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Showing posts sorted by date for query NSA. Sort by relevance Show all posts

Sunday, June 07, 2026

  


Source: ScheerPost

The most effective systems of control rarely arrive wearing jackboots. They arrive wrapped in reassuring language about innovation, security, and public safety.

In a blistering critique of the Trump administration’s new artificial intelligence executive order, economist and commentator Jeffrey Wernick argues that Washington is quietly constructing something far more consequential than a technology policy: a framework for government-managed access to the most powerful AI systems ever created. Not through outright bans or formal licensing requirements, but through classified thresholds, privileged partnerships, and incentives that make resistance increasingly irrational.

At the center of Wernick’s warning is a troubling reality. The government insists it is not creating an AI licensing regime while simultaneously empowering the National Security Agency to determine—through secret benchmarks—which models qualify as “covered frontier models” and therefore warrant government scrutiny before public release. In Wernick’s view, this transforms the rules of technological development from transparent regulation into something more elusive: invisible power exercised through discretion rather than law.

The result, he argues, is the emergence of a new surveillance-industrial complex, where intelligence agencies, military priorities, and corporate technology giants become increasingly intertwined. Unlike traditional forms of state coercion, this system does not compel compliance at gunpoint. Instead, it restructures the marketplace so thoroughly that cooperation becomes profitable and dissent becomes costly.

Echoing Dwight Eisenhower’s famous warning about the military-industrial complex—and drawing parallels to Edward Snowden’s revelations about modern surveillance—Wernick contends that America is witnessing the formalization of relationships that once operated largely in the shadows. The question is no longer whether government and Big Tech will collaborate, but how much of the future will be shaped behind closed doors before the public ever has a chance to object.

As artificial intelligence becomes the infrastructure through which people communicate, work, learn, and govern, Wernick asks a simple but unsettling question: If the rules are classified, the gatekeepers are unelected, and participation is technically voluntary, how much freedom remains when refusal itself carries a price?


They called it promoting advanced artificial intelligence innovation and security. Read past the title. Go to Section Three, paragraph C. Quote: “Nothing in this section shall be construed to authorize the creation of a mandatory governmental licensing, preclearance, or permitting requirement.” Unquote.

Stop there. Sit with it.

When a document swears it is not building a licensing regime, take it at its word that it is not. Then ask why a document that is not building one needed the disclaimer at all. You do not disclaim what you did not do. You disclaim what you did when you would rather it not be called by its name.

So let us name it.

The order creates a category: a covered frontier model. If your model is covered, the government wants in. How do you know if you are covered? You don’t. The threshold is classified. A secret benchmark, run inside the National Security Agency, decides which models count.

Understand what that means: the rule that governs you is a rule you are not allowed to read. You cannot comply with it. You cannot challenge it in court. You can only be told after the fact which side of the line you fell on.

This—this is not a regulation. A regulation is published. You can argue with it. This is discretion, and discretion you cannot see is just power with better manners.

Now ask: Who draws the line? The NSA—an agency whose core craft is breaking into other people’s systems. That agency decides which models in America are powerful enough to matter, and then it gets access.

The text says it plainly: up to 30 days before release, the developer provides the government with the model. The order surrounds that access with confidentiality and intellectual‑property protections. Fine. Grant them every safeguard on the page. The structure does not change. The same agency gets the most capable models in the country in hand before anyone outside the building.

They will call this security. Ask the only question that matters: secure for whom?

Here is the part they wrote most carefully: the government will “collaborate with developers” to select trusted partners who get early access to covered models. Read that slowly. The state helps decide who gets the good technology first.

That is not a market. A market does not have a host. This has a host. This has a guest list. And the government holds the pen.

The order does not say refusal is punished. It does not have to. When the government controls procurement, partnerships, designations, and access, participation acquires a market value. The question is not whether refusal is legal. The question is what refusal costs.

This is how you build a cartel without ever using the word. You do not seize the industry; you pick its winners and let them seize it for you. And every line of it is voluntary. They are proud of that. They say it twice: there is no mandate. There is no gun.

