domestic savings, and so on, until we can see changes of this sort happening, we cannot say the economy is ‘improving’. We can at best say the economy is ‘stabilising’.

Here is the big problem with stability: it is temporary. Having found a fragile stability, after almost 18 months of hard and intense discipline in the management of the macroeconomic fundamentals, the government now faces the real challenge of transitioning from stability to growth. How well they manage this will decide whether or not we are seeing ‘improvement’.

The writer is a business and economy journalist.
khurram.husain@gmail.com
X: @khurramhusain

Published in Dawn, November 21st, 2024
Edu-surveillance




Nazir A. Jogezai
Published November 23, 2024 



WITH the rise in insecurity, we have seen the increasing use of CCTV surveillance cameras and metal detectors in educational institutions globally. The security threats include, for example, school shootings in the US and attacks on schools in Pakistan. The use of surveillance technologies like CCTV may appear appropriate to combat insecurity faced by educational institutions, their staff, and students.

Although the initial deployment of CCTV cameras in many countries aimed to protect schools against dangerous outsiders, they soon extended across school playgrounds, hallways, classrooms, and libraries and even crept into more private spaces like staffrooms and locker rooms. Video scandals involving university students in parts of Pakistan and other societies have highlighted the abuse of such surveillance and have initiated a debate about its use in personalised areas and classrooms.

Educational institutions justify the use of CCTV surveillance cameras for access and conduct control, and evidence gathering. Access control is primarily associated with the protection of schools from dangerous outsiders. Conduct control is focused on making interventions to normalise school rules, such as attendance, assessment reports, uniforms, and punishments based on real-time monitoring. Evidence gathering is an effort to ease disciplinary investigation.

CCTV surveillance cameras have become the new administrative norm. They have proliferated to socially control a variety of student behaviours, including theft, bullying, truancy, smoking, and minor delinquencies, as well as to evaluate teachers’ performance and behaviour in the classroom.


The use of CCTVs in classrooms must especially be discouraged.


In classrooms, they perform mostly as disciplinary tools to control teachers and students, maintain discipline, and ensure utmost compliance with organisational regulations. They are also used to supervise, monitor, and judge students’ and teachers’ overall performance.

These technological surveillance services are cost-effective for educational institutes. However, they come at the cost of neglecting the development of students and impeding their transition to becoming responsible citizens, and confident, self-directed learners.

Such surveillance in classrooms and personalised places has adversely impacted students and staff, and have contributed to a negative psychology on their part and a feeling of reduced safety in schools and in the classroom in particular. In addition to harsh disciplinary practices, such surveillance has resulted in a strained relationship between schools, teachers, and students.

Recent educational research indicates that increasing implementation of very visible security measures — akin to a prison system — in educational institutions may gradually diminish mutual trust and have a detrimental effect on the learning environment, academic performances, and the social development of students. Research has also demonstrated that this hyper-surveillance has led to an increase in students’ feelings of mistrust, powerlessness, and vulnerability.

Students are more afraid of being observed, and they may consequently act in a way that is contrived because of the ‘observer effect’ that comes with CCTV cameras. Similarly, teachers will become demoralised at such an invasion of their personal and professional space and make attempts to counteract the surveillance through resistance.

Learning takes place in an environment of trust and healthy relationships between teachers and students and in a learner-friendly environment. CCTVs hamper the deve­lopment of an an­­xiety-free enviro­nment when ins­­­-

talled in classrooms and pers­o­nal spaces. Their presence heightens alertness, ca­­mouflages genuine behaviour, and may even lead to the display of fake conduct.

There is evidence that they are used to criminalise student behaviour, transforming the learning atmosphere into a hyper-surveilled one, resulting in risks to privacy and human rights, as well as to the health and academic performance of students. In fact, intensified surveillance in schools has led to a growing mistrust among and oppression of students.

One is not proposing to entirely avoid the use of CCTV surveillance, but it must not hinder the learning process, and personal growth of the learners or deplete trust in students and teachers, or generate a sense of personal insecurity. Their use in classrooms must especially be discouraged, and they should only be installed in places such as hallways and entrances. There should be proper rules and regulations for CCTV surveillance in educational institutes, which must be complied with. The consent of staff, students, and their parents must be obtained, and the school management must explain to them the purpose of CCTVs.

The writer is an educationist.

Published in Dawn, November 23th, 2024

The Glassworker has been long-listed for the 2025 Oscars

Usman Riaz’s hand-drawn animated film is officially eligible to be shortlisted in the Animated Feature and International Feature Film categories.



Images Staff
22 Nov, 2024
DAWN

Usman Riaz’s The Glassworker has made its way to the list of eligible films for the 97th Academy Awards.

The Academy released its list of eligible films for the 97th Oscars across the animated, documentary, and international feature categories on Thursday. The list includes a mix of major blockbusters and critically acclaimed projects, with entries from leading studios and independent creators.

Produced by Mano Animation Studios, The Glassworker is among 31 animated feature and 85 international feature contenders. This is a historic moment for Pakistan, given it is the country’s first animated submission to the Oscars.

As it meets the eligibility criteria, you can consider The Glassworker officially long-listed for the awards. Shortlists for the categories will be announced on December 17, narrowing the list ahead of the final nominations on January 23, 2025.

The nominees for each category are determined by a rigorous voting process: for Animated Features, members of the Academy’s Animation Branch evaluate submissions, while International Features require Academy members from all branches to meet specific viewing criteria.

In the animation feature category, the film is listed alongside animation powerhouses such as Pixar’s Inside Out 2, which has already made waves as the highest-grossing animated movie of all time, and DreamWorks Animation’s The Wild Robot.

Other notable entries in this category include Kung Fu Panda 4, Despicable Me 4, and the Japanese contender Kensuke’s Kingdom.

In the International Feature category, The Glassworker joins films from 84 other countries, including India’s Laapata Ladies, directed by Kiran Rao.

Palestinian submission From Ground Zero has also made it to the list. A 2024 anthology film directed by 22 different Palestinian directors, From Ground Zero is made up of 22 short films, including documentaries, fiction, animation and experimental films about the situation in Gaza as Israel continues its assault. The same list includes Israel’s submission Come Closer.

This year’s competition also includes critically acclaimed works such as France’s Emilia PĂ©rez, Germany’s The Seed of the Sacred Fig, and Brazil’s I’m Still Here.

The Glassworker, Pakistan’s first hand-drawn animated film, is set in a fictional world inspired by South Asian landscapes. The film follows the life of Vincent, a young glassworker, and his evolving relationship with Alliz, the daughter of one of his patrons. As they grow older, they find their personal and professional lives tested by the shadow of war and the complexities of human emotions. The film has been lauded for its stunning artistry, heartfelt storytelling, and musical score, all meticulously crafted by Riaz and his team.
Why Is Pakistan’s News Media Ignoring Gen Z?



Gen Z are interested in the news. They are just not interested in the way it is presented to them by the country’s news media organisations, argues Zahra Salah Uddin.

