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Wednesday, January 21, 2026

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MONOPOLY CAPITALI$M

A Rio-Glencore Tie-Up Would Redraw the Map of Global Mining

  • Rio Tinto and Glencore are in early, non-binding talks over a possible tie-up that would create a ~$260 billion mining giant.

  • The appeal centers on copper, where demand from power grids, EVs, renewables, and data centers is rising.

  • A deal could accelerate mining-sector consolidation and open the door to spinning off Glencore’s coal assets.

A potential tie-up between Rio Tinto Group and Glencore Plc would rank among the largest transactions ever attempted in the mining sector. The combined company would be valued at roughly $260 billion and would control a broad mix of iron ore, copper, and other industrial metals at a point when supply growth across several markets is slowing.

The structure of the two companies explains why the idea continues to resurface. Rio’s iron ore business generates steady and predictable cash flow. Glencore, by contrast, has spent the past decade building one of the industry’s largest copper portfolios while maintaining a global trading operation that handles large volumes of physical metals. Together, those businesses would cover both production and distribution at scale, a combination few miners can match.

According to multiple reports, Rio Tinto and Glencore are holding preliminary discussions about a possible merger. The talks remain early and non-binding, with no formal proposal or timetable disclosed. Interest in the scenario has increased after BHP Group ruled out a competing bid.


BHP’s decision narrows the competitive field. With a market capitalization of around $168 billion, BHP was the only miner with the balance sheet and operational reach to pursue a rival transaction. With that option removed, attention shifts to whether a single Rio-Glencore deal can move forward without the uncertainty of a bidding contest reshaping valuations or delaying execution.

Copper is key here. Demand continues to rise from power grids, electric vehicles, renewable energy systems, and data centers. Supply growth remains limited. Years of underinvestment, declining ore grades, permitting delays, and higher development costs have slowed the pipeline of new projects. Glencore’s copper assets and expansion plans would materially increase Rio’s exposure to a market that is already tight.

The talks also come as the mining sector accelerates its push toward consolidation. Producers are seeking scale to manage rising costs, longer project timelines, and tighter capital conditions. A proposed tie-up between Anglo American and Teck Resources is one example, with the companies exploring a merger of equals that would create a major copper-focused producer based in Canada. Similar pressures are driving interest in larger, more diversified mining groups across the industry.

For Rio, a deal with Glencore would also bring a commercial advantage. Glencore operates one of the most powerful commodity marketing and trading businesses in the mining sector, giving it deep exposure to physical flows, regional pricing differences, and supply disruptions. Integrating that operation would add a capability Rio currently lacks, strengthening its position across copper and other metals markets.

Beyond operating scale, the structure of Glencore’s portfolio opens up options to unlock shareholder value. The company’s carbon-heavy businesses, particularly coal, generate substantial cash but continue to weigh on valuation. Separating those assets following a merger could leave a standalone metals business centered on copper, zinc, aluminium, and lithium. That mix would align more closely with producers that trade at higher valuation multiples than diversified miners with large coal exposure.

Analysts cited by the Financial Times have argued that a post-merger break-up could materially lift shareholder value by allowing the metals business to be valued on its own merits, rather than alongside coal. Rio and BHP both trade at lower multiples than copper-focused peers, while coal-heavy producers trade at an even deeper discount. Keeping those businesses separate would highlight the difference in how they are valued.

Prices seem to track with this. Copper has climbed more than 25% over the past three months and reached record levels above $13,000 a tonne on the London Metal Exchange. Inventories remain low by historical standards, while producers face higher costs across labor, energy, and equipment. New supply is expected, but much of it remains several years away from first production.

Glencore’s appeal extends beyond its mines. The company operates one of the largest metals trading businesses in the world, giving it direct exposure to physical flows, pricing differentials, and regional supply disruptions. That trading arm has long differentiated Glencore from traditional miners. Folded into Rio, it would add a commercial layer that most large producers lack, potentially reshaping how the combined group markets copper and other metals.

The talks also come as consolidation accelerates across the sector. Large miners are increasingly using scale to manage cost inflation and longer project timelines. Smaller producers face tighter financing conditions and limited flexibility when projects run over budget or encounter delays. A combined Rio–Glencore would sit firmly at the top end of the industry, with the ability to keep large projects moving through downturns that would strain less diversified peers.

Coal is the awkward part of any deal. Glencore is one of the world’s largest coal producers, and those operations generate substantial cash that has supported the company during weaker metals cycles. At the same time, coal continues to weigh on valuation as capital flows favor copper and other electrification-linked metals. Separating those assets would leave a cleaner metals business, but it would also remove a significant source of earnings.

Glencore has been here before. The company has previously reviewed options to separate its coal business, only to see shareholders decide to keep the assets because of the cash they generate. Any deal with Rio would put that question back on the table, this time tied directly to how a combined company would be valued rather than to longer-term climate positioning.

Regulators would also be involved early. Authorities in Australia and Europe would examine copper concentration, particularly in regions where both companies already have significant operations. Glencore’s trading business would draw additional scrutiny because of its role in physical markets and price setting. Any transaction would need approvals across several jurisdictions.

The two companies also run very different models. Glencore’s operations are built around trading and risk management, while Rio focuses on long-life mining assets and production discipline. Combining those approaches would require changes in oversight, internal controls, and decision-making.

Even if the talks go no further, they reflect where the industry is headed. Copper assets with long reserve lives are becoming harder to secure. Cash flow is increasingly important as project costs rise and timelines stretch. Those pressures continue to favor larger miners with the balance sheets to fund new supply and absorb delays.

By Alex Kimani for Oilprice.com

Key LME copper spread spikes to highest level since 2021 squeeze

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Spot copper prices surged to trade at a huge premium over later-dated futures on the London Metal Exchange, with a closely watched one-day spread reaching levels not seen since an historic supply squeeze in 2021.

Copper contracts expiring Wednesday briefly traded at a $100 premium to those expiring a day later, in a structure known as backwardation that typically signals rising spot demand. The so-called Tom/next spread was at a narrow discount on Monday, and the spike was among the largest ever seen in pricing records starting in 1998.

The surge creates a fresh bout of turmoil in the LME copper market, after a breakneck rally that lifted prices to record highs above $13,400 a ton earlier this month. Traders have been piling into the market as mines have faltered and a surge in shipments to the US has drained copper supplies elsewhere, while many investors are betting on a jump in demand to power the burgeoning artificial-intelligence industry.

The Tom/next spread is closely watched as a gauge of demand for metal in the LME’s warehousing networking, which underpins trading in its benchmark futures contracts. The advance came ahead of the expiry of the LME’s main January contracts on Wednesday, with the Tom/next spread providing a final opportunity to trade those positions.

Data from the LME showed that there were three separate entities with long positions equal to at least 30% cumulatively of the outstanding January contracts as of Friday, and if held to expiry the positions would entitle them to more than 130,000 tons of copper — more than the amount that’s readily available in the LME’s warehousing network.