There does not need to be. When you control procurement, you control revenue. When you hand out a “trusted partner” label, you create a market for the label. When the most powerful intelligence agency on earth asks for 30 days with your model, no is a word with a price.

They did not compel you. They made refusal irrational. Understand the difference, because it is the whole design.

A gun is honest. You can see it. You can name the hand that holds it. You can stand in a court and say, I was forced. Compulsion leaves a mark, and a mark can be fought.

This leaves no mark. No gun was pointed. They rearranged the choices until refusal became self‑harm, then let your own interest finish the job. You were not forced. You complied freely, because compliance paid and refusal cost. There is no hand to name. No court hears a case against an incentive. And the consent is not a side effect. The consent is the alibi—because you chose it. They get to say no one made you. Your freedom becomes the proof that nothing was done to you.

That is the most durable power there is: control that the controlled will defend, because they have mistaken the absence of a gun for the presence of a choice.

And notice who stands at the center of it. Not the Commerce Department. Not a civilian regulator. The surveillance agency. The order seats the institution built to intercept, collect, and decrypt at the head of the table, and routes the whole thing through the Department of War, which pays to print it. Civilian technology, hospitals, community banks, local utilities—named right there in the text—all of it on a war footing.

Sixty‑five years ago, a departing president warned the country about exactly this shape. Eisenhower called it the military‑industrial complex: a permanent fusion of the security state and the industry that feeds it, gathering influence no one had voted to grant. He said it from the top, in the open, on his way out the door.

This is the successor. Not steel and missiles, but models and inference. A surveillance‑industrial complex fusing the agency that watches with the technology that will soon mediate everything you read, say, and ask.

And notice who warned us this time. Not a president—a contractor. The man who told you what this apparatus already was did not get a farewell address. He got an indictment and a life in exile. The system that once produced Eisenhower’s warning now produces Snowden’s banishment. That is the measure of how far it has traveled.

What Snowden exposed as a secret program, this order publishes as a partnership. The complex has gone from covert to chartered. They are no longer hiding it. They are signing it.

So go back to the disclaimer—the line that swears this is not a licensing regime. It is not a lie. There is no mandate, no license, no preclearance. On that, the order is honest. That is the part that should worry you.

A mandate can be fought. A license can be challenged in open court. A rule you are permitted to read is a rule you can argue with. This hands you none of that. There is nothing to appeal, because nothing was forced. The threshold stays classified. The list stays curated. The access stays privileged. And everyone who lines up will have done it of their own free will.

A free country writes its rules down and lets you contest them. This order writes the rule in a vault, sends the invitations in private, and calls the result a market. They will not have to compel you. They never planned to.

The only question this order leaves open is: How many of you line up before they ask, “Do you?”


This article was originally published by ScheerPost; please consider supporting the original publication, and read the original version at the link above.Email

Jeffrey Wernick hosts the podcast The Wernick Files and moderates The Fein Print.  

Source: The Iconoclasts

In this episode of The Econoclasts, Yanis Varoufakis and Wolfgang Munchau debunk the delusions surrounding artificial intelligence by examining how its recent ability to solve complex mathematical problems signals a massive structural threat to the global labour market, while warning against the transhumanist endgame of ‘Techlord’ Silicon Valley elites like Elon Musk and Peter Thiel, who view Homo sapiens as mere primitive hardware to be replaced by cyborgs.


This article was originally published by The Econocloasts; please consider supporting the original publication, and read the original version at the link above.\\\\\\Email
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Yanis Varoufakis born 24 March 1961 is a Greek economist, politician, and co-founder of DiEM25. A former academic, he served as the Greek Minister of Finance from January to July 2015. Since 2019, he is again a Member of Greek Parliament and MeRA25 leader. He is the author of several books including, Another Now (2020). Varoufakis is also a professor of Economics – University of Athens, Honorary Professor of Political Economy – University of Sydney, Honoris Causa Professor of Law, Economics and Finance – University of Torino, and Distinguished Visiting Professor of Political Economy, Kings College, University of London.