 07 Nov, 2024 

“No one watches TV anymore” is a common statement made by various marketers in our industry. Followed by: “I certainly don’t watch it; even my mom, who is over 60 watches all her dramas on online streaming platforms.”

To say that Pakistan is facing its most turbulent time (so far) comes with an eye-opening realisation of the importance of accurate, credible and innovative journalism. However, as the number of social media users rapidly increases, there has been a rise in disinformation online, leading to an overall distrust of the news altogether. All the while, the media is trying to come to grips with a decline in readership and falling ad revenues. Internationally as well, some of the biggest news organisations to report the news in innovative ways, like Vice and Buzzfeed, have closed down and many other global newsrooms have laid off hundreds of journalists.

According to the Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2024, a big shift in online platforms is taking place, and X, Meta and TikTok are actively working on changing their strategies when it comes to giving their audiences what they are looking for. According to the report, “TikTok remains the most popular with younger groups and, although its use for any purpose is similar to last year, the proportion using it for news has grown to 13% (+2) across all markets and 23% for 18- to 24-year-olds.”

So what does this mean for Pakistan? Is our news media ready to embrace this rapid tide of change?

As of January 2024, there are 71.70 million active social media users in Pakistan, but there is little to no understanding by the news media about the changes audiences want to see in their social media platforms.

According to Usman Azeem, a senior policy and social media researcher, “There is a severe lack of prioritisation in terms of the content created specifically for digital audiences. Even mainstream news media platforms (like Dawn.com or Tribune.com) post only 15 to 20% original content and the remaining 80 to 85% is a regurgitation of what has already been reported on TV or [in] print.”

TikTok is a unique platform because it uses various storytelling techniques and trends to impart information. These trends may include dances, makeup tutorials, or cooking videos, and they tell a story. According to Reuters’ digital report, there has been an increase in “news influencers” who go viral for their short videos, including explainers about breaking news and current affairs. Yet, for media organisations in Pakistan, TikTok is seen as a placeholder for news and information that has already been aired on television news bulletins – a medium in which Gen Z has an increasingly low interest.

Furthermore, mainstream media in Pakistan is becoming irrelevant due to regulatory controls and many forms of censorship. According to Azeem, “Journalists who have been fired from news channels due to alleged pressure from the state have found new homes on the internet. This, of course, also leads to mis/disinformation as well, but if there is an information vacuum, someone is going to fill it.”

Although global trends show that Gen Z is consuming less news compared to other age groups, in Pakistan, young people are becoming more politically engaged because of social media platforms.

Here, it is important to keep in mind that Pakistan has the world’s largest Gen Z cohort, with 60 to 65% of its population below the age of 30 (in 2022). Yet, it also seems that in Pakistan, news organisations see young people as just a number, unlike the rest of the world, where the Gen Z demographic holds great importance for advertisers and media organisations in terms of how they tell the news.

The ability of young people to shape perceptions, trends, and policies is seen as very important, but that is not the case in Pakistan. There is no youth-centric news coverage. We spend most of our time talking at young people rather than talking to them. This is a social problem rather than just a news media problem.“

In Azeem’s opinion, Pakistani news media are adopting a one-size-fits-all approach rather than developing content for specific audiences.

As TikTok gains popularity among young people for news as well as entertainment, it remains deeply misunderstood by people in positions of influence, including government officials and media editors. TikTok is seen as a platform where people indulge in non-serious videos, yet the reality proves this not to be the case. The success of TikTok has led other platforms such as Instagram and YouTube to create their own versions of short-form news and entertainment with Instagram reels and YouTube shorts.

Azeem says that there are almost 55 million TikTok accounts in Pakistan as of January 2024 and this includes the rural areas.

In fact, politicians have used the platform to reach out to their rural constituents. “The rest of the world has understood this, and every major political leader and government body has a TikTok account. Short-form content, particularly for news media, is the new reality.” In his opinion, the issue is not that Gen Z is not consuming news; it is about the kind of news they consume.

“Social media has given rise to echo chambers, where people only consume the kind of news aligns with their worldview. Everything else is dismissed or ignored. This is the larger problem Even if young people are consuming news, is it really factual information?”

So what are Pakistani news editors doing about this? According to Abdul Sattar Abbasi, Dawn.com’s managing editor, Pakistan’s news industry is not geared up for Gen Z and their digital habits. The local news organisations that have a TikTok account only use the platform to post clips from their TV broadcasts rather than post new and engaging content. On the other hand, media organisations in the West are creating news content specifically for their audience on TikTok.

“Many people in the news media frown at the mention of TikTok. I say ignore it at your peril. Gen Z is going to force us to adapt and they will drag us kicking and screaming into the future, which is already here.”

Based on Abbasi’s experience, Pakistan’s Gen Z do not type in the name of a specific news site; rather, they consume whatever shows up on their newsfeeds. This connects to the larger issue of disinformation and misinformation.

Another issue is lack of trust. “Trust in mainstream media has eroded partly because of populist politicians attacking the integrity of the media who haven’t given them favourable coverage,” says Abbasi. “And the only way to deal with this is to continue to do what we do: present the facts. However, we can package it in a way that engages Gen Z – short-form content and fact-checks that address the disinformation.” Abbasi maintains that that way of trust can best be dealt with through factual reporting. “Visual storytelling and video are the most accessible, and if we can get their eyeballs that way, we can then also give them the facts and start to build that trust.” That said, one of the issues is finding skilled people who can think digitally – which is very rare.

In Abbasi’s view, “news media organisations are not ignoring Gen Z and many of the causes that are covered – climate change, gender equality and human rights – are close to their hearts. The difference is how Gen Z consumes current events.

“Mark Zuckerberg believes that the future will hold entire virtual Metaverses where people will spend significant amounts of their time. Imagine the falsehood that can spread in worlds that blend imagination and reality. We must prepare for that eventuality, however far-fetched it may seem now,” concludes Abbasi.

Zahra Salah Uddin is a multimedia journalist with a decade of experience in international newsrooms and the nonprofit sector.
PAKISTAN

At war with itself

IT could not have been more bizarre: the government is taking its war against social media to a new level
November 20, 2024
DAWN




After banning X, the government now seeks to restrict the use of VPN (Virtual Private Networks).

To do so, it has gone to the extent of obtaining a fatwa from the Council of Islamic Ideology, which initially termed the use of the network ‘un-Islamic’.


The statement by the head of the CII came the same day as the remarks made by the army chief at an Islamabad-based research institute that “Unrestricted freedom of speech is leading to the degradation of moral values in all societies”. The army chief also called for the enforcement of “comprehensive laws and regulations” to stop what has been referred to as “digital terrorism” by those who hold the reins of power.

Although it is not unusual for senior establishment figures in Pakistan to delve into policy matters, such comments on regulating freedom of speech give cause for concern, especially in a country that is already witnessing increasing curbs not only on social media platforms but also on mainstream media. The government’s move to downgrade internet services and restrict the use of VPNs seems to be a part of the effort to stifle freedom of expression and to prevent access to information.

