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Friday, April 10, 2026

Malcolm X, Noam Chomsky, Sexual Predator Associations and Legacy Twists


 April 10, 2026

Elijah Muhammad standing behind microphones at podium / World Telegram & Sun photo by Stanley Wolfson.

“An extraordinary and twisted man, turning many true gifts to evil purpose. . . . Malcolm X had the ingredients for leadership, but his ruthless and fanatical belief in violence . . . set him apart from the responsible leaders of the civil rights movement and the overwhelming majority of Negroes.”

New York Times, February 22, 1965 (one day after Malcolm X’s assassination)

“Malcolm X had been a pimp, a cocaine addict and a thief. He was an unashamed demagogue. His gospel was hatred.

Time, March 5, 1965

“I can assure you he [Noam Chomsky] is not as passive or gullible as his wife claims. He knew about Epstein’s abuse of children. They all knew. And like others in the Epstein orbit, he did not care. . . . His association with Epstein is a terrible and, to many, unforgivable stain. It irreparably tarnishes his legacy.”

— Chris Hedges, “Noam Chomsky, Jeffrey Epstein and the Politics of Betrayal,” February 8, 2026

Malcolm X was far more deeply involved with a sexual predator—his superior, Elijah Muhammad, leader of the Nation of Islam (NOI)—than Noam Chomsky was involved with Jeffrey Epstein. However, Malcolm X’s association with Muhammad has had virtually no effect on Malcolm’s legacy, which has skyrocketed among the general public since his death.

In “This American Life: The Making and Remaking of Malcolm X” (New Yorker, 2011), David Remnick writes, “In 1992, Spike Lee set off a bout of ‘Malcolmania,’ with his three-hour-plus film. In its wake, people as unlikely as Dan Quayle talked sympathetically about Malcolm. . . . Bill Clinton wore an ‘X’ cap.” In 1999, 34 years after Malcolm X’s 1965 assassination (which at the time was applauded by most of U.S. society), the U.S. post office issued a Malcolm X stamp. This elevation, for labor and socialist activist Ike Naheem (“To the Memory of Malcolm X: Fifty Years After His Assassination,” 2015), has unfortunately come at the expense of Malcolm X being: “transformed by ‘mainstream’ forces into a harmless icon, with his sharp revolutionary anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist political program diluted and softened,” which for Naheem, “is a travesty of the actual Malcolm X and his actual political and moral trajectory.”

What about Malcolm X’s deep association with Elijah Muhammad? Malcolm X’s biographer, Manning Marable, concludes Malcolm should have known that Muhammad was a sexual predator well before Malcolm publicly acknowledged it, however, he stayed in denial because of powerful psychological forces. Marable was a great admirer of Malcolm, but his love for him does not prevent Marable from being highly critical of Malcolm’s flaws and blind spots:

“Yet the central irony of Malcolm’s career was that his critical powers of observation, so important in fashioning his dynamic public addresses, virtually disappeared in his mundane evaluations of those in his day-to-day personal circle.” —Manning Marable, Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention (2011)

The initial psychological attractiveness for Malcolm X to Elijah Muhammad’s NOI is understandable, as it validated Malcolm’s feelings about the illegitimacy of white authority, offered him a strong community, and provided the previously criminal and selfish Malcolm with a spiritual path to care about something larger than himself. Malcolm put all his trust and faith in Elijah Muhammad; however, no different than Epstein, Muhammad was not only a sexual predator but a consummate exploiter of people, and he used Malcolm X’s charisma, speaking talents, and organizing skills to greatly expand his power.

Ultimately, Malcolm X publicly acknowledged that Elijah Muhammad was sexually involved with several young NOI secretaries and had fathered children with them. The African American Historical Society reports that Elijah Muhammad “impregnated seven women, including several of his teenage secretaries, and fathered thirteen children outside of his marriage.”

When should Malcolm X have known that Elijah Muhammad was a sexual predator? When did Malcolm acknowledge it to himself, and when did he acknowledge it to the world? What psychological forces kept Malcolm in denial, and then what political forces did Malcolm have to transcend for him to publicly acknowledge it?

To answer these questions, I am not alone in trusting Manning Marable. Cornell West says of Marable and his biography of Malcolm X: “Manning Marable is the exemplary black scholar of radical democracy and black freedom in our time. His long-awaited magisterial book on Malcolm X is the definitive treatment of the greatest black radical voice and figure of the mid-twentieth century.”

Marable tells us, “The revelations [about Elijah Muhammad] should not have been a complete surprise to Malcolm, who first heard hints about Muhammad’s sexual misconduct in the mid-1950s. Yet for years, it had been impossible for Malcolm to imagine that . . . [Muhammad] was using his exalted position to sexually molest his secretarial staff.” By late 1962, Marable notes that tales of Muhammad’s “sexual adventures had reached New York City and the West Coast. . . . [but] Malcolm pretended that he knew nothing about the rumors, desperately hoping that somehow they would go away.”

