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Saturday, October 24, 2026

Mass protests of youth and workers spread to Italy

Thursday 22 October 2026, by Dave Kellaway




On the interminable political news and discussion TV programmes here in Italy the pundits are all talking about ‘catching the virus’ of the huge protests in the Spanish state and France. Hundreds of thousands of students mobilized on 16 October. Tent protests have sprung up in some city squares and there were minority skirmishes with the police in a few places.

On 17 October students joined the national demonstration against the spiraling cost of living called by the General Confederation of Italian Workers (CGIL) – the largest and most progressive of the union federations. Around 100,000 marched in Rome, beyond official expectations. There were more significant incidents in Milan where some shops were looted and some fires started. A police car was burnt out.

In the TV debates you see the same old positions expressed. Both the centre left and the right condemn all violence. The right wing call for a firmer response from the police and condemn the centre left for encouraging the demonstrations and not denouncing the incidents strongly enough.

Much is made of rupture between generations and the sense among many people that their future is looking a lot bleaker than previous ones. The mainstream press and the government are all issuing grave warnings about the risks of things getting out of hand on the general strikes called for 30 October by the rank and file USB unions and those on 20 November by the CGIL. Student organizations have already indicated that they are supporting these days of action and there is a national organizing meeting for students on 23 November.

Spontaneity of youth upsurge

Luciano Cimino, for radical left daily newspaper, Il Manifesto described 16 October student mobilization in the following way:

“No national coordination between cities, no shared platform, no leading organisation – simply the announcement of a date led yesterday to student demonstrations on a scale not seen for years. Tens of thousands of people marched in the capital, two thousand in Florence, five thousand in Milan, and similar numbers in Turin, Naples, Genoa and Palermo. And hundreds more took part in marches in smaller towns, such as Latina, Mestre and Padua. In total, half a million young people took to the streets yesterday with a range of demands: the impact of the ‘security decrees’ on their schools, solidarity with Palestinians amid soaring rents, the climate emergency alongside the issue of gender-based violence. All united by opposition to right-wing parties that are increasing military spending whilst cutting welfare.”

The mobilization was called the ‘No Meloni Day’ calling out the far right prime minister who has denounced the protesters. You can see a significant degree of spontaneity at this stage. Social media means the message from France and the Spanish state travel fast and then it acts as an effective tool of mobilization.

The idea that there are ‘extreme left’ organizations behind the movement is just something the government wants people to believe. In that sense there are similarities with what is happened elsewhere in Europe. The Italian radical left is far weaker than in its heyday back in the 70s where it had tens of thousands of activists. Palestine solidarity has certainly played a role also in radicalizing young people before the recent demonstrations.

As in France, you can see too that young people from the poorer urban periphery are involved. They are at times more likely to be targeted by police since that happens anyway in their neighbourhoods and they are more likely to fight back. Consumer capitalism creates it own explosions. Young people are subject o endless advertising that only certain products will make them fully human. They have less money then ever, hardly surprising that when the opportunity arises a small minority will take advantage. As one said on the TV – my father would need two weeks salary just to buy some of this stuff in the luxury shops.

The government response has not been to negotiate or discuss improvements. Instead it has extended its power to put people it deems to be a threat to order in preventive detention. From now on it can also detain minors. New crimes and more severe penalties have been created. Government ministers have made ludicrous accusations today that the hand of Moscow or the Islamists are behind the incidents. It’s all about hybrid warfare against the left and Western values because kids are nicking trainers from FootLocker.

Trade union day of action on cost of living

At the end of the CGIL demonstration on Saturday there were many incidents. Fires were started. People attacked shops. A big Feltrinelli book store was invaded, books were scattered and some electronic items were pocketed. Official reports say 80% of those arrested were the previous day there were skirmishes in Turin and Bologna.