What is most alarming is that all such restrictions are being enforced in the name of national security. It leaves us wondering how the country can be made a safer place by shutting down social media and curbing the freedom of expression. It may be true that social media is also being used for negative propaganda and to spread fake news. But how does that threaten our national security? If anything, it is restrictions on democratic and media freedoms that make the country more insecure.

There is no denying that social media campaigns against the security forces have heightened over the past few years. But our leadership has yet to understand that this is a reflection of the existing tensions caused by the narrowing of democratic space and greater involvement of non-political forces in political power games. Instead of addressing the public’s growing disenchantment with the existing system, the leadership has responded with more stringent measures to stifle dissent.

The move to control mainstream media was bound to give greater space to social media platforms. Notwithstanding its negative side, it’s a fact that people now trust social media more, with a large section of the mainstream media losing its credibility in the eyes of the public.


Installing firewalls and limiting digital services will not help resolve the crisis the state faces.

Stringent regulatory measures and attempts to further curtail freedom of expression will only push the public to rely more on social media to access information as well as voice their views. Given the massive advancement in information technology, it will be hard for the state to completely control this platform, despite attempts to install a firewall whose cost is estimated to be in billions of rupees. The only way to counter fake news and negative propaganda is to restore democratic rights and remove restrictions on freedom of expression.

It might be true that social media has become a major venue for anti-establishment views over the past few years. But to simply term them as ‘enemy-sponsored propaganda against the state’ is to overlook the increasing public concern over the involvement of non-political forces in civilian affairs.

More distressing is the growing public alienation in insurgency-infested areas, despite the large number of casualties suffered by the security forces. It is also a fact that social media has now become a venue for protest particularly among young people seeking to change the status quo. Any repressive measure is bound to widen their alienation. This is the lesson of history that our civil and military leadership have yet to learn.

It is not anyone’s job to judge society’s moral values or for those outside the civilian sphere to talk about regulating freedom of expression. Instead, those in the security sphere should focus more on the grave security challenges the country is facing, which is crucial to winning and maintaining the public’s trust.

Blaming social media for all evils is not going to help tackle what is clearly an existentialist threat. The situation is further compounded by the fact that KP and Balochistan, both strategically important provinces, are caught in the midst of insurgencies, which are by far the biggest threat to national security today.

There has been a marked upsurge in the number of terrorist attacks in recent months, with growing political instability in the country and the weakening of local administrations in the two provinces. Nothing could be worse for the leadership of a country in the throes of a conflict than to lose the trust of its own people. In this situation, it has become imperative for the civil and military leadership to restore political stability in the country. Setting up firewalls and restricting digital services will not help resolve the crisis that the state faces.

It is not just about the political aspects but also the economic costs of internet disruptions. The damage to the economy could be devastating. According to an IT firm, internet restrictions and the firewall could inflict “devastating financial losses estimated to reach $300 million, which can further increase exponentially”. Other restrictions on online services can exacerbate the crisis.

Access to X has been blocked since the time of the elections in February and more restrictions could come with the opposition PTI threatening to storm the capital to increase pressure on the coalition government.

The confrontation is likely to escalate, with no sign of any side relenting. More restrictions on freedom of expression and curbs on social media would only worsen the situation. The government’s actions are pushing the country into a war with itself.

The writer is an author and journalist.

zhussain100@yahoo.com
X: @hidhussain

Published in Dawn, November 20th, 2024
BALOCHISTAN IS A COUNTRY

Military option

DAWN
Editorial 
November 21, 2024 


CONSIDERING that Balochistan has been experiencing a steady wave of terrorist violence over the past few months, particularly involving Baloch separatist groups, it is no surprise that the state has decided to use armed force to quell the insurgency.

Using the platform of the Apex Committee, the civil and military leadership said on Tuesday that an operation would be launched to counter terrorism and separatist violence in the province, while Nacta would be revitalised under the vision of Azm-i-Istehkam. The meeting also announced that a National and Provincial Intelligence Fusion and Threat Assessment Centre would be created and a “whole-of-system approach” adopted.

It is clear why the state has to take firm action to restore peace in Balochistan. In August, terrorists launched a coordinated series of attacks in different parts of the province; such incidents have been occurring since then with disturbing regularity. They include the massacre of miners in Dukki in October, as well as the bombings in Mastung and at the Quetta railway station earlier this month. In fact, the railway station atrocity, in which a large number of civilians were martyred along with security personnel, may have played a decisive role in the state’s decision to launch a military operation.

Apart from these incidents, there have been numerous grisly murders of non-Baloch workers, as well as the suicide bombing in October outside Karachi airport in which two Chinese nationals were killed. The latter incident threatened to imperil Pakistan’s relationship with Beijing. All these violent acts have been linked to Baloch separatists.

Yet it should be remembered that although Balochistan has witnessed numerous military operations over the decades, they have largely failed to bring long-lasting peace to the province. This time, with Nacta on board, things could be different. While the state goes after terrorists, innocent people should not be hauled away and there must be transparency regarding the operations. If relatives of the insurgents, especially women and children, are targeted in the name of tackling terrorism, it will be counterproductive and breed more disaffection.

As this paper has said before, while restoring peace is essential, addressing Balochistan’s socioeconomic deprivation is equally important as terrorists exploit poverty and underdevelopment in the resource-rich province to turn people against the state. Moreover, the state will need to keep channels open with the Afghan Taliban to ensure that Baloch insurgents are not able to find sanctuary in their country.

Better ties with Kabul can help thwart the malignant designs of the “hostile foreign powers” that the Apex Committee identified. Some regional states, such as India, are deepening relations with the Afghan Taliban. For peace in Balochistan and elsewhere in the country, Pakistan cannot afford to ignore these developments and must keep the lines open with Kabul.

Published in Dawn, November 21st, 2024
Deep fakes

Samia Liaquat Ali Khan 
Published November 23, 2024 


AS we take a moment to observe how the world has changed in the past few years, it always helps to think of what our younger selves may have thought or felt when faced with similar events.

It’s one way to figure out how jaded or cynical we may have become over the years. And it helps in appreciating and understanding the concerns and worldviews of young people around us.

The Global Trends study that is carried out by Ipsos every decade, aims to capture how people across the globe view their lives and futures and reveals shared realities but also divergences. Research is conducted across 50 countries and 1,000 individuals in each, equal representation of gender and an age cohort stretching from 19 to 74. It is a robust dataset, but given that it is an online survey, it acknowledges that respondents are more educated, largely urban and probably better off than many of their fellow citizens.

In 2024, the macro trends identified by the study don’t hold any surprises. However, they do reveal how people are observing and reflecting on critical issues of our time. One of the trends is economic disparities, and data reveals that people realise they are in the midst of the downfall of the middle classes. What was once a clear trajectory for a majority (that children should and will prosper more than their parents), is now perceived to be out of reach. The divide between the haves and have nots has been exposed for what it signifies — those in positions of power do not want the status quo to change.

The economic trend also points to a fracturing of societies and impacts politics and social structures. Tensions around immigrants and refugees, the role of digital technology, populism and polarity of views all suggest that we are in the midst of massive transformations. Where the collisions occur can already be partially predicted, but what it means for us as human beings and nation states, is as yet unknown.