Holders of short positions, meanwhile, would need to deliver copper to settle any contracts held until expiry, and the spike in the Tom/next spread exposes them to hefty losses if they look to roll them forward instead. The move to $100 a ton took the spread to the highest level since a major supply squeeze in 2021, which prompted the LME to roll out emergency rule changes to maintain an orderly market.

Structural constraints

The Tom/next spread often flares into backwardation in the run-up to the expiry of monthly contracts, but such extremes are a rarity — partly because the LME has rules in place that force large individual holders of long positions to lend them back to the market at a capped rate.

The spread had earlier been trading at a premium of $65 a ton, which equates to 0.5% of the prior day’s official cash price. That’s the maximum level participants can lend at if they hold positions in inventories and spot contracts that are equal to between 50% and 80% of readily available stocks. The spread later fell in the final minutes of trading, and closed at $20 a ton at 12:30 p.m. London time.

While the Tom/next spread is highly volatile, copper’s broader price curve is also signaling more structural supply constraints in the broader copper industry, with backwardation seen in most monthly spreads through to the end of 2028. Many analysts and traders expect the market to be in a deep deficit by then, in a trend that could drain global inventories and push prices sharply higher.

Global inventories are at sufficient levels for now, but much of the stock is held in warehouses in the US, after traders shipped record volumes there in anticipation of tariffs. The once-in-a-lifetime trading opportunity was fueled by a surge in copper prices on New York’s Comex exchange, but the recent spike in spot prices on the LME has left US futures trading at a discount.

This week, there have been small deliveries of copper into previously empty LME warehouses in New Orleans, and the surge in the Tom/next spread could incentivize further deliveries into US depots. Data from the LME shows that there were about 20,000 tons of privately held copper that could be readily delivered into New Orleans and Baltimore as of Thursday, while more than 50,000 tons were also held off-exchange across Asia and Europe.

LME copper inventories rose by 8,875 tons to 156,300 tons on Tuesday, driven by deliveries into warehouses in Asia and a small inflow in New Orleans. The turmoil in price spreads had little impact on the LME’s benchmark three-month contract, with prices falling 1.6% to settle at $12,753.50 a ton as US President Donald Trump’s push to take control of Greenland sparked a broad selloff in stock markets.

(By Mark Burton)

Jiangxi Copper plans $3.6 billion bond sales to fund expansion

Jiangxi Copper Co., a leading Chinese smelter, said it planned to issue up to 25 billion yuan ($3.6 billion) of bonds that could fund an expansion of mining after prices rallied to a record.

The company will issue up to 15 billion yuan of medium-term notes, as well as 10 billion yuan in super short-term commercial paper, it said in an exchange filing. Proceeds will be used to repay debt, supplement working capital, or fund merger-and-acquisition activity, it said.

Copper hit a record above $13,000 a ton this month, supported by optimism about the outlook for demand amid the energy transition and data-center build-out. Supply snarls at mines, and concerns that the US may impose a tariff on imports have also boosted the metal.

Globally, companies are hunting for copper reserves, or seeking to combine with rivals to expand their access to the commodity. Last month, Jiangxi Copper agreed to buy Australian copper miner SolGold Plc for about $1 billion, with the smelter seeking to boost ore self-sufficiency after record low processing fees crimped margins.

This week, major Chinese miner CMOC Group Co. raised $1.2 billion from the sale of convertible bonds to expand its overseas mining and processing assets, as well as to improve working capital.

Jiangxi Copper shares in Hong Kong hit a record earlier this month.


Vale’s copper ambition is to produce 1 million tons a year

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Vale SA’s base metals unit wants to eventually produce 1 million tons of copper by developing existing assets, exceeding an output target for 2035.

Major mining firms such as Anglo American Plc and Rio Tinto Group are racing to increase production of the metal through acquisitions. Vale Base Metals is focused on deposits it already owns in Brazil to join the ranks of the world’s largest copper suppliers.

“These assets have been talked about for decades,” Vale Base Metals chief executive officer Shaun Usmar said in an interview last week at a mining industry gathering in Riyadh. “They just haven’t been unlocked.”

While the subsidiary of the Brazilian iron ore giant has a target to approximately double annual copper production to 700,000 tons by 2035, the CEO said he’s “increasingly confident we’ve got an organic pipeline to go well beyond that.” The ambition is “to become a one million ton a year producer,” according to Usmar.

The only miners whose copper output exceeded 1 million tons in 2024 were Freeport-McMoRan Inc, BHP Group, Codelco and Zijin Mining Group Co. Ltd.

Copper is among the most coveted metals for mining executives who are anticipating significant growth in consumption driven by electrification and the wider energy transition. Prices have hit repeated records since late last year amid concerns that supply will lag demand.

Toronto-based Vale Base Metals’ other main product is nickel, which is mined at operations in Brazil, Canada and Indonesia.

Vale said last month that its base metals unit is also considering a joint copper project with Glencore Plc in Canada. It could cost as much as $2 billion to develop their neighboring properties in the Sudbury Basin, in a venture that would produce about 42,000 tons of copper a year, Vale said.

(By William Clowes)

 

Peru’s copper production down 11.2% year-on-year in November


Open-pit copper mine in Peru. Stock image.

Peru’s copper production declined 11.2% year-on-year in November of 2025, reaching 216,152 metric tons, the energy and mining ministry said on Monday.

Between January and November copper production increased 1.6% compared to the same period in 2024, to 2.5 million metric tons, the ministry said in a preliminary report.

Peru, the world’s third-largest producer of the red metal, expects to produce about 2.8 million metric tons of copper in 2025, up from 2.74 million tons in 2024, according to the latest government estimates.

Copper production in Peru has remained almost stable since 2023, due to a lack of new projects and declining ore grades in large mines.

(By Marco Aqino; Editing by Cassandra Garrison)


Rio Tinto copper output rises as merger talks loom


Copper production increased by 5% in Q4, driven by a surge from Mongolia’s Oyu Tolgoi underground expansion.(Image courtesy of Turner & Townsend.)

Rio Tinto’s (ASX, NYSE, LON: RIO) copper production rose 5% in the fourth quarter, as a surge from Mongolia’s Oyu Tolgoi underground expansion more than offset weaker output at Chile’s Escondida, the world’s largest copper mine.

Copper accounted for about a quarter of Rio’s half-year profit, still dwarfed by iron ore but central to its long-term growth ambitions and the strategic backdrop to its ongoing takeover talks with Glencore (LON: GLEN), with a Feb. 5 deadline to either make a firm offer or walk away. 

At Escondida, fourth-quarter production fell 10% from a year earlier due to lower grades and reduced concentrator output, but Oyu Tolgoi delivered a 57% year-on-year jump that underpinned the group’s overall copper gain. 

“Rio Tinto finished the year with a strong performance in key commodities, including fourth-quarter Pilbara iron ore up more than 4% versus our estimate, a quarterly record, and a 4% beat in copper,” BMO Capital Markets mining analyst Alexander Pearce said in a note. “However, the near-term focus remains on the potential merger with Glencore.”

The UK’s strict takeover rules also meant that Glencore’s name was absent from Rio’s production report, yet the Swiss miner’s influence hangs over the results as negotiations continue on valuation, leadership, structure and asset composition.