Landini, CGIL leader, provided some militant rhetoric at the march in Rome:

We are placing ourselves at the service of this process of change to put social justice back at the centre,’ because ‘this is not the time to ask young people to fight; it is time for us to fight to secure the rights they do not have, and the strike is the most solidarity-based tool there is’. A quote from Giuseppe di Vittorio (founder of the CGIL and member of the Constituent Assembly) is a must: “The working citizen, when alone, is weaker than the capitalist citizen.
(from Il Manifesto, Luciano Cimino 18 October)

Poverty and inequality

So there is a potential for the demands of young people and of workers in general to come together. Already the south of Italy is being affected by industrial action taken by hauliers who are reeling under the costs of diesel. Poverty and inequality is rampant in Italy. As Franco Turigliatto from Sinistra Anticapitalista (Fourth International organization in Italy) points out on its web site:

  • The full burden of PAYE tax (80 per cent) falls on the shoulders of workers and pensioners. A jeweller declares less income than a teacher.
  • Too many flat-rate taxes for the self-employed, whilst inflation erodes pay packets.
  • Reduced spending, steep utility bills.
  • The cost of the weekly shop has risen by 24 per cent in five years.
  • Electricity prices are up 13 per cent.
  • The huge drain of rent, a hidden tax that eats into wages and savings. In Milan, rent amounts to 76 per cent of the average wage; in Rome, 65 per cent.
  • Millions of Italians (5.8 million) are foregoing medical treatment due to costs and regional inequalities: the figures on the healthcare crisis. Healthcare spending in Italy has fallen to 6.2 per cent of GDP, a figure below the European average that places our country among the lowest-ranked G7 nations.
  • Wages of Italian workers are lower than they were 30 years ago. It is less well known that the current wage agreement system is governed by rules which provide for wage increases linked solely to the price index, without, however, taking into account rises in energy prices. Not only, therefore, is any real improvement in wages prohibited, but their reduction is actually planned; all productivity gains benefit only the capitalists;
  • Added to this disgrace is an even greater one: there are millions more workers in precarious or part-time employment, the vast majority of whom are underpaid, and many others working entirely off the books on starvation wages. [1]

Right wing government stokes fear of other

One tactic the right wing government has been using to divide workers is to actively encourage fear over migration and crime. This works well for a key part of its electoral base which is self employed and small business people. Italy has a much bigger number of smaller family businesses than other European countries.

Fear of the other is also shamelessly cranked up by government passing laws against Muslims wearing the veil or the burka. Islamophobia is stoked and the rightwing split from Salvini’s Lega by ex General Vanacci only encourages this. Taxation is modified to reduce its weight on the self employed and business. Attacks on Palestine solidarity is another form of this – the amalgam between anti-Zionism and antisemitism is pursued in further anti-democratic moves.

The febrile political situation is also animated by next year’s general election. As is customary in Italy, the government is tweaking the electoral law so that the proportional representation system is modified to give an every bigger ‘bonus’ of seats to the winning coalition. The rules favour the formation of pre-electoral coalitions with the designation of the potential prime minister. This takes Italy further away from its much more democratic system that lasted until 1993. Meloni favours a more presidential system concentrating even more power in the hands of one individual.

As a result the opposition forces – the Democratic Party (PD) led by Elly Schlein, the Five Star movement (led by ex PM Conte) and the Left/Green Alliance (AVS) – are jockeying for who will lead the opposition coalition. There are some smaller even more moderate currents led by Calenda and Renzi (another ex PM) which may or may not end up inside the broad front. The prime minister designate will be decided by a primary where anyone can vote. Consequently the leader of the largest party does not necessarily win. Schlein’s latest declarations tack a little to the left as she criticizes the historic tendency of the PD to make electoral coalitions with the moderate centre. Inside her party three are the ‘reformists’ who want to do precisely that.

A fighting programme

We still do not know the programme of this centre left opposition. It will not be anything like the policies being proposed by Jean Luc Melenchon and La France Insoumise (LFI – France Unbowed) in France which do have a potential anti-capitalist dynamic. Turigliatto outlines some of the key policies that could repeat that in Italy:

  • substantial pay rises, including the minimum wage and a new sliding scale;
  • fair and proportional taxation;
  • the rejection of increased military spending – indeed, its reduction – and the conversion of arms factories;
  • a campaign against the normalisation of war;
  • the rights of migrants – which are nothing other than the rights of everyone – and the unity of all workers, putting an end to the disgrace of detention centres;
  • strong measures to restore public healthcare and the right to housing.

Of course the left needs to explain that the resources for this have to come from the pockets of the bosses and their profits. Over 40 years they have grabbed an additional 15 per cent of national income.

The anti-capitalist left in Italy has to build all these movements and the mobilizations on 30 of October and the 20 November. The various demands of the youth and students need to be brought together. A political alternative to the social liberal policies of the socalled centre left has to be patiently built.