Another shift reveals how people’s thinking has changed on a particular issue. A decade earlier, people were worried about climate change, today according to the study, 80 per cent of respondents realise we are in the midst of an environmental emergency. Most also believe that our habits need to change quickly if we are to survive, and they hold companies and governments responsible for lack of action and initiative on environmental stewardship, and building a more sustainable future for all. However, individuals see themselves as doing as much as they can in this regard, and this is where the issue of environmental emergency becomes submerged to the immediate reality of rising costs of living, and disparities in wealth and health.

Our most prominent differences with the world are linked to personal and societal values.

Over 70pc of people believe that technology can be used to solve the problems we face. There is awe and wonder at what can be achieved, but more than half also believe that technology is destroying the very fabric of our lives. Fears about how the meta data that is collected invades our privacy, is taking our jobs and whether humans themselves will be able to control artificial intelligence in the future, are growing.

The use of digital technology to control our autonomy and independence, while our own expanding dependence on smartphones and the like reflect the innately complex and intricate nature of our relationship with technology and whether this will in the long-term be to our advantage or disadvantage.

Where does Pakistan stand across all these parameters of perception? Interestingly there are some similarities but also differences. We stand with the rest of the world when it comes to a distrust in elites and 72pc of us agree that the economy is rigged to the advantage of the rich and powerful. Ninety-one per cent of Pakistanis believe that we are heading for environmental disaster if we don’t change our ways. A significant majority — 89pc — also believe that modern technology provides the answer to the big challenges we face.

Our most prominent differences with the world are linked to personal and societal values. Eighty-two per cent of us still believe that the main role of women is to be good mothers and wives and this is linked to our traditionalist view on religion. Only 39pc of the rest of the world adheres to this view. I have become more aware over time of how deeply patriarchal and misogynistic our society has become, so while I should be surprised at this figure, I’m not. Just weary of the struggle that seems to go nowhere.

What did alarm me was that while saying our faith is very important to us, we also differ to the rest of the world on our opinion of material ownership. Seventy-nine per cent of Pakistanis compared to 46pc globally agree to the statement - I measure success by the things that I own. This juxtaposition of focus on wealth and possessions, yet convincing ourselves that we have strong faith, reflects a confusion, an internal dissonance in our value systems. This is troubling.

I titled this piece ‘Deep Fakes’ for a reason. Our society is at a crossroads. We have a young population that we are failing. Politicians talk of Pakistan becoming great, but have betrayed us with falsehoods and false hope for far too long. They take the easy way out, as do most of us elites. And the examples we set for the rest of the country means they will do the same. This divergence between rhetoric and practice is our downfall. And it is reflected in the dissonance of values within our collective psyche. Is it possible to crawl out of this hole? The answer lies in intention.

The writer is an independent development professional and impact adviser with over 25 years of experience in designing and managing programmes to improve lives.


samialakhan21@gmail.com

Published in Dawn, November 23th, 2024
PAKISTAN

Crisis of population growth
November 23, 2024 






THERE is growing concern regarding the shockingly higher-than-anticipated intercensal population growth rates of 2.55 per cent between 2017 and 2023.

An already high, unsustainable population growth rate has increased instead of going down. We have added 110 million people to our population in 25 years and boast the highest growth rate in South Asia.

The Population Council and UNFPA’s report Pakistan@2050 addresses demographic change, future projections, and the consequent challenges and opportunities vis-Ă -vis Pakistan’s development landscape. It leaves no doubt how important it is to tackle the existential crisis of population growth.

The study puts to rest much of the debate about a demographic dividend in Pakistan: a dividend is unlikely if each additional person consumes more than what is earned. It also underscores the flat trends in labour productivity which have cancelled out the expectation that the increase in labour force would yield dividends.

The cost of inaction in achieving a fertility transition and a reduction in population growth rate since the 1980s is high. The study lays out the huge loss caused by high population growth in the last few decades in economic terms. Pakistan’s GDP would have been 56pc higher if the population growth had been even half a percentage point lower since the 1980s. Poverty levels and maternal deaths — other important indicators — could have been severely reduced.

Of even greater concern is that we are on track to reach a population of 385m Pakistanis by 2050. Already stretched resources, water and food shortages and, above all, high unemployment and a troubled economy do not point to a rosy future for an additional 140m in Pakistan. There are also concerns regarding the lack of education, skills and knowledge base. This puts our labour force at a disadvantage in today’s fiercely competitive markets.

The report calculates that 2.6m additional jobs are required annually between 2023 and 2050. At the moment, it is mainly the services sector which has largely absorbed the surge of additional workforce. We face challenges in absorbing the full workforce and will need to plan for it. Major structural changes are required to generate growth in manufacturing and agriculture to absorb the additional 65m Pakistanis who will enter the labour force in the next 25 years.


The cost of inaction in achieving a fertility transition and a reduction in population growth rate since the 1980s is high.

We can safely expect over 50pc of Pakistanis to be living in urban areas by 2050. The large volume of rural-to-urban migration is due more to the push of shrinking employment opportunities in agriculture and poverty, and less to the pull of better prospects in the urban areas. The lack of structural changes that accompany urban transitions elsewhere are of concern. This includes the lack of any sharp decline in the continuing high rates of fertility in cities and towns.

There is a message of hope though — if the leadership prioritises two clear policy directions. The two policy actions can effectively make a change in the number of Pakistanis, and how educated and how economically sound they will be by 2050. These actions offer a way to redress some factors that impede development. Both are already accepted policies of the government. But there is evidence that immediate implementation can make a significant difference.

The strongest message is that bringing fertility down is a necessity. The goal of the Council of Common Interests is to bring fertility down to 2.2 replacement levels by 2030. This is unlikely, but not impossible. Many countries in this region like Iran and Nepal, and Bangladesh have accomplished a decline in fertility of over one child in a decade.






There is strong reason to believe that Pakistan can experience a fast fertility decline. A recent Population Council report estimates that almost half of the pregnancies in Pakistan are unplanned and 3.8m end annually as abortions and 2m as unplanned births. This confirms that there is a huge gap between demand for and supply of family planning services for families in need of these.

The second necessary policy is the implementation of compulsory primary education for all children by 2028. This is obligatory as mandated by Article 25A of the Constitution. Furthermore, the government has declared an education emergency. It is necessary also to rectify the shameful figure of 25m out-of-school children.

Immediate joint efforts by the centre and provinces should ensure that measures are put in place through expanding the school network, hiring more teachers and doing double shifts to meet this emergency. A full generation of Pakistani children in school completing primary education would signal the intent to walk the talk of an educational emergency.

These two actions alone will lead to 50m fewer Pakistanis and doubling of the per capita income by 2050. We will be able to claim a full generation of children having completed primary education and a generation of educated mothers in another few years.

Both these actions are based on the human rights agenda. Additionally, they will provide the tailwind to catch up with key SDG goals on health, hunger and poverty, education and climate change by 2030. The report stresses that gender inequities, particularly involving women and girls, deserve special attention. Their education and labour force participation is essential for any social or economic transformation.