Among the options under discussion is a carve-out of coal assets, potentially into a separately listed Australian vehicle, echoing BHP’s (ASX, LON: BHP) South32 demerger a decade ago.

Glencore’s coal operations across NSW, Queensland, central Africa and Latin America would make up about 8% of a combined group’s $45.6 billion in EBITDA, while its trading arm, accounting for roughly 9% of earnings, remains another sensitive element.

Analysts have also floated alternatives, including a pre-deal coal spin-off by Glencore or a narrower bid by Rio focused solely on copper assets.

Market timing

Mark Freeman, managing director of the near-century-old Australian Foundation Investment Company (AFIC), has questioned the timing of chasing Glencore’s copper pipeline with prices near record highs, warning that assets often appear most attractive at the top of a mining cycle.

RBC mining analyst Ben Davis struck a similar note, arguing that the strength of the copper market has shifted perceptions around a potential tie-up. “Clearly the mining cycle is alive and well,” he wrote in a note last week. 

What was widely dismissed as speculative talk a year ago has, in his view, gathered momentum amid a strong rally and tightening resource supply, with recent share price moves signalling that investors now expect a firm offer.

The analyst added that Glencore’s copper portfolio, particularly its 44% stake in Chile’s Collahuasi mine alongside Anglo American (LON: AAL), represents the crown jewel Rio is seeking.

Iron backbone

Rio’s Pilbara iron ore operations hit a quarterly record, with shipments rising 7% to 91.3 million tonnes, while full-year exports landed at the lower end of guidance as the company recovered from weather disruptions.

The miner also began exporting from Guinea’s Simandou project and expects sales of 5 million to 10 million tonnes in 2026, compared with 323 million to 338 million tonnes forecast from the Pilbara this year. Elsewhere, aluminium output increased 2%, lithium production reached a record driven by Argentina, and titanium volumes fell 6% as Rio prepares to divest the business.

Since chief executive Simon Trott took the helm last year, Rio has moved to refocus operations, cut costs and rein in earlier ambitions in lithium. “Implementation of our stronger, sharper, simpler way of working continues, and is delivering results and creating value,” Trott said.

AU

Lupaka Gold may seize Peru state assets over unpaid $67M arbitration award


Lupaka Gold (TSXV: LPK) may look to seize certain Peruvian state-owned assets unless the South American nation pays the company its arbitration award, its chairman told Bloomberg.

Last year, the Canadian miner won an arbitration case against Peru for the government’s failure to curb community protests in 2018 that ultimately forced the closure of the company’s flagship gold project. The arbitration was launched in late 2019, with Lupaka alleging that the state had supported the protests that blockaded access to its Invicta project, located 120 kilometres north of the capital city Lima.

Before the situation escalated, Lupaka had completed 3,000 metres of underground workings, agreements from the community of Lacsanga and a 29-kilometre access road sufficient to handle 40-tonne ore trucks. The project was forecast to produce 185,000 oz. of gold equivalent over a six-year life.

$67 million unpaid

In June 2025, the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) ruled that the Peruvian state must pay Lupaka $65 million. However, the arbitration award, now amounting to $67 million due to accumulation of interest, has yet to be paid, according to the company.

Without this payment, Lupaka said it has taken steps to identify overseas assets held by Peru as potential targets for seizure. Last November, it hired investigators to aid this process.

In a recent Bloomberg interview, Lupaka’s chairman Gordon Ellis said it has identified Peru’s national petroleum company Petroperu, which has “massive debts and pays large amounts of money on that on a regular basis,” as a potential target.

Other assets named by Ellis include ships and real estate as well as debt payments on Peru’s sovereign bonds.

Shares of Lupaka Gold have risen by over three-fold since its arbitration award win. At about C$0.25 apiece, the company has a market capitalization of C$5.7 million ($4.1 million).

Lupaka’s threats highlight the damaged relationship the Peruvian state has had with certain foreign investors. Last month, the Latin American nation was found in default in US federal court over another arbitration award totaling $91 million involving an airport contractor.

According to the Fraser Institute, Peru ranks behind some of its mineral-rich peers in the region such as San Juan, Argentina and Chile for investment attractiveness.


Caledonia secures $150M for Zimbabwe gold mine in rare international capital raise


Bilboes gold project in Zimbabwe. (Image courtesy of Caledonia Mining.)

Caledonia Mining Corporation on Wednesday said it raised $150 million via a seven-year convertible bond offering to fund its Bilboes project which, once operational, will be Zimbabwe’s largest gold mine.

Zimbabwe-focused Caledonia’s debt issuance is the biggest international capital raising in over a decade for the country, which had been shunned by global investors due to economic and policy volatility.

Spot gold prices surged to more than $4,800 per ounce on Wednesday, driven by investors seeking havens who are backing miners like Caledonia to lift output.

In a statement, Caledonia – which operates the 80,000-ounce-per-year Blanket mine in Zimbabwe – said demand for the offering from US institutional investors exceeded $600 million.

“Receiving more than $600 million of demand from high-quality North American investors is a tremendous endorsement of our strategy, the quality of our assets, our operational track record and the long-term prospects of the company,” Caledonia CEO Mark Learmonth said.

Caledonia said the bond issue is part of a broader strategy it is pursuing to fund Bilboes, which is expected to start production in late 2028. The mine is expected to reach annual output of 200,000 ounces from 2029 for an initial period of 10 years.

The company is also arranging a $150 million funding facility with a consortium of Zimbabwean and South African banks and will also engage regional and global lenders for Bilboes financing.

The Bilboes project has an expected total cost of $584 million and peak funding requirements of $484 million.

Zimbabwe’s gold output plunged to 3 metric tons during the height of its economic and political crisis in 2008. It has more than doubled production over the past decade to an all-time high of 47 metric tons in 2025.

(By Chris Takudzwa Muronzi; Editing by Nelson Banya and Thomas Derpinghaus)


Russia gains $216 billion in gold rally, replacing lost assets

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Russia has reaped a windfall from a surge in gold prices since the start of its war in Ukraine, generating gains on a scale comparable to the sovereign reserves frozen in Europe over President Vladimir Putin’s invasion.

The value of the Bank of Russia’s gold holdings has increased by more than $216 billion since February 2022, according to Bloomberg calculations. At the same time, the central bank has largely refrained from both major purchases of the metal and using its gold reserves during that period, despite the loss of access to foreign securities and currencies blocked under sanctions.

In December, European Union countries approved extending a freeze on around €210 billion ($244 billion) of Russian sovereign assets held in the bloc.

The increase in the value of bullion restores most of Russia’s lost financial capacity, even if it doesn’t return the blocked reserves. While securities and cash immobilized in Europe cannot be sold or pledged, gold can still be monetized if needed.

Russia, the world’s second-largest gold producer, mines more than 300 tons of the metal a year. Since 2022, however, Russian bullion has been shut out of Western markets and is no longer accepted by the London Bullion Market Association, effectively barring it from the world’s biggest over-the-counter gold-trading hub. That complicates any potential large-scale sales by the central bank to Asian buyers, where it would also face competition from newly mined gold produced by sanctioned Russian producers that cannot currently be sold elsewhere.