Friday, May 29, 2026

 A Nation of Suspects

by | May 29, 2026 Antiwar.com

Some of the recent legal challenges to the use of surveillance by the Department of Homeland Security upon Americans have resulted in the revelation of truly terrifying behavior by the government, in direct defiance of the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution. We now know that the federal government spies on innocent Americans without suspicion and without warrants.

The spying seems to fall into several categories. The National Security Agency, which is in the Department of Defense, employs about 60,000 domestic spies. These are the folks who want us to believe that they go through the trouble of making applications to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court for warrants to spy on foreigners.

Actually, from time to time they do go to this court, but their travels there — where judges are frisked upon entering and leaving the courthouse by the NSA agents who appear before them — serve as fig leaves for their massive warrantless spying on Americans. The FISA Court is unconstitutional because it issues warrants based on probable cause of communicating with a foreign person, rather than on probable cause of crime as the Fourth Amendment requires.

The courts have ruled consistently since the 1960s that spying — surveillance, as the feds call it — is a search, and the capture of data from a surveillance is a seizure.

The Fourth Amendment protects all persons in America — not just Americans — from warrantless searches and seizures of their “persons, houses, papers, and effects.” There are some well-recognized exceptions to this constitutional baseline, such as evidence that will quickly vanish or be seriously degraded, but those exceptions do not apply here as the NSA captures in real time all keystrokes on all digital devices and all fiber optic data transmitted into, out of and within the United States.

The judges of the FISA Court surely know that the Department of Justice lawyers and NSA agents who appear before them are going through a charade, and the court has been made a part of it. The charade is the pretense that all spying is done pursuant to the warrants that FISA Court judges issue. Former NSA agents have revealed publicly that this is hardly the case.

Nevertheless, the lowered standard from probable cause of crime to probable cause of communicating to a foreign person was crafted by Congress — in another of its many moments heedless of the Constitution. After a few years of this, the FISA Court began to issue warrants for spying on the Americans who communicate with foreigners, out to the sixth degree. A sixth grader can do the math, as this leads to hundreds of millions of Americans whose communications are captured.

A second category of spying is employed by the DHS. The DHS — now a 250,000-person strong federal police department nowhere countenanced by the Constitution — has sophisticated software that can read fingerprints at 15 feet and irises at 15 inches. So, if you wave goodbye or good riddance to an ICE agent, and he holds up his mobile phone, and you are in the federal system for any benign reason, he has captured your bank, health, legal and commercial records on the spot. If he talks to you in your car and is within 15 inches of your face, he can capture the same data.

As if all this were not enough, the feds and local police use a device called a Stingray, which mimics the signal sent to all mobile devices as if the device were being used to communicate. But the communication is just one way, as the Stingray will tell the government where the person possessing the mobile device is at any given moment. This, too, is a seizure of private personal information — the contents of the computer chip in your mobile device — which the Fourth Amendment characterizes as an “effect.”

And then there is the FBI, which now uses zero-click software. This permits agents without warrants or even approval of their superiors to engage in computer hacking without having to trick the hacked victim into clicking on a link. Computer hacking is a felony.

All of this surveillance is unconstitutional, dangerous and commonplace. It consists in the use of surveillance and law enforcement tools without articulable suspicion.

For 600 years, articulable suspicion — the lowest evidentiary standard we have — has been the baseline for all government behavior that targets an individual. Articulable suspicion is the fact-based ability to state why a person — not a group — should be targeted and for what crime. This is the same standard that must be met when police stop someone in public.

Anything less than articulable suspicion is a fishing expedition; stated differently, a general warrant. General warrants — which were used by British agents on American colonists — permitted the agents to stop anyone, to search anywhere and to seize anything without articulable suspicion. The Fourth Amendment outlawed them.

How did we get from a Constitution that assumes that the individual is sovereign, our rights are natural and inalienable, and the government may only legally do what the governed have affirmatively authorized it to do to where we are today? The answer is fear. Fear is the great tool for authoritarians — fear of foreigners, fear of war, fear of crime, fear of drugs, fear of terror. When people are afraid, they will allow the government to take liberty in return for a promise of safety.