Evidence is given that Pakistan’s demographic and development trajectory today would have been totally different had there been investment in female education. It would certainly have ensured that some key development outcomes and even our fertility levels would have been more in line with our neighbouring countries in South Asia.

The finance minister recently declared that a charter of economy must include population growth and environment. It is an ideal opportunity to prioritise the goals related to these and reverse the demographic crisis. It could be achieved by running a vigorous campaign to increase access to voluntary family planning. Pakistan’s birth rate can be brought down to sustainable levels.

The writer is Country Director, Population Council.

Published in Dawn, November 23th, 2024
PAKISTAN
Protests sweep the country as Kurram toll rises to 43


Javed Hussain 
Published November 23, 2024 
DAWN
People mourn over the graves of relatives who were killed after gunmen opened fire on a convoy of passenger vehicles, in the Shalozan area of Kurram district, on Friday.—Reuters

• Curfew imposed, mobile services suspended; schools, markets remain shut across Parachinar

• Senior official describes situation in region as ‘extremely tense’

• Protesters slam govt inability to protect citizens

KURRAM: The death toll from Thursday’s attack on passenger vehicles in Khyber Pakhtun­khwa’s Kurram district area rose to 43, authorities said on Friday as they imposed a curfew and suspended mobile service in the remote mountainous district.

Businesses, educational institutions and markets remained closed across Parachinar and surrounding areas in Kurram, a district near the Afghanistan border with a history of sectarian violence

Thousands of people took to the streets in various cities on Friday.

The convoy of around 200 vehicles, carrying Shia passengers between Peshawar and Parachi­nar, came under heavy gunfire in the densely populated Bagan town.

According to witnesses, the vehicles were ambushed from four sides. Muhammad, a 14-year-old survivor, told Dawn that the assault lasted around 30 minutes.

Authorities said that the victims included seven women and three children, with 16 others injured — 11 of whom are in critical condition.


Sajid Kazmi, a leader of Majlis-i-Wahdat-i-Muslimeen (MWM), condemned the attack, accusing law enforcement agencies of negligence. He alleged that despite the convoy being escorted by police from Thal to Alizai, the forces failed to protect passengers. Mr Kazmi demanded the formation of a joint investigation team (JIT) to investigate the massacre.

Kurram Deputy Commissioner Javedullah Mehsud confirmed the death toll, adding that efforts were underway to restore normalcy. He told Dawn that a grand jirga would be convened to find a viable solution to the unrest.


PROTESTERS hold placards during a demonstration against the terrorist attack in Parachinar outside the Peshawar Press Club on Friday.—PPI


Protests and funerals

The attack has sparked outrage across the district, with demonstrations held in various locations, including outside the Parachinar Press Club. Thousands of people participated in a sit-in in Parachinar, where protesters criticised the government’s failure to protect civilians.

Funerals for the victims, including journalist Janan Hussain, a member of the Parachinar Press Club, were held in their respective villages before Friday prayers. Mr Hussain had recently returned from Malaysia.

An administration official, speaking on condition of anonymity, told the AFP news agency that mobile signals across the district had been shut down, describing the situation as “extremely tense”.

“A curfew has been imposed on the main road connecting Upper and Lower Kurram, and the bazaar remains completely closed, with all traffic suspended,” the official said. After the funerals, the youth gathered, chanted slogans against the government and marched toward a nearby security checkpoint, resident Muhammad Ali told the news agency.

A senior administration official, speaking on condition of anonymity, told AFP that “some broke CCTV cameras at the checkpoint… burned tyres and caused damage to property”, before the situation de-escalated.


Mourners pray for victims of a gun attack on passenger vehicles in KP’s Kurram District that killed more than 40, outside the Parachinar Press Club on November 22. — via author



Several hundred people also demonstrated in Lahore, according to AFP.

“We are tired of counting the bodies. How long will this bloodshed continue?” Khanum Nida Jafri, a 50-year-old religious scholar protesting, said. “We are demanding peace for our children and women. Are we asking too much?”

Hundreds also demonstrated in Karachi.

Sectarian violence

Thursday’s ambush is the latest in a series of sectarian clashes between Sunni and Shia tribes in Kurram. Previous clashes in July and September claimed dozens of lives and were resolved only after tribal councils brokered ceasefires.

The latest violence drew condemnation from officials and human rights groups. “The frequency of such incidents confirms the failure of the federal and provincial governments to protect the security of ordinary citizens,” the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan said in a statement.

“We demand immediate and decisive steps from both governments to permanently break this cycle of violence,” it said.






‘She died in my arms’

Danish Turi, a survivor of the deadly ambush, described the attack as “horrifying”. He witnessed a vehicle ahead of his being struck by a rocket launcher, leaving the passengers and the vehicle in ruins, according to a BBC Urdu report.



Mr Turi, the chairman of Parac­hinar Youth Council, recounted the chilling moments when gunfire erupted on the road connecting Peshawar to Parachinar. Travelling in a passenger coach with mostly women onboard, he was seated in the front when the attackers struck.

“When we reached the Mandori area, the convoy from Peshawar to Parachinar arrived, and within moments, heavy firing started,” Mr Turi recalled, according to the report.

He and several other passengers sought refuge in a nearby stream surrounded by dense trees. “I was carrying an eight-year-old girl, trying to move her to safety when a bullet hit her. She died in my arms.”

Mr Turi said the “vehicle in front of us, a Fielder car, was hit by a rocket, causing a massive explosion. We were terrified, thinking any moment could be our last.”

He helped evacuate around 10 to 12 women to safety. “But I couldn’t save the innocent girl who passed away in my arms.”

Journalist’s life cut short

The family of Janan Hussain, a journalist from Parachinar who was among the victims, went through the anguish of searching for him throughout the day, only to receive his body late at night.

Mr Hussain had recently returned from a trip to Malaysia. Known for his charitable work with his organisation, Mr Hussain was also working on community-focused journalism.



His cousin, Rizwan Hussain, shared how Janan had informed his wife during the journey that he was on his way home. “We were hopeful he was safe, but then his body arrived at 11pm, plunging the family into grief.”

Ali Afzal, a fellow journalist, recalled that Janan Hussain “often talked about how far the world has progressed while we remain entangled in conflicts”.

Mr Afzal told BBC Urdu that Janan had sent him a video from Malaysia with beautiful views saying that people lived there “like they were in a paradise”. “We will get heaven only after death,” Janan said in the video.

The attack also claimed the life of Gulfam Hussain, a taxi driver who had travelled to Pesha­war to meet acquaintances. A father of five young children, Mr Hussain had planned to return to Parachinar with the convoy.

“We learned in the evening that Gulfam was among those injured in the attack. He later succumbed to his wounds,” said his uncle, Ali Ghulam.

With input from agencies

Published in Dawn, November 23rd, 2024


Kurram atrocity


DAWN
Editorial
November 22, 2024 

WITH the situation in KP’s Kurram tribal district already volatile for the past several months, the murderous violence witnessed on Thursday has not come as a surprise.