Gold prices have rallied sharply over the past four years, supported by strong demand from central banks, persistent inflation concerns, heightened geopolitical risks and investors seeking safe havens from uncertainty caused by trade wars.

In 2025, gold gained around 65%, its strongest annual performance since 1979. This has significantly lifted the valuation of official holdings worldwide even without additional purchases.

Russia’s international reserves reached $755 billion at the end of last year, including $326.5 billion held in gold, according to central bank data published on Friday. Gold prices have risen by more than 8% since then, surpassing $4,700 per ounce.

The Finance Ministry expects gold prices to keep climbing over the long term to $5,000 an ounce and higher. The current rally reflects a loss of confidence in global reserve currencies, while attempts to expropriate Russian assets are only increasing demand, Deputy Finance Minister Aleksey Moiseev said in an interview with RBC in late December.

The Bank of Russia only began drawing on its bullion toward the end of last year, with holdings falling by 0.2 million troy ounces to 74.8 million troy ounces. The decline reflected operations linked to the Finance Ministry’s sales of National Wellbeing Fund assets to finance the budget deficit.

From February 2022 through December 2025, the value of the country’s gold reserves more than doubled, while reserves held in foreign assets and currencies declined by about 14%, Bank of Russia data show. Gold accounted for 43% of total reserves compared with only 21% before the war.

Russia has stopped disclosing detailed information on its foreign currency reserves since the start of the war. As of Jan. 1, foreign currency and other non-gold assets totaled $399 billion, according to the data.

Russia’s Finance Ministry said in 2022 that roughly $300 billion of its overseas sovereign assets had been immobilized abroad.

The fate of those funds is poised to remain a subject of negotiation as talks over a potential peace settlement of the war in Ukraine continue under US leadership. EU countries have debated ways to use frozen Russian assets to provide a loan to Ukraine, but efforts to reach an agreement ultimately failed.

The Bank of Russia in response filed a lawsuit in Moscow seeking 18.2 trillion rubles ($227 billion) from Euroclear. Governor Elvira Nabiullina said the central bank doesn’t intend to drop its claim and is considering legal action in international courts.

Gold price extends record run, with $4,900 in sight

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Gold extended its record rally to almost $4,900 per ounce on Wednesday, as geopolitical tensions surrounding Greenland and a meltdown in Japanese government debt kept safe-haven demand elevated.

Spot gold spiked as much as 2% to a record $4,887.19 per ounce before paring some gains. This marks the first time ever that gold has crossed the $4,800 threshold, and it comes a day after prices first broke past the $4,700-an-ounce level.

Gold is coming off its best annual performance since 1979, as mounting geopolitical risks and a global shift away from fiat currencies lifted the metal’s appeal, driving prices to record highs on more than 50 occasions through 2025 and into the new year.

This record-breaking rally in gold, which has risen by 75% over the past 12 months, reignited in recent days amid growing tensions between the US and its NATO allies. On Saturday, US President Donald Trump threatened tariffs on eight European nations that opposed his plan to take over Greenland, raising the specter of a damaging trade war.

Meanwhile, a meltdown in Japanese sovereign debt spilt over into bond markets worldwide earlier this week, with long-dated Treasuries and the dollar both tumbling. As well as sparking fears of the repatriation of capital to the East Asian nation as yields rise, the ructions highlighted worries about the fiscal situations of major economies that fueled the so-called “debasement trade”, where investors avoid currencies and government bonds.

The situation in Japan is spurring “fear of market-led debasement in the rest of the world,” Daniel Ghali, a senior commodity strategist at TD Securities, wrote in a note. “Gold’s rally is about trust. For now, trust has bent, but hasn’t broken. If it breaks, momentum will persist for longer.”

Gold is poised for more support from the world’s biggest reported buyer, the National Bank of Poland. The central bank approved plans to purchase another 150 tons, while Bolivia’s central bank has resumed purchases for its foreign reserves under new regulations enacted in December 2025.

“Gold remains our highest conviction,” Daan Struyven, co-head of commodities research at Goldman Sachs Group, said at a media briefing on Wednesday, citing continued purchases by central banks. He reiterated the bank’s base case scenario is for gold to climb to $4,900 an ounce, with risks to the upside.

Silver down

Meanwhile, silver retreated by over 1% after notching its all-time best $95.89 per ounce during the Tuesday session. The metal has benefitted from the gold trade and performed even better during 2025, recording a gain of 140% for the year.

As with gold, analysts remain bullish on the white metal in 2026. “Silver’s rise to a three-digit number is looking quite possible given the price momentum we are seeing, but it will not be a one-way move. There could be some correction in prices and volatility can be higher,” ANZ commodity strategist Soni Kumari said on Wednesday.

(With files from Bloomberg and Reuters)


Gold, silver premiums in India surge on import duty hike bets


India is the world’s second-largest consumer of gold and the largest consumer of silver. 


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Gold premiums in India surged past $100 an ounce on Wednesday for the first time in more than a decade, with silver premiums at a record high, as traders priced in possible curbs on precious metals imports to shore up the rupee.

Bullion dealers charged a premium of up to $112 per ounce over official domestic gold prices – inclusive of 6% import and 3% sales levies – the highest since May 2014. Last week, dealers offered a discount of up to $12.

Silver premiums surged to $8 per ounce, surpassing the previous peak of $5 scaled in October.

India is the world’s second-largest consumer of gold and the largest consumer of silver. The rupee slipped to a record low of 91.7425 against the US dollar on Wednesday.

“People are speculating that the government may raise import duties on gold and silver to curb imports in the budget,” said Chanda Venkatesh, managing director of Hyderabad-based bullion merchant CapsGold.

“Anticipating the hike, traders are charging premiums over record prices.”

Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman is set to present the Union Budget for 2026/27 on February 1. She had slashed import duties on gold and silver to 6% from 15% in July 2024 to curb smuggling.

India meets most of its gold and silver demand through imports, which have surged in recent months, widening the trade deficit and putting pressure on the rupee.

Local gold prices soared to an all-time high of 158,339 rupees per 10 grams, while silver surged to a record 335,521 rupees per kilogram.

“Traders with short positions were squeezed as prices rose, forcing them to buy to close their positions,” said Prithviraj Kothari, president, India Bullion and Jewellers Association (IBJA).

While jewellery demand is down, investment in coins, bars, and exchange-traded funds has surged, Kothari said.

“Supply hasn’t kept up. This shortage is causing sellers to charge higher premiums,” said Chirag Thakkar, chief executive of Amrapali Group Gujarat, a leading importer.

The industry is concerned that the government may take steps to restrict bank funding currently used by jewellers for gold and silver imports, a move that is also lifting premiums on both metals, said Surendra Mehta, secretary, IBJA.

India’s Ministry of Commerce and Industry did not immediately respond to a Reuters request for comment.