Of course, liberty once surrendered is never returned. But liberty is individual, not collective. You can surrender your liberty and your neighbors can surrender theirs, but none of you can surrender mine. These values are what animated Thomas Jefferson in the Declaration and James Madison in the Bill of Rights. Those animations seem like ancient history today. On the eve of America’s 250th anniversary, the Founders would not recognize this country of no values where everyone is a suspect.

Andrew P. Napolitano, a former judge of the Superior Court of New Jersey, is the senior judicial analyst at Fox News Channel. Judge Napolitano has written seven books on the US Constitution. The most recent is Suicide Pact: The Radical Expansion of Presidential Powers and the Lethal Threat to American Liberty. To find out more about Judge Napolitano and to read features by other Creators Syndicate writers and cartoonists, visit www.creators.com. COPYRIGHT 2025 ANDREW P. NAPOLITANO – DISTRIBUTED BY CREATORS.COM







Thursday, May 07, 2026

Five Ways the War on Terror Empowered the ICE Assault

Source: Forever Wars

Jose Oliveres revealed in The Guardian that ICE has contracted with a security firm called MVM to hunt for undocumented people who entered the United States as unaccompanied children. “ICE says it wants to confirm the children’s location, school enrollment and overall wellness, including checking for signs of abuse or trafficking, according to the contracting document,” Oliveres reported. 

If you’re thinking to yourself that MVM sounds familiar, perhaps you’re remembering its earlier incarnation from the War on Terror. Back then, it provided force protection for CIA and NSA officers in Iraq. In 2018, I reported on an earlier ICE contract with MVM, this one to ferry unaccompanied migrant children across the ICE network of warehoused-sized cages. They did so “using unmarked vehicles, commercial airlines, and makeshift detention centers,” according to a recent lawsuit Jose reports on. That lawsuit, which is ongoing, was brought by two Guatemalan fathers who allege MVM complicity in “torture, enforced disappearance and cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment.” 

If only there had been warning signs about the company’s willingness to do the dirty work of empire. 

The MVM contract is one example among many—seriously, someone should write a book—of the heritage of the War on Terror manifesting within the operations of ICE, an institution that war literally created. Such examples are the subject of an excellent and insightful analysis published this morning by the Costs of War Project at Brown University. Written by Widener University Delaware Law School Professor Elizabeth Beavers, it provides a vivid, concise framework along five critical and listicle-ready areas for understanding that heritage. 

“In its wide-ranging abuse of the law to support its anti-immigration agenda, the Trump administration is in part utilizing rhetoric and legal precedent borrowed from the ‘War on Terror,'” Beavers writes. She concludes: “Indisputably, administration officials are weaponizing the law in new and particularly indefensible ways to effectuate a widespread harassment and mass deportation campaign that is more akin to ethnic cleansing than routine immigration enforcement.” 

I would put it slightly differently. “Routine immigration enforcement” always possessed the ethnic-cleansing gene in its DNA, though it hasn’t always been the dominant one. A hard-and-fast distinction between, say, ICE in 2026 and ICE in 2006—or between ICE and its predecessor, Immigration and Naturalization Services—risks whitewashing pre-9/11 immigration enforcement. Dan Denvir wrote an excellent book about the violence that enforcement entailed. I don’t think Beavers would disagreeAnd certainly, the War on Terror was the crucible for ICE’s emergence as a domestic secret police. I just want to retain some skepticism about what a phrase like “routine immigration enforcement” conceals.

Beavers’ report is out this morning. I don’t mind saying I find it validating, and not only because of all the kind things it says about my work in citation. Given how perfect its overlap is with the central preoccupations of this newsletter, the Costs of War Project gave FOREVER WARS an early look. You should read Beavers’ report on its own terms,  but I’ll quickly run through her five areas of focus. 