At least 38 people were killed when a convoy of vehicles was attacked in an act of terrorism in Lower Kurram, in what is one of the biggest single mass-casualty attacks this year. The convoys consisted mostly of members of the Shia community. In this part of KP, militancy, tribal disputes and sectarianism, which has claimed both Shia and Sunni lives, have created a powder keg.

Sadly, the state has ignored the situation for years, or made only half-hearted efforts to address it. This year, a land dispute between two tribes metastasised into something uglier, with over 80 people killed since July, many of them while travelling by road. The people of Kurram took to the streets two weeks ago, demanding peace and safety on the roads. As yesterday’s atrocity showed, the state was unable to provide these.

Unfortunately, the centre and KP government are both so embroiled in politicking that the security situation of Kurram and other parts of the province fails to attract their attention. Statements are issued, promises are made, but the people of KP are left to fend for themselves as bloodthirsty terrorists ravage the province. Security institutions have also failed to flush out militants threatening peace in KP.

Kurram is particularly sensitive, due mainly to its sectarian dynamics and proximity to Afghanistan, in addition to the presence of militant groups and heavy arms. Yet the state has been unable to deweaponise the area, or judiciously resolve the tribal disputes that can spiral into communal bloodletting.

It would be a monumental mistake for the state to continue ignoring the violence in Kurram. Instability can easily spread to the adjoining districts if not contained, and vested interests can exploit sectarian differences in the region to create communal discord across Pakistan. The first duty of the state is to track down and punish the elements responsible for the latest attack. It cannot be business as usual after this brutal episode, and all state institutions must come up with solid plans to protect Kurram’s people, and other vulnerable populations in KP.

multiparty conference to discuss law and order in KP has been scheduled for next month. Considering the latest outrage, this conclave should be held earlier. Moreover, along with state functionaries, the ulema and tribal elders must also work to defuse the situation and ensure a retaliatory spiral of violence does not ensue.

The state has dithered over Kurram’s security long enough. It is time to provide justice to the victims of violence, while terrorists and their facilitators must be tracked down and made to answer before the law.

Published in Dawn, November 22th, 2024



Killing fields


Aasim Sajjad Akhtar 
November 22, 2024
DAWN

WHILE the PTI-run government in KP continues to depict itself as the last remaining bastion of democracy in the country, pitched against the governments at the centre and other federating units, many parts of the province have once again become killing fields.

Target killers roam free in Bannu, Waziristan and other Pakhtun regions. Attacks against political workerssecurity personnel and ordinary civilians have become an almost daily affair. Religiously inspired militants sometimes acknowledge responsibility, but there is an eye-catching number of perpetrators in the now familiar category of ‘unknowns’.

Bloodletting in Kurram district reached unprecedented proportions a couple of weeks ago as local property disputes were instrumentalised by militant elements to stoke sectarian tensions at will. And yesterday, a bus of civilians was fired upon near Parachinar resulting in over 30 deaths.

In such cases, neither the chief minister of KP nor the prime and interior minister at the centre provide the general public with any meaningful information let alone chart out a strategy to deal with what, by any account, is a situation spiralling completely out of control.

There are important organic factors in the re-emergence of militants.

All we get are tired condemnations of ‘terrorism’, with none of our civilian political leaders ever saying openly that the resurgence of militancy might have had to do with the state’s previous backing of the Taliban in Kabul.

Neither is anyone willing to antagonise any of Pakistan’s big external patrons, namely the US, Gulf kingdoms and China, all of whom are part of the geopolitical games that underlie both current and previous waves of violence in Pakhtun regions

There are also important organic factors in the re-emergence of the Pakistani Taliban and other militant groups. They are entrenched economic players in border trade, or what is routinely called smuggling. They extort money from transporters and shop owners in many of the Pakhtun tribal districts. I noted above that they take advantage of property disputes, particularly over agricultural land. Finally, these players have also developed big stakes in the extraction of a host of natural resources, including pine nuts, timber, mineral deposits, etc.

Geopolitical wranglings amongst all the big players in this sordid story also revolve around the desire to either exclusively control economic flows, or to at the very least ensure that competitors do not establish monopolies in trade, mining, construction and other sectors.

In Pakistan we are used to hearing that the only thing that matters is national security, but anyone with even cursory knowledge of the current violence in KP understands that this is just a handy catchphrase for a power game that is largely about social control and economic resources.

The contraband trade across the Pak-Afghan and Pak-Iran borders implicates states, militants, and a host of other economic players. Simply decrying ‘smuggling’ and putting up a fence here and there protects the big profiteers while destroying the livelihoods of the large number of small operators reliant on this trade. Political violence is then both cause and consequence of the deliberate reduction of this complex political economy to ‘national security’.

The PML-N and PPP have shown that they will do everything to appease those higher above them in the political food chain, both at home and abroad, so they are not about to bell the cat. But if the anti-establishment posture of the PTI — and the otherwise firebrand KP chief minister — is more than just a façade, we should expect more critical ref­lection on the epidemic of violence in Pakhtun tribal and other distr­i­cts. Indeed, the chief minister him­self hails from D.I. Khan, which is at the crossroads of so many recent attacks.

The underlying problem is the militarised and imperialised structure of power in this country. The power of the religious right — and militant groups especially — is a direct offshoot of this structure. The somewhat absurd spectacle of one federating unit’s official state apparatus engaging in mass protests against the centre should not distract us from the fact that the prevailing structure of power is floundering badly.

An anti-establishment politics is not about displacing those currently at the helm so that the next player can lurch towards yet another crisis of what is fundamentally an anti-people and anti-nature system.

Such a politics must be based on a programme for lasting peace, centred on economic redistribution, dismantling the establishment-centric political order, and a non-aligned foreign policy that privileges mutual cooperation with our neighbours.

The writer teaches at Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad.

Published in Dawn, November 22th, 2024

Real carbon, false credits? Investigating mass deforestation in Cambodia

13:01REPORTERS © FRANCE 24

Issued on: 22/11/2024 - 



With around 40 percent of its territory covered by forests, Cambodia has become Asia's champion of carbon credits. This system is supposed to finance the protection of the country's forests, thanks to money injected by multinationals from around the world. For the past decade, big companies – including French and American firms – have spent millions of euros buying these credits to offset their carbon footprint. But our Cambodia correspondents' investigation reveals mass deforestation within these protected areas. In 2023, the kingdom had lost 121,000 hectares of forest – an area the size of Los Angeles.


Cambodia, a country of 17 million inhabitants, is banking on the carbon market to protect its immense forests. But on the ground, our reporters discovered that these carbon offset projects are failing to live up to their promises. Instead, the protected areas are the scene of illegal logging and mass deforestation, leaving Indigenous populations disgruntled. The NGO Human Rights Watch is denouncing these projects, along with the British newspaper The Guardian, which calls them "likely junk" projects. Our Asia correspondents investigate.
ExxonMobil Plans to Keep an Entire Generation on the Hook for Its Climate Destruction

Public pensions must exit Exxon to protect workers' savings and retirement.