(By Rajendra Jadhav and Aftab Ahmed; Editing by Harikrishnan Nair)

 

(Statement) International call to strengthen antifascist and anti-imperialist action


Antifa conference

The extreme right and neo-fascist forces are advancing on every continent. 

While the threat manifests itself in different ways depending on the country or region, its common elements are readily identifiable: the goal of annihilating labor rights and protections, the suppression of workers’ organizations, the dismantling of social security and the imposition of a precarious existence for both employed and unemployed workers, the privatization of public services, the denial of climate change, the use of the high level of public debt as an excuse for intensifying austerity policies, the dispossession of peasants to clear the way for agribusiness, the displacement of indigenous peoples to promote unbridled extractivism, the tightening of inhumane migration policies, and an increase in military spending. 

Enforcing these policies requires restrictions on the right to strike, freedom of expression, freedom of association, and freedom of assembly; the silencing of the press and of critical voices in schools and universities; denying scientific findings that contradict these policies; and strengthening of the structures and mechanisms of repression and surveillance.

The extreme right is co-opting discontent with the disastrous consequences of neoliberalism to accelerate these policies. To achieve this, like classical fascism, it seeks to direct this discontent against oppressed and dispossessed groups: migrants, women, LGBTQ+ people, those who benefit from inclusion programs, racialized people, and national or religious minorities. National chauvinism, racism, xenophobia, sexism, homophobia, incitement to hatred, and the normalization of cruelty accompany the advance of the radical right at every step, depending on the specific circumstances of each country.

The desire to accumulate wealth in the hands of capital and the relentless pursuit of maximum profit that underpins far-right policies are also manifested by the intensification of imperialist aggressions aimed at seizing resources and exploiting populations. This phenomenon is intertwined with the perpetuation of colonial situations, exemplified by the case of Palestine, where it takes the form of a genocide orchestrated by the State of Israel with the complicity of its imperialist allies.

Beyond its complicity with the Netanyahu government, the far right is forging international ties: congresses, think tanks, joint declarations, mutual support in electoral processes, collaboration among podcasters, propagandists, and specialists in disinformation. It is urgent that we advance the struggle against the right and imperialist aggression, and to be effective our struggle must be international.

The forces fighting against the rise of the far right, fascism, and imperialist aggression are neither monolithic nor homogeneous, nor have they ever been. They are diverse, and there are significant differences in analysis, strategy and tactics, programs, and alliance policy, as well as sensibilities and priorities. Experience teaches us that while it is important to recognize these differences, coordinating the struggle against increasingly menacing enemies is essential. This convergence can and must include all forces willing to defend the working class, farmers, migrants, women, LGBTQ+ people, racialized people, oppressed national or religious minorities, and indigenous peoples; to defend nature against ecocidal capitalism; to combat imperialist and colonial aggression, regardless of its origin; and to support the struggle of the peoples who resist, even when they are forced to take up arms.

It is urgent that we share analyses, strengthen ties, and agree on concrete actions. Those are the goals that inspired the convening of an International Antifascist and Anti-imperialist Conference in the city of Porto Alegre, Brazil, from March 26 to 29, 2026.

The Porto Alegre conference is an important step on a much longer path. The undersigned organizations and individuals commit to continue, tirelessly and in the most unified way possible, the struggle against the rising far right and imperialist aggressions, which is an essential dimension of our emancipatory, socialist, ecological, feminist, anti-racist, and internationalist project.

As Che Guevara wrote to his children: “Above all, always be capable of feeling deeply any injustice committed against anyone, anywhere in the world. This is the most beautiful quality in a revolutionary.”

Sign the call here

Initial signatories:

Argentina
1. Atilio A. Boron, professor at the University of Buenos Aires and the National University of Avellaneda.
2. Verónica Gago, feminist activist and researcher at the University of Buenos Aires.
3. Julio Gambina, Corriente Politica de Izquierda - CPI (Left Political Current), ATTAC Argentina, CADTM AYNA.
4. Claudio Katz, professor at the University of Buenos Aires and researcher at CONICET.
5. Beverly Keene, Diálogo 2000-Jubileo Sur Argentina (Dialogue 2000-Jubilee South Argentina) and Autoconvocatoria por la Suspensión del Pago e Investigación de la Deuda (Coalition for the Suspension of Payment and Investigation of the Debt).
6. Claudio Lozano, President of the Instrumento Electoral por la Unidad Popular (Electoral Instrument for Popular Unity).
7. Jorgelina Matusevicius, representative of Vientos del Pueblo Frente por el Poder Popular (Winds of the People Front for Popular Power).
8. Felisa Miceli, Economist, Former Minister of Economy of Argentina 2005/2007.
9. Martín Mosquera, editor of Jacobin Latin America (Jacobinlat).
10. María Elena Saludas, member of ATTAC-CADTM Argentina, Corriente Politica de Izquierda - CPI (Left Political Current).

Australia
11. Federico Fuentes, editor of LINKS International Journal of Socialist Renewal.
12. Pip Hinman, Co-editor of Green Left.
13. Susan Price, Co-editor of Green Left.

Basque Country
14. Garbiñe Aranburu Irazusta, General Coordinator of the LAB Trade Union.
15. Igor Arroyo Leatxe, General Coordinator of the LAB Trade Union.
16. Josu Chueca, former professor at the UPV/EHU. Historical memory activist.
17. Irati Jiménez, parliamentarian in Navarre, EH Bildu.
18. Mitxel Lakuntza Vicario, general secretary of the ELA Sindikatua Trade Union.
19. Oskar Matute, deputy in the Congress of the Spanish state, EH Bildu.
20. Luisa Menendez Aguirre, anti-racist and feminist activist, Bilbao.
21. Amaia Muñoa Capron-Manieux, deputy general secretary of the ELA Sindikatua Trade Union.
22. Anabel Sanz Del Pozo, feminist activist, Bilbao.
23. Igor Zulaika, parliamentarian in the CAPV, EH Bildu.

Belgium
24. Vanessa Amboldi, Director of CEPAG popular education movement.
25. France Arets, retired history teacher, active in supporting undocumented people, CRACPE.
26. Eléonore Bronstein, federal secretary of the Mouvement Ouvrier Chrétien Brussels (Christian Labour Movement Brussels).
27. Céline Caudron, Gauche Anticapitaliste (Anticapitalist Left), union and feminist activist.
28. Giulia Contes, Co-president of the Coordination Nationale d’Action pour la Paix et la Démocratie – CNAPD (National Coordination for Action for Peace and Democracy).
29. Paul-Emile Dupret, jurist, former official of The Left in the European Parliament.
30. Pierre Galand, former senator, president of the Association Belgo-Palestinienne (Belgian-Palestinian Association), president of the Conférence européenne de coordination du soutien au peuple sahraoui – EUCOCO (European Conference on Coordination of Support for the Sahrawi People).
31. Corinne Gobin, professor at the Université libre de Bruxelles.
32. Henri Goldman, Union des progressistes juifs de Belgique (Union of Jewish Progressives of Belgium).
33. Jean-François Tamellini, general secretary of the trade union FGTB wallonne.
34. Éric Toussaint, spokesperson for CADTM international.
35. Felipe Van Keirsbilck, general secretary of the Centrale Nationale des Employés - CNE/CSC (National Employees’ Centre).
36. Arnaud Zacharie, lecturer at ULB and ULiège, general secretary of the Centre National de Coopération au Développement – CNCD (National Centre for Development Cooperation).