Mass mobilizations can help give people on the left hope again.

Speaking to friends and comrades here you feel that a lot could be built if people could overcome the years of demoralization. The revolutionary left used to have a consistent presence in parliament but that has not been the case for a long time now. There is unlikely to be a coalition or current running to the left of the broad front. Nevertheless successful mobilizations could at least prevent a Meloni government mark two. Current opinion polls still indicate this is the most likely outcome if the social balance of forces does not radically change.

20 October 2026

Source: Anti*Capitalist Resistance.

Footnotes


Italy announces new security measures after Milan riots, deploying 500 soldiers


Italy announced tougher security measures on Tuesday after weekend riots in Milan left more than 100 police officers injured and shops looted. The government will deploy 500 additional soldiers, impose harsher penalties for violent protesters and hold parents financially responsible for damage caused by minors.


Issued on: 21/10/2026 
By: FRANCE 24


Protesters confront police in Milan on October 17, 2026 amid escalating cost-of-living demonstrations. © Stefano Porta, LaPresse via AP


Italy announced new security measures on Tuesday aimed at tackling the kind of violent protests that caused damage to Milan's central shopping district when weekend rioters, many of them minors, looted stores and set fire to property.

A government decree calls for the deployment of an additional 500 soldiers to Milan through the end of the year, requiring parents to pay for damage caused by minors and making it easier to prosecute minors over 14.

In a video posted on social media, Premier Giorgia Meloni said the presence of so many young rioters was “painful and frightening”.

“Young people … came to the square to smash things, steal and film themselves doing it,” Meloni said. “This is a phenomenon that we must address seriously, also to prevent those images from becoming a model for others to imitate.”

Cover image: Demonstrators light flares during an anti-government protest organized by the Italia in Piazza movement, at Piazza Duomo in Milan, on October 17, 2026. © Piero Cruciatti, AFP
03:08


The decree also creates a new criminal offence of violent participation in a demonstration, punishable by up to five years in prison and a fine of up to 20,000 euros ($22,500). Penalties increase if offenders cover their faces or someone is injured.

Protesters will be responsible for paying for property damage, with parents liable for damage caused by minors, Meloni said.

The decree, which must be converted to law by parliament within 60 days, also automatically presumes that anyone over the age of 14 is capable of understanding their own actions, unless proven otherwise. That was previously up to a judge to determine.

Meloni also said the government would add new beds to detention facilities and judges to the juvenile justice system.


Cover image: La Policía se enfrenta a manifestantes de "Italia in Piazza" en Milán, Italia, el sábado 17 de octubre de 2026. Stefano Porta/LaPresse via AP - Stefano Porta
02:37



Police used water cannons and tear gas to disperse rioters, many with their faces covered, who clashed with police, looted stores and set property on fire in central Milan on Saturday. Looting and violence continued on Sunday, with authorities saying more than 100 police officers were injured over two days.

Milan police said 2,000 youths participated in the riots on Saturday night, including a large number of naturalised Italians born to foreign parents as well as foreign nationals. Of the roughly 50 people arrested over the weekend, more than 30 are minors.

The unrest coincided with nationwide demonstrations in neighbouring France against rising living costs and in support of high school students' grievances. French police used tear gas and water cannons to disperse violent protesters who joined the rallies.

(FRANCE 24 with AP)
Paris march ends in clashes after largely peaceful protests across France

Clashes broke out at the end of a Paris protest on Saturday after a largely peaceful march that drew 110,000 people, according to police, as fresh demonstrations took place across France.

Issued on: 24/10/2026 - RFI

Protesters march during a demonstration against rising living costs in Paris, 
Saturday, 24 October 2026. AP Photo/Thibault Camus - Thibault Camus

Paris police said “more than 500 rioters” were attacking officers on the Cours de Vincennes, in the south-east of the capital. The confrontations began at around 5:30pm, shortly after the procession reached Porte de Vincennes.

Protesters threw projectiles at officers, who responded with water cannon and tear gas. Police said they were manoeuvring to arrest those responsible and help disperse the crowd.

The violence followed a calm and festive start to the Paris march, where demonstrators called for better pay and a better future while criticising government restrictions on protests.

Around 70,000 police and other security personnel were deployed nationwide, backed by armoured vehicles, helicopters and water cannon, to prevent a repeat of last weekend’s widespread unrest.