ExxonMobil CEO Darren Woods sits during testimony before the U.S House Committee on Oversight and Reform on October 28, 2021.
(Photo: Screenshot/C-SPAN)

Allie Lindstrom
Nov 22, 2024
Common Dreams


It is no secret that ExxonMobil poses some of the most powerful opposition to climate action at every level of government. Environmentalists have long pointed out that Exxon Knew about climate change, and instead of pivoting their business model to a more sustainable energy future, buried the evidence and began a decades-long disinformation campaign.

Leaders across the country have wisened up to the oil major's dirty politics, which is why the House Oversight Committee has been investigating Exxon and its peers, and state attorneys general have sued the company for damages. Most recently, California AG Rob Bonta, alongside environmental organizations like the Sierra Club, sued the company for lying to the public about the recyclability of plastics.

If the tide is turning against Exxon, why haven't investors caught on?

Unrestricted funding for companies engaged in fossil fuel expansion threatens workers' right to dignified retirement safety, a right that unions have fought hard to win.

ExxonMobil sparked headlines and investor outrage this spring when the company sued its own shareholders over a climate-related shareholder resolution. Public pensions representing trillions in worker savings across the country pushed back and mounted a vote-no effort against CEO Darren Woods and Director Joseph Hooley, but Wall Street asset managers watered down their efforts instead offering unwavering support of Exxon.

To add insult to injury, Woods made an appearance at the Council of Institutional Investors—a nonprofit dedicated to advocating for the investor rights of public, union, and private employee benefit funds—in September. There, he promised to continue to crack down on "extreme" investors who are concerned that the company's business model has loaded the economy with systemic financial risks and instability. Never mind that such a definition of extreme would describe many of the institutions present, which represent over 15 million workers and $5 trillion in assets under management.

But perhaps most indicative of ExxonMobil's commitment to business-as-usual pollution is the bonds they've issued this fall, with a maturity date of 2074.

These long-dated bonds represent unrestricted funds for ExxonMobil to continue to pursue fossil fuel expansion and plastic pollution well past most of the world's—and investors'—Net Zero by 2050 goals. This is an especially risky gamble for investors with long-term obligations, including public pension funds that manage millions of workers' retirement savings.

Not only is the future of oil and gas uncertain, but prolonged pollution wrought by disinformation and investor cash increases economy-wide systemic risks. Investors—and the everyday people who rely on institutions to manage their savings—will be left holding the purse strings as climate change wreaks havoc. Moreover, bond ownership does not come with the shareholder rights investors hope to use to influence company behavior. This gives Exxon complete freedom to use the funds however it wishes, even if that's out of alignment with investor interests.

This increasing risk is why we joined California Common Good and pension beneficiaries to testify during a recent CalPERS Board meeting to ask CalPERS to issue a moratorium on purchasing Exxon bonds.

The Sierra Club represents millions of members, many of whom are saving for retirement in the face of an uncertain future and working tirelessly to protect the communities and places they love. Whether relying on a public pension plan or a private asset manager, our members rely on investment professionals to keep their futures in mind. Unrestricted funding for companies engaged in fossil fuel expansion threatens workers' right to dignified retirement safety, a right that unions have fought hard to win. That's why we call on investors, particularly public pension funds, to refuse to participate in Exxon's bond issuances.


Our work is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0). Feel free to republish and share widely.


Allie Lindstrom serves as a central coordinator for Sierra Club’s Fossil-Free Finance campaign, responsible for developing and implementing strategies and tactics, focusing on collaboration with state/local chapters and partner groups to move public pensions and financial officers to take strong climate actions.
Full Bio >
COP29
Wealthy nations offer $250 billion on climate action, developing nations say it's not enough


Wealthy nations on Friday pledged $250 billion by 2035 to help poorer nations hit hardest by extreme weather events adapt to the challenges of climate change. A number of developing countries have already responded that they need far more to help them shift away from fossil fuels and adapt to a warming planet.


Issued on: 22/11/2024 - 
By: NEWS WIRES
Attendees walk past the COP29 logo during the United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP29) in Baku, Azerbaijan, on November 21, 2024. © AFP

A new draft of a deal on cash to curb and adapt to climate change released Friday afternoon at the United Nations climate summit pledged $250 billion by 2035 from wealthy countries to poorer ones. The amount pleases the countries who will be paying, but not those on the receiving end.

The amount is more than double the previous goal of $100 billion a year set 15 years ago, but it's less than a quarter of the number requested by developing nations struck hardest by extreme weather. But rich nations say the number is about the limit of what they can do, say it's realistic and a stretch for democracies back home to stomach.

It struck a sour note for developing countries, which see conferences like this one as their biggest hope to pressure rich nations because they can't attend meetings of the world's biggest economies.

"Our expectations were low, but this is a slap in the face,” said Mohamed Adow, from Power Shift Africa. “No developing country will fall for this. They have angered and offended the developing world.”

Watch COP 29: Who pays for climate finance?

The proposal came down from the top: the presidency of the climate talks – called COP29 – in Baku, Azerbaijan.

COP29 lead negotiator Yalchin Rafiyev, Azerbaijan's deputy foreign minister, said the presidency hopes to push countries to go higher than $250 billion, saying “it doesn't correspond to the our fair and ambitious goal. But we will continue to engage with the parties.”

This proposal, which is friendly to the viewpoint of Saudi Arabia, is not a take-it-or-leave-it option, but likely only the first of two or even three proposals, said Climate Analytics CEO Bill Hare, a veteran negotiator.

“We’re in for a long night and maybe two nights before we actually reach agreement on this,” Hare said.

Just like last year's initial proposal, which was soundly rejected, this plan is “empty” on what climate analysts call “mitigation” or efforts to reduce emissions from or completely get off coal, oil and natural gas, Hare said.

The frustration and disappointment at the proposed $250 billion figure was palpable on Friday afternoon.

Tina Stege, Marshall Islands' climate envoy, called the drafts “shameful.”

“It is incomprehensible that ... (we) receive only sympathy and no real action from wealthy nations,” she said.

“It is a disgrace that despite full awareness of the devastating climate crises afflicting developing nations and the staggering costs of climate action – amounting to trillions – developed nations have only proposed a meagre $250 billion per year," said Harjeet Singh of the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty.

That amount, which goes through the year 2035, is basically the old $100 billion year goal with 6% annual inflation, said Vaibhav Chaturvedi a climate policy analyst with New Delhi-based Council on Energy, Environment and Water.

Experts put the need at $1.3 trillion for developing countries to cover damages resulting from extreme weather, help those nations adapt to a warming planet and wean themselves from fossil fuels, with more generated by each country internally.

Read more‘Nothing grows anymore’: In Malawi, eating becomes a daily struggle due to climate change

The amount in any deal reached at COP negotiations – often considered a “core” – will then be mobilized or leveraged for greater climate spending. But much of that means loans for countries drowning in debt.

Singh said the proposed sum – which includes loans and lacks a commitment to grant-based finance – adds “insult to injury.”