Benin
37. Émilie Atchaka, feminist, president of CADD Benin.

Bolivia
38. Gabriela Montaño, physician, former President of the Chamber of Deputies and Senators, former Minister of Health.

Brazil
39. Ricardo Abreu de Melo “Alemão”, FMG.
40. Luana Alves, black feminist, PSOL municipal councilor in São Paulo.
41. Frei Betto, writer.
42. Sâmia Bomfim, PSOL federal deputy.
43. Bianca Borges, president of UNE.
44. Ana Cristina Carvalhaes, Journalist, Inprecor magazine.
45. Raul Carrion, Historian, former deputy, member of the FMG and the Secretariat of International Relations of the PC of Brazil.
46. Rodrigo Dilelio, president of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Worker’s Party) of the city of Porto Alegre; Organizing Committee.
47. Israel Dutra, Secretary of Social Movements of PSOL, member of the National Directorate of PSOL.
48. Olívio Dutra, Former Governor of the State of Rio Grande do Sul; Former Minister of Cities (PT).
49. Luciana Genro, state deputy of Rio Grande do Sul and president of the Lauro Campos/Marielle Franco Foundation.
50. Tarso Genro, Former Governor of the State of Rio Grande do Sul; Former Minister of Justice (PT).
51. Socorro Gomes, CEBRAPAZ and the World Peace Council.
52. Amanda Harumy, International and Latin American affairs analyst.
53. Elias Jabbour, Geographer and China specialist.
54. Joao Machado, economist, PSOL.
55. Fernanda Melchionna, federal deputy of RS.
56. Maria do Rosário Nunes, Federal Deputy; Former Minister of Human Rights (PT).
57. Misiara Oliveira, assistant secretary of International Relations / National Executive Commission (PT).
58. Raul Pont, historian, former mayor of Porto Alegre, PT.
59. Ana Maria Prestes, historian, PhD in Political Science and secretary of International Relations of the CC of the PC of Brazil.
60. Edson Puchalski, president of PC do B Rio Grande do Sul.
61. Roberto Robaina, councilor and president of PSOL in Porto Alegre.
62. Miguel Rossetto, PT leader in the Legislative Assembly of Rio Grande do Sul.
63. Juliana Souza, PT leader in the Municipal Council of Porto Alegre.
64. Joao Pedro Stedile, social activist, Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra – MST (Landless Rural Workers Movement).
65. Gabi Tolotti, president of PSOL Rio Grande do Sul.
66. Thiago Ávila, international coordination of the Global Sumud Flotilla for Gaza.

Catalonia
67. Ada Colau, social activist, former Mayor of Barcelona, President of the Sentit Comú Foundation.
68. Gerardo Pisarello, deputy in the Congress for Comuns. Professor of law. University of Barcelona.
69. Daniel Raventós, professor at the University of Barcelona. Editorial Board of the magazine Sin Permiso and President of the Red Renta Básica (Basic Income Network).
70. Carles Riera, sociologist, former deputy and member of the Board of the Parliament of Catalonia for the CUP (2016-2024), president of the FDC Foundation, president of the Global Network for the Collective Rights of Peoples.

Chile
71. Daniel Jadue, Communist Party of Chile.
72. Jorge Sharp Fajardo, former mayor of Valparaíso, member of Transformar Chile (Transform Chile).

Colombia
73. Wilson Arias, senator of the Republic.
74. Isabel Cristina Zuleta, senator of the Pacto Histórico (Historical Pact).

Congo, Democratic Republic of
75. Yvonne Ngoyi, feminist, president of the Union of Women for Human Dignity (UFDH).

Ivory Coast
76. Solange Kone Sanogo, President of the Forum national sur les stratégies économiques et sociales - FNSES (National Forum on Economic and Social Strategies), National Coordination of the World March of Women.

Cuba
77. Rafael Acosta, writer, academic and researcher.
78. Aurelio Alonso, deputy director of the magazine Casa de las Américas.
79. Katiuska Blanco, writer and journalist, RedEDH.
80. Olga Fernández Ríos, Institute of Philosophy and Vice President of the Academy of Sciences of Cuba.
81. Norma Goicochea, president of the Asociación Cubana de las Naciones Unidas (Cuban Association of the United Nations), member of the Red en Defensa de la Humanidad - REDH (Network in Defense of Humanit).
82. Georgina Alfonso González, Dr., Director of the Institute of Philosophy.
83. Rafael Hernández, political scientist and professor. Director, Temas magazine.
84. Marilín Peña Pérez, popular educator, Dr. Martin Luther King Memorial Center (CMLK).
85. Pedro Prada, journalist, researcher and diplomat.
86. Abel Prieto, writer, former Minister of Culture, deputy to the National Assembly of People’s Power, president of Casa de las Américas (House of the Americas).
87. Raul Suárez, Rev., pastor emeritus of the Ebenezer Baptist Church, Founder of the Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Memorial Center.
88. Marlene Vázquez Pérez, director of the Center for Martí Studies.

Denmark
89. Per Clausen, member of the European Parliament, GUE/NGL, Red-Green Alliance.
90. Søren Søndergaard, member of Parliament, Red-Green Alliance.

Ecuador
91. Alberto Acosta, former president of the Constituent Assembly in 2007-2008.

France
92. Manon Aubry (LFI), co-president of the Left group (The Left) in the European Parliament.
93. Ludivine Bantigny, historian.
94. Olivier Besancenot, NPA - l’Anticapitaliste.
95. Leila Chaibi, member of the European Parliament, La France Insoumise (LFI), The Left.
96. Fabien Cohen, General Secretary of France Amérique Latine-FAL.
97. Hendrik Davi, deputy in the National Assembly of the ecological and social group and member of APRES.
98. Penelope Duggan, member of the bureau of the Fourth International, editor-in-chief of International Viewpoint.
99. Annie Ernaux, Nobel Prize in Literature 2022.
100. Angélique Grosmaire, General Secretary of the Fédération Sud PTT.
101. Rima Hassan, member of the European Parliament, LFI.
102. Michael Löwy, sociologist, ecosocialist.
103. Jean-Luc Mélenchon, La France Insoumise.
104. Ugo Palheta, editor of the Revue ContreTemps, author of “La nouvelle internationale fasciste”.
105. Patricia Pol, academic, representative of Attac France on the international Council of the World Social Forum.
106. Raymonde Poncet Monge, senator Les Écologistes (The Ecologists).
107. Thomas Portes, LFI deputy in the National Assembly.
108. Christine Poupin, Spokesperson for NPA - l’Anticapitaliste.
109. Denis Robert, founder and editorial director of Blast, independent media outlet.
110. Catherine Samary, researcher in political economy, specialist on the Balkans, member of the FI and the ENSU (European Network in Solidarity with Ukraine).
111. Aurélie Trouvé, deputy in the National Assembly, La France Insoumise (The Unsubmissive France).
112. Cem Yoldas, Spokesperson for the Jeune Garde Antifasciste (Young Anti-Fascist Guard).
113. Sophie Zafari, FSU trade unionist.