By midday, Interior Minister Laurent Nunez had reported 135 arrests across France but said there had been “no major incident” at that stage.

“We will not tolerate any violence or any disturbance of public order,” he said.

The demonstrations come amid growing pressure on household budgets, with inflation – particularly fuel prices – rising sharply since the start of the Middle East war in February.

But government restrictions on demonstrations have become a further source of anger, with unions and other groups accusing the authorities of undermining the right to protest.

Peaceful start gives way to clashes

Earlier in the day, many participants in the Paris march had been keen to put their demands at the centre of attention.

Claire, a 26-year-old nurse who declined to give her surname, said she had come to express her hopes for change.

“Not everyone is out to smash things up. Some of us are simply here to say we disagree and that we just want a better future.”

After being caught off guard by last weekend’s unrest, police adopted a more mobile approach on Saturday, intervening quickly to disperse some gatherings.

“The police are really mobile... They come and disperse marches before they even form,” a 21-year-old student in Lyon told AFP, speaking on condition of anonymity.

An AFP journalist saw officers fire tear gas at around 150 protesters who had tried to block a road near the city centre.

Nunez said police had confiscated items including metal balls, lead pellets, fireworks, slingshots, improvised weapons, a katana sword and airsoft weapons.

“These seizures clearly demonstrate the determination of certain far-left and radical left-wing groups to turn a number of demonstrations violent,” he said.

President Emmanuel Macron has blamed “ultra-left” groups seeking to “bring down the republic” for the worst of the previous weekend’s violence, when public buildings were vandalised and hundreds of shops looted.

The government’s decision to ban demonstrations not led by unions has drawn strong criticism. Unions reluctantly accepted restrictions keeping marches away from central Paris, Marseille and other cities, while joining other groups in warning of an “authoritarian drift”.

In Paris, police changed the main march’s route at the last minute, moving it from the city centre to the the south-east of the capital.

Murielle Guilbert of the Solidaires trade union said the ban on non-union protests was “outrageous”.

“We’re here because there is obvious public anger” over low salaries, she said.

For many taking part, the march was an opportunity to voice frustrations that have built up over years.

Aurore, 35, said that “people need to understand that the anger is real. We’ve been walked all over for 10 years.”

Ynyane, a 19-year-old wearing a Dragonball Z costume, said: “Taxes are a bit too high, and I have to support people who are struggling.”

A protester holds up a placard reading ‘Make human rights great again’ at the Paris demonstration on 24 October 2026. AFP - NICOLAS TUCAT

Shops shut as political tensions build

Across Paris, many retailers boarded up their windows or closed their doors, fearing further looting on the margins of the demonstrations.

The Louvre and Musée d’Orsay also closed for the day.

Around 2,700 people were arrested following last weekend’s violence. Retail industry representatives said damage and losses suffered by shopkeepers ran into hundreds of millions of dollars.

The protests are unfolding six months before a presidential election, sharpening the political stakes for Macron’s government. The president cannot stand for another term, while far-right leader Marine Le Pen leads in opinion polls.

Le Pen’s National Rally held a congress in Orléans on Saturday to launch her presidential campaign, drawing a large counter-demonstration.

Thousands marched through the city chanting anti-fascist slogans and directing their anger at both Le Pen and Macron.

“Macron resign. Le Pen in prison,” protesters shouted.

Police put attendance at 11,000, while organisers said 26,000 people took part.

In Paris, far-left presidential candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon joined the march and predicted that the mobilisation would continue.

Macron “is going to understand that this is going to repeat itself every week”, he said.

The Yellow Vests movement, which organised disruptive protests against Macron eight years ago, has called for further demonstrations on 31 October in defence of “the freedom to protest”.

France is also part of a wider wave of demonstrations across Europe. Protests in Italy, Belgium, Spain and Portugal have focused on different demands, with some shared concerns over inflation and education. Italy has mobilised 500 troops to Milan following street violence there.

(with newswires)














France, October 2026: reasons to believe

Interview with Olivier Besancenot

Saturday 24 October 2026, by Olivier Besancenot, Stéfanie Prezioso



On 17 October 2026, hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets across France. Starting with young people and secondary school pupils, the mobilisation brought together other sections of society around the issue of the cost of living, outside the traditional trade union and political structures.