Iskander Erzini Vernoit, director of Moroccan climate think-tank Imal Initiative for Climate and Development, said “the EU and the U.S. and other developed countries cannot claim to be committed to the Paris Agreement while putting forward such amounts."

Countries reached the Paris Agreement in 2015, pledging to keep warming below 1.5 degrees Celsius (2.7 Fahrenheit) since pre-industrial times. The world is now at 1.3 degrees Celsius (2.3 degrees Fahrenheit), according to the U.N.

Switzerland environment minister Albert Rösti said it was important that the climate finance number is realistic.

“I think a deal with a high number that will never be realistic, that will never be paid… will be much worse than no deal,” he said.

The United States' delegation offered a similar warning.

“It has been a significant lift over the past decade to meet the prior, smaller goal" of $100 billion, said a senior U.S. official. “$250 billion will require even more ambition and extraordinary reach" and will need to be supported by private finance, multilateral development banks – which are large international banks funded by taxpayer dollars – and other sources of finance, the official said.

A lack of a bigger number from European nations and the U.S. means that the “deal is clearly moving toward the direction of China playing a more prominent role in helping other global south countries,” said Li Shou of the Asia Society Policy Institute.

German delegation sources said it will be important to be in touch with China and other industrialized nations as negotiations press on into the evening.

“We think this is at least a text we can work with. Now we have a map on the way forward instead of nowhere where we don’t know where we are going," said German climate envoy Jennifer Morgan.

Analysts said the proposed deal is the start of what could likely be more money.

“This can be a good down payment that will allow for further climate action in developing countries,” said Melanie Robinson, global climate program director at the World Resources Institute. “But there is scope for this to go above $250 billion.”

Rob Moore, associate director at E3G, said that whatever figure is agreed “will need to be the start and not the end" of climate cash promises.

"If developed countries can go further they need to say so fast to make sure we get a deal at COP29,” he said.

(AP)


At UN climate talks, developing countries blast lack of detail on funding for energy transition


The draft text for the UN climate conference in Baku, Azerbaijan, left out how much wealthy nations will pay poorer countries to help them to reduce greenhouse gasses and cope with climate change. The developing world says it needs the $1.3 trillion in climate finance, far more than negotiators say richer nations have been prepared to give.



Issued on: 21/11/2024 
By: NEWS WIRES


Activists participate in a demonstration for climate finance at the COP29 UN Climate Summit, Thursday, Nov. 21, 2024, in Baku, Azerbaijan. © Sergei Grits, AP


Countries of the world took turns rejecting a new but vague draft text released early Thursday which attempts to form the spine of any deal reached at United Nations climate talks on money for developing countries to transition to clean energy and adapt to climate change.

The draft left out a crucial sticking point: how much wealthy nations will pay poor countries. A key option for the lowest amount donors are willing to pay was just a placeholder “X.” Part of that is because rich nations have yet to make an offer in negotiations.

So the host Azerbaijan presidency with its dawn-released package of proposals did manage to unite a fractured world on climate change, but it was only in their unease and outright distaste for the plan. Negotiators at the talks — known as COP29 — in Baku, are trying to close the gap between the $1.3 trillion the developing world says is needed in climate finance and the few hundred billion that negotiators say richer nations have been prepared to give.

Introducing the plan, lead negotiator Yalchin Rafiyev emphasized how balanced the plan was, but all sides kept saying it was anything but balanced and pointed time was running out.


“We would like to correct the balance. It is completely tilted,” Pakistan delegate Romina Khurshid Alam said.

Poor nations blasted both rich nations and the presidency with Honduras delegate Malcolm Bryan complaining that the plan was a “completely unbalanced text that doesn’t bring us any closer to a landing .... It is high time for developed countries put their numbers on the table.’’

The EU’s climate envoy Wopke Hoekstra called the draft “imbalanced, unworkable, and not acceptable.”

In a statement, the COP29 Presidency stressed that the drafts “are not final.”

Read moreRich nations under pressure over climate finance at COP29 talks

“The COP29 Presidency’s door is always open, and we welcome any bridging proposals that the parties wish to present,” the Presidency said in a statement. It added that possible numbers for a finance goal will be released in the next iteration of the draft.

COP29 President Mukhtar Babayev convened the Qurultay — a traditional Azerbaijani meeting — where negotiators spoke to hear all sides and hammer out a compromise. He said that “after hearing all views, we will outline a way forward regarding future iterations.”

08:39
PERSPECTIVE © FRANCE 24



Independent experts say that at least $1 trillion is needed in finance to help transition away from planet-warming fossil fuels and toward clean energy like solar and wind, better adapt to the effects of climate change and pay for losses and damages caused by extreme weather.

Esa Ainuu, from the small Pacific island of Niue said, slammed the lack of a number in the draft deal.

“For us in the Pacific, this is critical for us,” Ainuu said. “We can’t escape to the desert. We can’t escape somewhere else. This is reality for us. If finance is not bringing any positive, (then) why’re we coming to COP?”

She added: “I don’t even know if we’re going to be here for a COP 30 or COP 31. Something needs to happen.”

Adao Barbosa, a top negotiator from the Indian ocean nation of Timor-Leste said all developing countries are unhappy with the climate finance deal. As things stand, the deal is weak, Barbosa said.

Mohamed Adow, director of the think tank Power Shift Africa, expressed disappointment at the lack of a figure. “We came here to talk about money. The way you measure money is with numbers. We need a cheque but all we have right now is a blank piece of paper,” he said.

Iskander Erzini Vernoit, director of Moroccan climate think-tank Imal Initiative for Climate and Development, said he was “at a loss for words at how disappointed we are at this stage to have come this far without serious numbers on the table and serious engagement from the developed countries.”

He said that some developed nations “are slowly waking up” to the fact that keeping warming to below 1.5 degrees Celsius (2.7 degrees Fahrenheit) above pre-industrial times will require over a trillion dollars in finance. “But many are still asleep at the wheel,” he said.

There are three big parts of the issue where negotiators need to find agreement: How big the numbers are, how much is grants or loans, and who contributes.

Official observers of the talks from the International Institute of Sustainable Development who are allowed to sit in on the closed meetings reported that negotiators have now agreed on not expanding the list of countries that will contribute to global climate funds — at least at these talks. Linda Kalcher, of the think tank Strategic Partnerships, said on the question of grants or loans, the draft text suggests “the need for grants and better access to finance.”

She added that the lack of numbers in the draft text could be a “bluff.” The COP29 presidency, which prepares the texts “should know more ... than what they put on the table,” she said.

Other areas that are being negotiated include commitments to slash planet-warming fossil fuels and how to adapt to climate change. But they’ve also seen little movement.

European nations criticized the package of proposals for not being strong enough in reiterating last year’s call for a transition away from fossil fuels.

“The current text offers no progress” on efforts to cut the world’s emissions of heat-trapping gases, said Germany delegation chief Jennifer Morgan. “This cannot and must not be our response to the suffering of millions of people around the world. We must do better.”

Eamon Ryan, Ireland’s environment minister, also criticized “backsliding” on cutting fossil fuels from last year’s deal.

(AP)