Galicia
114. Ana Miranda, member of the European Parliament, Bloque Nacionalista Galego – BNG (Galician Nationalist Bloc).

Germany
115. Angela Klein, chief editor in charge of the magazine SOZ.
116. Carola Rackete, biologist, activist, ship captain arrested in Italy in June 2019 for protecting refugees, former member of the European Parliament.

Greece
117. Zoe Konstantopoulou, lawyer, head of the Political Movement “Course to Freedom”, member of Parliament, former President of the Greek Parliament, initiator-president of the Truth Committee on Public Debt.
118. Nadia Valavani, economist and author, alternate finance minister in 2015 and former member of the Greek Parliament.
119. Yanis Varoufakis, leader of MeRA25, co-founder of DiEM25, professor of economics – University of Athens.

Haiti
120. Camille Chalmers, professor at the Université d’Etat d’Haiti (UEH), director of PAPDA, member of the regional executive committee of the Assemblée des Peuples de la Caraïbe – APC (Assembly of Caribbean Peoples), member of the Comité national haïtien pour la restitution et les réparations – CNHRR (Haitian National Committee for Restitution and Reparations).

India
121. Sushovan Dhar, Alternative Viewpoint magazine, member of the IC of the World Social Forum and of CADTM India.
122. Vijay Prashad, director, Tricontinental Institute for Social Research.
123. Achin Vanaik, retired professor from the University of Delhi and founding member of the Coalition for Nuclear Disarmament and Peace (CNDP).

Indonesia
124. Rahmat Maulana Sidik, Executive Director, Indonesia for Global Justice (IGJ).

.Iraq
125. Noor Salem, radio journalist.

Ireland
126. Paul Murphy, member of Parliament.

Italy
127. Eliana Como, member of the National Assembly of the CGIL union.
128. Nadia De Mond, feminist activist and researcher, Centro Studi per l’Autogestione (Center for Self-Management Studies).
129. Domenico Lucano, mayor of Riace in Calabria, member of the European Parliament (left group The Left), persecuted for his humanist policy of welcoming migrants and refugees by the Italian judicial system and the far-right Interior Minister Mr. Salvini, unjustly sentenced to 13 years in prison before winning his appeal after a long legal battle and thanks to solidarity.
130. Cristina Quintavalla, philosophy teacher, decolonial activist, against privatizations and public debt.
131. Ilaria Salis, anti-fascist activist, unjustly imprisoned in Budapest until her election in June 2024, member of the European Parliament (The Left).

Kenya
132. Ikal Angelei, Dr., academic activist for indigenous rights.
133. David Otieno, General Coordinator, Kenya Peasants League and Convening Chair of the Civil Society Reference Group, member of La Vía Campesina.

La Réunion/France
134. Françoise Vergès, author, decolonial feminist activist.

Lebanon
135. Sara Salloum, co-founder and president of AgriMovement in Lebanon.

Luxembourg
136. Justin Turpel, former deputy of ’déi Lénk – la Gauche’ (The Left) in the Chamber of Deputies.
137. David Wagner, member of déi Lénk (The Left) in the Chamber of Deputies.

Madagascar
138. Zo Randriamaro, President of the Movement of the Peoples of the Indian Ocean.

Malaysia
139. Jeyakumar Devaraj, President of the Socialist Party of Malaysia.

Mali
140. Massa Kone, from the organizing committee of the World Social Forum 2026 in Benin.

Martinique/France
141. Mireille Fanon-Mendes-France, co-president of the Frantz Fanon International Foundation.
142. Frantz Fanon Foundation

Mexico
143. Armando Bartra, writer, sociologist, philosopher and political analyst.
144. Verónica Carrillo Ortega, member of the Promotora Nacional para la Suspensión de la Deuda Pública en México (National Coalition for the Suspension of Public Debt in Mexico), CADTM AYNA.
145. Ana Esther Ceceña, coordinator of the Latin American Geopolitics Observatory and the Latin American Information Agency. National Autonomous University of Mexico.
146. Martín Esparza Flores, General Secretary of the Sindicato Mexicano de Electricistas – SME (Mexican Electricians Union).
147. Diana Fuentes, philosopher and political analyst, full-time professor-researcher at the Metropolitan Autonomous University.
148. María Auxilio Heredia Anaya, trade unionist and feminist, Autonomous University of Mexico City (UACM).
149. Ana López Rodríguez, a founder of the PRT and peasant leader from Sonora, member of the MSP.
150. Sara Lovera Lopez, journalist/feminist.
151. Pablo Moctezuma Barragán, political scientist, historian and urban planner; researcher at the Metropolitan Autonomous University, spokesperson for the Congreso por la Soberanía (Congress for Sovereignty).
152. Massimo Modonesi, historian, sociologist and political scientist, Full Professor at the Faculty of Political and Social Sciences of the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM).
153. Humberto Montes de Oca, secretary of Foreign Affairs of the Sindicato Mexicano de Electricistas – SME (Mexican Electricians Union).
154. Magdalena Núñez Monreal, Federal Deputy in the Congress of Mexico.
155. César Enrique Pineda, sociologist and activist, teacher at the Faculty of Social Policies of the National Autonomous University of Mexico.
156. Mónica Soto Elízaga, feminist and co-founder of the Promotora Nacional para la Suspensión de la Deuda Pública en México (National Coalition for the Suspension of Public Debt in Mexico), CADTM AYNA.
157. Paco Ignacio Taibo II, writer and Director of the Fondo de Cultura Económica.
158. Carolina Verduzco Ríos, anthropologist, professor at the National Polytechnic Institute, member of Comité 68 (Committee 68).

Morocco
159. Fatima Zahra El Belghiti, member of Attac CADTM Morocco.

Nigeria
160. Emem Okon, founder and director of the Kebetkache Women’s Development and Resource Centre.

Pakistan
161. Sheema Kermani, Performing Artist, human rights defender.

Palestine/France
162. Salah Hamouri, Franco-Palestinian lawyer, former political prisoner for 10 years in Israeli prisons, deported to France in 2022.

Peru
163. Evelyn Capchi Sotelo, Secretary of National Organization of NUEVO PERÚ POR EL BUEN VIVIR (New Peru for Good Living).
164. Jorge Escalante Echeandia, political responsible for the SÚMATE current, national leader of the organization NUEVO PERÚ POR EL BUEN VIVIR (New Peru for Good Living).
165. Yolanda Lara Cortez, Feminist and socio-environmental leader of the province of Santa Ancash.
166. Flavio Olortegui, Leader of the Federación Nacional de trabajadores textiles del Perú (National Federation of Textile Workers of Peru).