CONFLATION OF IMMIGRATION ENFORCEMENT AND COUNTERTERRORISM

Beyond simply the creation of ICE, Beavers identifies a foundation for what ICE eventually became in the FBI’s wide-ranging investigation of the 9/11 attacks, known as PENTTBOM. PENTTBOM was the umbrella and the justification for an immigration detention dragnet that resulted in the detention of at least 1200 people and likely many more. You’ll read in my forthcoming book about Majid Khan about how the FBI “investigated” the attack overseas, in places like Pakistan. Beavers insightfully notes that often the bureau didn’t rely on powers granted post-9/11, but rather on existing immigration law, which was eminently weaponizable. 

“In the end,” Beavers writes, “the program did not result in the conviction of anyone actually involved in 9/11 or any other act of terrorism but instead resulted in hundreds of arrests and closed-door trials for minor, technical immigration law violations such as taking too few academic credits under a student visa.” 

EXPANDED AND POLITICIZED ‘TERRORIST’ DESIGNATION LISTS

Beavers notes how poorly defined “terrorism” is as a concept within U.S. law, making it a useful authoritarian tool. To designate a group as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO), an administration “must find that the group engages in ‘terrorist activity,’ with a definition that is wide-ranging enough to be regarded by at least one scholar as allowing ‘almost any group to be designated.'” Beavers focuses on the past 18 months’ steady expansion of Venezuelan gangs and the Venezuelan military itself as FTOs. The purpose has been to accustom U.S. audiences for dozens of murders of fishermen in the southern Caribbean, and then a regime-change operation. I’d only add that we should also understand this point in reference to Trump’s National Security Presidential Memo-7. A hunt for foreign connections to domestic left wing groups will unlock a whole lot of surveillance authorities, especially Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, and they don’t have to be plausible connections.

Speaking of: I’ll be part of an online panel on Monday, May 11 at 7 p.m. talking about NSPM-7 that Defending Rights and Dissent is holding. Check their website for more information, since we’re unlikely to publish another edition before then—Sam has a reporting trip coming up—and I don’t have more details at present. 

I also have to note that just yesterday, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent actually said that China’s purchases of Iranian oil represent material support for terrorism

DEPORTING PEOPLE AS TERRORISTS WITHOUT PROVING ACTUAL VIOLENT CONDUCT

This is the maturation phase of what’s called “material support for terrorism,” a dragnet category designed to grow like a spider’s web, expanding through threads of association. Before the 1990s, prosecuting someone for a connection to an act of terrorism required a defendant to affirmatively participate in or knowingly contribute to a specific act of violence. That’s ancient history. Only now, Beavers notes, the logic of the post-9/11 expansion of the material-support-for-terrorism now applies to deportations. Beavers highlights ICE accusing someone of links to MS-13 because they once gave up money to MS-13 gang members threatening them. She rightfully points to the ICE detentions of people who engaged in pro-Palestine speech, particularly that of Yaa’kub Ira Vijandre, who has spent nearly seven months in prison for his Instagram activity

INDEFINITE DETENTION, TORTURE AND RENDITION OF NONCITIZENS

I’m grateful to Beavers for invoking post-9/11 renditions as a template for ICE deportations to countries, like South Sudan, far from migrants’ homes. To her, the entire unpunished legacy of CIA and military torture not only normalized such treatment but ensured it would expand to new cohorts. As you can read from yesterday’s devastating Washington Post report on 1,460 incidents of ICE force inside its cages—documents with the chilling name “Daily Detainee Assault Reports” and leaked by a whistleblower—or in my own reporting going back years, this is a proper context in which to understand the brutality of ICE. 

Naturally, Beavers also traces the twin uses of Guantanamo for both counterterrorism and countermigration operations. As she notes, Camp 6 of the wartime prison has now been repurposed for “high-risk” migrants—a term that needs more journalistic attention. “As of the time of this writing, more than 700 migrants have been sent to and from Guantánamo in President Trump’s second term, detained there by ICE with support from the military,” she writes. That number is eye-opening. There have been 779 men detained as terrorists at Guantanamo in total; and now almost as many migrants. 