The Macronist government responded with repression on an unprecedented scale: a number of people taken into police custody not seen since the start of the secondary school pupils’ movement, a partial curfew, the dissolution of organisations now being discussed, and deaths whose circumstances remain to be clarified.

France is not an isolated case. In Belgium; in Italy, where Giorgia Meloni’s government has decided to send the army to Milan to suppress the protests; in Albania; in Spain; and in Portugal, where the call for a general strike is on everyone’s lips, young people are rising up against governments that serve the wealthiest and are becoming increasingly authoritarian. On the streets of Paris, in particular, impromptu bands struck up La Marseillaise, as well as El pueblo unido jamás será vencido, The Internationale and Va, pensiero, the chorus of the Hebrew slaves from Verdi’s Nabucco, amidst the tear gas. These were all songs of emancipation, steeped in the promises of past struggles, much like the slogan that resonated particularly strongly on 17 October, 65 years after the massacre of Algerians carried out in Paris by the police under Prefect Maurice Papon, who was convicted in 1998 of complicity in crimes against humanity for his role in the deportation of Jews from the Gironde region during the Occupation: ‘We are the children of those you did not drown’. [1]

With a cross-sector day of action called for 5 November, Olivier Besancenot looks back with Marx21.ch on this period, its historical roots – from the French Revolution to the Paris Commune – and the reasons to believe in it.

Stéfanie Prezioso: What is new and surprising about the social mobilisation of young people in France and the alliance forged with other sectors of society around the issue of cost of living on 17 October, which points to the crisis of social reproduction?

Olivier Besancenot: What is new and surprising about the mobilisation on 17 October and the alliance that has formed is that it is taking place outside traditional structures. We had already seen social outbursts – whether sector-specific or thematic – that clearly eluded the organisations of the labour movement, be they trade unions, social organisations or political parties – the Yellow Vests, for example. But for a convergence to begin taking place, outside these organisations, between completely different sectors of society, with the support and participation – whether implicit or explicit – of certain structures: as far as I can recall, this is unprecedented.

This explains both the surprise that has caught the political establishment off guard, whilst also highlighting the movement’s limitations in terms of democratic organisation. I think this really points to the global crisis we are living through, which is also a crisis of labour movement organisations, to a transformation of society, and to a new type of proletariat which, in fact, is emerging through this sort of experience.

SP: You often refer to the French Revolution and the Paris Commune – and the social and democratic aspirations driven by the working classes – when reflecting on the events we are witnessing today. Why are these historical references so pertinent?

OB: It is true that my primary point of reference has always been the Paris Commune of 1871, far more so than the French Revolution, which I am learning to discover – or rediscover – through the struggles, particularly that of the Yellow Vests. That movement was a turning point: this history has re-emerged in the mobilisation in a subliminal way – or perhaps not so subliminal after all. The large demonstrations in December, which marched up the Rue de Rivoli to the Place de la Concorde in order to reach the Élysée Palace at any cost and confront Macron there, naturally evoked the great peasant revolts – led in particular by women – who would go and fetch the king from his castle to bring him back, for example, to Paris. Not to mention the French flag, which was not merely an expression of the far-right currents present at the start of the movement, or La Marseillaise, sung at the top of people’s voices, which I have learnt to listen to in a different light.

This Marseillaise can be heard, for example, in schools and in the secondary schools taking part in the protests, particularly in working-class neighbourhoods and the suburbs. So there is an underground history. And when one learns to rediscover it — as I am doing at the moment, notably by reading Jules Michelet’s History of the French Revolution — one realises that something truly extraordinary did indeed happen: the people, from the grassroots up, put an end to centuries of domination, organisation and the monarchical mode of production, and decided to do away with it all—on several occasions between the storming of the Bastille; the act of going to fetch the king in October 1789 to bring him back to Paris—a mass abduction the likes of which we no longer see; later, by beheading him; and later still, by organising days of insurrection and communalist action.

This inevitably leaves its mark, which, for my part, I had underestimated. We belong to a very distinct current, deeply shaped by the political era that began with the October Revolution of 1917 and ended in 1989, and one realises that there is something profound there after all.

SP: What does the scale of repression in France today – carried out by a supposedly centrist government, which is in no way inferior to that of Giorgia Meloni’s far-right administration – tell us about the convergence of the more or less extreme right-wing movements in Europe and around the world?