Philippines
167. Walden Bello, co-chair of the board of directors, Focus on the Global South.
168. Jen Cornelio, President of Inged Fintailan (IP/Women’s Organization of Mindanao).
169. Dorothy Guerrero, consultant, African Womin Alliance; Co-chair of the board of directors of the London Mining Network.
170. Reihana Mohideen, International Office, Partido Lakas ng Masa-PLM (Party of the Laboring Masses).
171. Lidy Nacpil, Coordinator of the Asian People’s Movement on Debt and Development.
172. Reyna Joyce Villagomez, General Secretary of the Rural Poor Movement.

Portugal
173. Mamadou Ba, researcher, leader of SOS Racismo Portugal (SOS Racism Portugal).
174. Jorge Costa, journalist, member of the national leadership of Bloco de Esquerda (Left Bloc).
175. Mariana Mortágua, economist, Bloco de Esquerda (Left Bloc).
176. José Manuel Pureza, coordinator of Bloco de Esquerda (Left Bloc).
177. Alda Sousa, former MEP of Bloco de Esquerda (Left Bloc).

Puerto Rico
178. Manuel Rodríguez Banchs, spokesperson for the Instituto Internacional de Investigación y Formación Obrera y Sindical - iNFOS (International Institute for Labor and Trade Union Research and Training).
179. Rafael Bernabe, author and university professor; former member of the Puerto Rico Senate for the Movimiento Victoria Ciudadana (Citizen Victory Movement).

Senegal
180. Aly Sagne, founder and director of Lumière Synergies pour le Développement (Light Synergies for Development).

South Africa
181. Mercia Andrews, coordinator of the Assembly of Rural Women of Southern Africa, founding member of the Palestine solidarity campaign and active member of BDS South Africa.
182. Patrick Bond, Distinguished Professor in the Department of Sociology at the University of Johannesburg, where he directs the Centre for Social Change.
183. Samantha Hargreaves, founder and director of WoMin.
184. Trevor Ngwane, President, United Front, Johannesburg.

Spain
185. Fernanda Gadea, coordinator of ATTAC Spain.
186. Estrella Galán, Member of the European Parliament for SUMAR, The Left group.
187. Manuel Garí Ramos, ecosocialist economist, member of the Advisory Council of the magazine Viento Sur.
188. Vicent Marzà i Ibáñez, deputy in the European Parliament for Compromís, Valencian Country.
189. Fátima Martín, journalist, editor of the online newspaper FemeninoRural.com, member of CADTM.
190. Irene Montero, political secretary of PODEMOS, MEP and former Minister of Equality.
191. Jaime Pastor, editor of the magazine Viento Sur.
192. Manu Pineda, former deputy to the European Parliament and head of International Relations of the Communist Party of Spain.
193. Olga Rodríguez, journalist and writer.
194. Teresa Rodríguez, Spokesperson for Adelante Andalucía (Go ahead, Andalusia), secondary and high school teacher.
195. Isabel Serra Sánchez, Deputy in the European Parliament for Podemos/The Left.
196. Miguel Urban, former MEP, member of the editorial board of the magazine Viento Sur.
197. Koldobi Velasco Vázquez, participant in the Alternativa antimilitarista y del Movimiento Objetor de Conciencia/Acción Directa No Violenta (Anti-militarist Alternative and the Conscientious Objector Movement/Non-Violent Direct Action). University professor of Social Work, Canary Islands.

Sri Lanka
198. Swasthika Arulingam, President of the United Federation of Labour.
199. Kalpa Rajapaksha, Dr., senior lecturer, Department of Economics, University of Peradeniya.
200. Amali Wedagedara, Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies.

Switzerland
201. Sébastien Bertrand, Enseignant.e.s pour le climat (Teachers for the climate), Syndicat des Services Publics (Swiss Union of Public Service Personnel) and member of solidaritéS Geneva.
202. Hadrien Buclin, deputy of Ensemble à Gauche (Together on the Left) in the Parliament of the Canton of Vaud.
203. Marianne Ebel, World March of Women and solidaritéS Neuchâtel.
204. Jocelyne Haller, solidaritéS, former cantonal deputy of Geneva.
205. Gabriella Lima, member of CADTM Switzerland and the Ensemble à Gauche (Together on the Left) platform.
206. Mathilde Marendaz, deputy of Ensemble à Gauche (Together on the Left) in the Parliament of the Canton of Vaud.
207. Aude Martenot, researcher and associative coordinator.
208. Mathieu Menghini, historian of cultural action.
209. Françoise Nyffler, Feminist Strike Collective Switzerland.
210. Stefanie Prezioso, former deputy, Swiss Parliament.
211. Juan Tortosa, spokesperson for CADTM-Switzerland and member of SolidaritéS Switzerland.
212. María Wuillemin, ecofeminist activist, member of the Colectivo Jaguar (Jaguar Collective).
213. Jean Ziegler, writer, former parliamentarian, former UN Special Rapporteur on the right to food.

Syria
214. Joseph Daher, academic and specialist in the political economy of the Middle East (resident in Switzerland).
215. Munif Mulhen, left-wing political activist. Former political prisoner for 16 years during the Hafez al-Assad regime (1970-2000).

Tunisia
216. Imen Louati, Tunisian activist, one of the founding members of the Arab food sovereignty network (Siyada).
217. Layla Riahi, member of the Siyada network for food sovereignty.

United Kingdom
218. Gilbert Achcar, professor emeritus, SOAS, University of London.
219. Jeremy Corbyn, member of Parliament, co-founder of Your Party.
220. Michael Roberts, economist and author.
221. Zarah Sultana, member of Parliament, co-founder of Your Party.

United States
222. David Adler, Deputy General Coordinator of the Progressive International.
223. Anthony Arnove, editor. Tempest Magazine and Haymarket Books.
224. Tithi Bhattacharya, professor of History, Purdue University, co-author of Feminism for the 99% : A Manifesto.
225. Robert Brenner, professor emeritus of history and director of the Center for Social Theory and Comparative History at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA).
226. Vivek Chibber, professor of sociology at New York University. Editor of Catalyst.
227. Olivia DiNucci, anti-militarism and climate justice organizer based in Washington D.C. and writer, affiliated with Code Pink, a grassroots feminist organization working to end U.S. wars and militarism.
228. Dianne Feeley, retired auto worker (UAW Local 235), member of Solidarity, Metro Detroit DSA and editor of Against the Current magazine.
229. Nancy Fraser, professor emerita, New School for Social Research and member of the Editorial Committee of New Left Review, co-author of Feminism for the 99% : A Manifesto.
230. Michael Hudson, professor of economics, emeritus, UMKC, and author of Super Imperialism.
231. Neal Meyer, member of DSA and editor for Socialist Call.
232. Christian Parenti, investigative journalist, scholar, author and contributing editor at The Nation.
233. Jana Silverman, Professor of International Relations, Universidade Federal do ABC (UFABC) and co-chair, Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) International Committee.
234. Bhaskar Sunkara, founding editor of Jacobin, president of The Nation magazine.
235. Suzi Weissman, professor of Political Science at Saint Mary’s College of California.

Venezuela
236. Luis Bonilla-Molina, director of Otras Voces en Educación (Other Voices in Education).