Also, speaking of that Post report, it says without elaboration that ICE uses “restraint chairs.” That really needs urgent additional investigation. You will read in my forthcoming book about CIA black site/Guantanamo survivor Majid Khan about such a chair. The term itself is reminiscent of an infamous torture technique Israelis used on Palestinians that the Israeli Supreme Court banned in 1999

ANTIDEMOCRATIC CONCENTRATION OF EXECUTIVE NATIONAL SECURITY POWERS

This one is bound to get the lawyers animated. It’s also one of the most underappreciated aspects of Constitutional collapse. Throughout the War on Terror, the courts, nine times out of ten, simply allow the executive branch to do as it likes, using the language and culture of judicial restraint to stop themselves from redressing abuses of power and usurpations of authority. Now the Trump administration can push even further—certainly after Trump v. United States—”without fear they will be meaningfully held accountable in court,” Beavers writes. 

I wrote in REIGN OF TERROR that we should not let ourselves think we have seen the War on Terror’s final form. The use of the War on Terror for “a widespread harassment and mass deportation campaign… akin to ethnic cleansing” is a reminder that nothing short of its total abolition is a tolerable redress.

This article was originally published by Forever Wars; please consider supporting the original publication, and read the original version at the link above.

Friday, April 17, 2026

 

Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.

A company of Israeli military intelligence officers that trained AI to kill human beings are now staffing the United States’ top cybersecurity firms. In their new positions, these ex-spies are responsible for protecting America’s military data, Social Security data, and Nuclear Security Administration data, among other sensitive contracts. 

Silicon Valley has long attracted ex-spies looking for a career change. For Israel native Nir Zuk, the former head of software development for the Israeli military’s cyberwarfare division, the American tech sector has proven to be lucrative. Zuk was previously the lead software developer for IDF Unit 8200, the cyber intelligence arm of the Zionist military, which The Guardian has called Israel’s equivalent of the NSA in terms of its surveillance capacity and mandate.

Earlier this month, Zuk raised $45 million in seed capital for his new cybersecurity startup Cylake with the help of investors from Greylock Partners, a venture capital firm with roots in Peter Thiel’s “PayPal mafia.” Other tech billionaire alumni of the PayPal mafia include Elon Musk and Trump’s current AI czar David Sacks. It might sound alarming that a former Israeli spy and cyberwarfare expert with backing from MAGA-aligned venture capital is looking to become one of the biggest players in U.S. cybersecurity. Except he already is.

Twenty years before his current venture with Cylake, Zuk founded Palo Alto Networks, a cybersecurity firm specializing in firewalls and cloud network services. Zuk received early backing from venture capital firm Sequoia Capital, another front of Peter Thiel’s PayPal mafia affiliated with Musk, OpenAI’s Sam Altman, and violent Islamophobe Shaun Maguire. Zuk is not the only former Israeli spy that Sequoia has partnered with – Since 2020, the venture capital firm has backed cybersecurity firm Wiz, founded by IDF Unit 8200 captain Assaf Rappaport. 

With backing from Sequoia Capital, Zuk grew Palo Alto Networks into America’s leading firewall and cloud protection company. As of 2024, Palo Alto Networks held a dominant 28.4% of the total network security market. The company’s market cap is currently $127 billion.

Zuk’s secret to dominating the cybersecurity industry? Contracts with federal agencies – tons of federal agencies, from the most mundane to the most sensitive and top secret. According to federal spending data, Palo Alto Networks has been awarded over $300 million in federal contracts since its inception, providing firewall and cloud services to the Department of Defense, Department of Homeland Security, Nuclear Security Administration, Social Security Administration, Department of Veterans Affairs, and more.

As Palo Alto Networks became the U.S. government’s go-to contractor for protecting crucial government data, Zuk brought many fellow Israeli spies with him to share in the success. Over 100 current or former employees of Palo Alto Networks are former members of IDF Unit 8200 or other Israeli military intelligence units, according to public LinkedIn profiles compiled in an activist-run database known as the Eagle Mission Influence Network.