OB: The scale of the repression is, in fact, absolutely unprecedented. In terms of the number of people taken into police custody since the start of the secondary school pupils’ movement, it far exceeds even that experienced by the Yellow Vests movement, which itself had far surpassed the protests against the First Employment Contract (CPE) or those of the 1990s. In fact, working-class neighbourhoods have served as a testing ground for the systematisation of a repressive apparatus that is now being rolled out to every type of social upheaval. This tells us, first and foremost, something about liberalism and its policies, which require an authoritarian turn.

Secondly, it tells us something about the ongoing ‘fascisation’ – that is what I call it, despite everything, even if the term is open to debate, for it at least has the merit of highlighting what is actually happening: a whole series of measures have already been put in place by the Macronist government, even before the far right has come to power. In July, for example, the presumption of self-defence was granted by law to the police, which is a long-standing demand of the far right.

And there are many more examples like this. In this process, we can also see the extent to which the Macron administration is losing control of its own repressive apparatus. There is therefore a loss of control over the situation and, in this race against time, there is what Daniel Bensaïd called the ‘discordance of times’: between social time, which is becoming more radicalised, and political time, which is nowhere near that stage.

SP: The media have placed great emphasis on the unprecedented violence of 17 October, which undoubtedly reflects heightened anger. But what surprised us most was seeing hundreds of thousands of demonstrators converging across France, united in their shared rejection of social injustice and the denial of democracy. What conclusions do you draw from that day?

OB: To assess the 17th, it is extremely important to understand the scale of what is happening. I took part in this demonstration, and I have never experienced anything like it in my life, in terms of its sheer size, determination and the mix of people. It was a tidal wave, a human tide. Of course, when you get home in the evening and see the mainstream media and political coverage of these events – which, incidentally, did indeed take place – you get the impression that you weren’t part of the same thing. And this, for the time being, is being overlooked in the French political debate, as it is a sense of bewilderment that prevails, alongside the political exploitation of what happened: shops vandalised, and in some cases looted.

But all this cannot simply vanish overnight, for there is something too powerful, too profound in what has just been expressed, and which we have yet to understand: a movement that was organised solely through social media and subsequently supported by a number of organisations.

This points to a new phase, one that throws everything back into question, full of new possibilities, and which – despite the ongoing political unease of the moment, which persists and is catching up with this phase – must give us cause for hope.

SP: The hundreds of thousands of people who have mobilised no doubt feel today that the demonstrations are insufficient to bring a hardline government to its knees, a government that has no qualms about imposing a partial curfew. The call for a general strike is on everyone’s lips, just as it is in Spain. What do you think?

OB: The mobilisation will, indeed, lead to an outcome that, by its very nature, we cannot predict.

Nothing is over, because this movement isn’t going to stop: it’s too deep-rooted, too entrenched. It also has an international dimension. When you look beyond our borders, you can see that, amongst young people, similar events – or events we’re tempted to compare – are taking place in Belgium, Italy and Albania. There’s also the movement unfolding in Spain. There is also something happening from a generational perspective, which means that this movement will not be halted by the imposition of a curfew or by other authoritarian measures which, I am sure, will not be long in coming – perhaps even the dissolution of a number of organisations; we do not yet know.

The challenge now, in fact, is for the labour movement to take up the baton – that is to say, for the working class to take up the baton. If there is no strength in numbers – in terms of reminding society of the place occupied by workers – then, unfortunately, it will not be enough, and we will not succeed in ensuring that this legitimate revolt leads to a fully-fledged class consciousness, based on partial victories, or at least on a visibility that gives us reason to believe in it. This is what is at stake behind the call for a general strike. A day of cross-sectoral action has been called for 5 November: the challenge now is to ensure that the workers of this country do not remain mere spectators of what is happening, that they are not paralysed by the situation, especially as there are still grey areas.

There is talk of deaths in connection with the demonstrations, without a full explanation; accounts, theories and hypotheses are being put forward, but we have reached this level of gravity. We are therefore only at the beginning, and we are of course eager to see what the future may hold, even though we are, on the other hand, extremely — how shall I put it? — weighed down by the political anxiety of the moment, because we can see that all the ingredients of this period, this grim period in which we are living, are re-emerging.

20 October 2026

Translated by International Viewpoint from marx21.ch.

Footnotes

[1] Hundreds of Algerians were thrown into the Seine by police on 17 October 1961.