IDF Unit 8200 is not just the cyberintelligence arm of the Israeli military, it also has a hand in developing the tools of surveillance and extermination that Israel uses against Palestinians. In 2024, +972 magazine reported that the commander of Unit 8200 was involved in the implementation of Israel’s “Lavender” system, an AI technology that helps the Israeli military select bombing targets in Gaza. The Lavender system gathers data on all 2.3 million residents of Gaza, assigns each individual a score of 1 to 100 representing the likelihood that they are a militant, and recommends targets to the Israeli military. This system is not designed to protect civilians – in fact it had the effect of expanding the genocide to more civilian targets. Aerial strikes using the Lavender program favor using unguided missiles, which tend to destroy entire buildings. One Israeli intelligence officer is quoted in the report saying “You don’t want to waste expensive bombs on unimportant people.”

With the knowledge that Palo Alto Networks’ founder and staff were responsible for developing the AI systems behind a genocide, the U.S. government awarded over $300 million in contracts to the company, putting them in charge of protecting nuclear security data, Social Security data, and more. Hosting such sensitive government data requires a highly exclusive and obscure security clearance known as FedRAMP High Tier clearance, administered by the General Services Administration (GSA). 

According to the FedRAMP website, High Tier security clearance grants companies access to “law enforcement and emergency services systems, financial systems, health systems, and any other system where loss of confidentiality, integrity or availability could be expected to have a severe or catastrophic adverse effect.” Only 48 contractors possess this security clearance.

While the GSA was admitting over a hundred former Israeli spies to the highest level of IT security clearance, former Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi found a way to profit off of this major national security decision. According to financial disclosures, Pelosi purchased at least $600,000 in Palo Alto Networks call options in February 2024, long before the company was awarded FedRAMP High Tier security clearance. Then in December of that year, one day after the security clearance was granted, she exercised her call option to gain equity in the company.

While the personal enrichment of Pelosi stands out as a possible conflict of interest, the broader issue here is the trend of both parties taking for granted that Israeli intelligence officials should have access to Americans’ most sensitive data. The process of awarding high-level cybersecurity contracts is seen as an opportunity to make money and form business partnerships, not as a vital national security and human rights issue requiring strict ethical oversight. The point of a security clearance system like FedRAMP is to thoroughly vet the private corporations that have access to top secret data, and yet the program appears to select for companies with the worst human rights records, staffed largely by foreign intelligence officers.

The human rights record of IDF Unit 8200, and their partnerships in the U.S. tech sector, has been called into question before. Last September, Microsoft cancelled contracts with IDF Unit 8200 after The Guardian revealed that Microsoft cloud services were being used to surveil Palestinians living under military occupation. 

Yet Zuk’s new venture, Cylake, is poised to further entangle the U.S. cybersecurity state and tech sector with Israeli intelligence. Cylake is selling  “AI-native cybersecurity” services. We’ve seen this before – military intelligence officers joining the tech sector to sell domestic AI-powered “security” at home – and it gave us Israeli drones and surveillance towers at the U.S. southern border, and ICE using Palantir’s AI systems to track immigrants’ movements.

Under the current cybersecurity regime, Americans’ most sensitive data is in the hands of foreign ex-spies guilty of genocide. Meanwhile, the elected officials who are supposed to act as watchdogs to this phenomenon only see it as an opportunity to cash in. IDF Unit 8200 committed significant crimes against humanity long before many of these cybersecurity contracts with the U.S. government were signed – but even with the knowledge that Unit 8200 designed AI tools to track and kill people in Palestine, federal agencies from the Social Security Administration to the Nuclear Security Administration opened their doors to the agency’s personnel and technology.

With figures like Musk, Thiel, and Zuk at the top of Silicon Valley, and no ethics oversight from the federal government, we are left to wonder who, if anyone, in the tech sector has the public’s interest in mind. These individuals did not get to their high position to provide a public service, they got there to propagate the wars and technologies of death that enrich them.Email

Julian Cooper is a Chicago-based journalist, a research intern for the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft, and an editorial intern for The Progressive. His writing has been published in The NationResponsible StatecraftThe Progressive, and other outlets. At the Quincy Institute, he works on the "Democratizing Foreign Policy" team with researchers Bill Hartung, Nick Cleveland-Stout, and Ben Freeman.