However, when Malcolm was told in 1963 by one of Elijah Muhammad’s sons, Wallace, that the rumors were true, Malcolm sought proof. Malcolm met with three of Elijah Muhammad’s former secretaries, and all had similar stories, which were even uglier than sexual misconduct alone. Malcolm learned, as Marable reports, “Once their pregnancies had been discovered, they had been summoned before secret NOI courts and received sentences of isolation. Muhammed provided little or no financial support for his out-of-wedlock children.” Malcolm was both shaken and appalled, and in 1964, Malcolm X would expose this to the general public.

Today, Malcolm is deeply admired as a truth teller—not only of racial and political truths but of truths about his own failings. A major reason that Malcolm X is forgiven by his admirers for his denial of the horrors of Muhammad is that in that brief period between Malcolm’s acknowledgement and his assassination, Malcolm was able to be bluntly honest about his own failings with profound humility. In an interview, he described his psychology of denial:

When you understand the makeup of the Muslim movement and the psychology of the Muslim movement, as long as . . . if I tie myself in by having confidence in the leader of the Muslim movement, if someone came to me and I had no knowledge whatsoever of what had taken place, and they told me what I’m saying [about Muhammad’s predatory behavior], I would kill them myself. The only thing that would prevent me from killing someone who made a statement like this [is that] they would have to be able to let me know that it’s true. Now if anyone had come to me other than Mr. Muhammad’s son, I never would have believed it even enough to look into it. But I had been around [Elijah Muhammad] so closely I had seen indications of it . . . the reality of it, but my religious sincerity made me block it out of my mind.

Even after Malcolm X was no longer in denial of the reality of the monstrous behavior of Elijah Muhammad, Malcolm describes the existential quandary he experienced as to whether or not to reveal it: “The only reason that I didn’t make this public knowledge was I knew the implications, and I felt that if the Muslims who were in the Nation of Islam knew it, that which enables them to be so strongly religious and exercise moral discipline, [they] would be shattered, and it would cause all of them to go right back and start doing the things that they had been doing previously.”

Malcolm felt strongly about the value of NOI in building self-respect, dignity, and empowerment for African Americans, and he knew that a major part of followers’ belief in the teachings of NOI had to do with their faith in Elijah Muhammad, and so he felt a need to, as he put it, “protect Mr. Muhammad himself primarily because the image that he had created was the image that enabled his followers to remain strong in faith . . . and I didn’t want to see any adverse effect or negative result developed in the faith of all of his followers.”

Ultimately, Malcolm’s passion for truth prevailed. When he exposed the ugly truths about Elijah Muhammad, he knew full well that doing so would likely cost him his life. During that brief period after Malcolm X parted from NOI and before his assassination, Marable reports that Malcolm intellectually liberated himself from NOI policies. Elijah Muhammad had opposed involvement in politics, but Malcolm transformed himself into a political thinker who before his life was cut short, Marable notes, “publicly made the connection between racial oppression and capitalism.”

Malcolm X admirers can thank an incompetent FBI in part for Malcolm’s positive legacy. The FBI, along with other law enforcement agencies, would have loved to see Malcolm discredited or even killed (there is evidence that the FBI and other law enforcement agencies knew about Malcolm’s impending NOI assassination but did nothing to stop it). The FBI likely knew about Elijah Muhammad’s predatory behaviors, and the FBI could have exposed it before Malcolm did and then accused Malcolm of covering it up. If the FBI had done so prior to Malcolm himself having confirmed Muhammad’s predatory behaviors, Malcolm’s distrust for the FBI and law enforcement agencies would have certainly resulted in him attacking the FBI and defending Muhammad. And in such a hypothetical scenario, given that the entire mainstream media despised Malcolm X, when he finally did acknowledge that Muhammad was a sexual predator, there likely would have been a chorus of: “I can assure you Malcolm X is not gullible. He knew about Elijah Muhammad’s sexual predatory behaviors. Everyone in the Nation of Islam knew. They all knew. And like all of them, Malcolm X did not care.”

Ultimately, Malcolm X’s capacity for brutal self-honesty, humility, self-correction and redemption enabled him to evolve into one of the most extraordinary anti-authoritarians in U.S. history.

The trajectory of Malcolm X’s life is Shakespearean in the sense of high-stakes drama, life-and-death power struggles, tragically misplaced trust, heroic redemption, and assassination. And the psychological sources of his denial and the political reasons for his delay in exposing the monstrous reality of Elijah Muhammad are also epic.

In contrast to the Shakespearean arc of Malcolm X’s life, the trajectory of Noam Chomsky’s life is quite pedestrian. And so the possible psychological sources for Noam Chomsky’s denial of the monstrous reality of Jeffrey Epstein would also be quite pedestrian.

Just as Manning Marable tells us that Malcolm X should have known that Elijah Muhammad was a sexual predator and a monster, Noam Chomsky should have known that Jeffrey Epstein was a sexual predator and a monster. However, in contrast to what Marable and many of us conclude about Malcolm, Chris Hedges concludes that Noam not only should have known the truth of Epstein but did know and did not care.

Noam certainly should have known. By 2015, the time Valéria Chomsky reports when the Chomskys were first introduced to Epstein, it was widely known that Epstein was not simply a convicted sex offender who made a mistake, but that he had long been—and continued to be—an unrepentant scumbag who traveled in circles with other arrogant sleazebags.

In June 2008, Epstein plead guilty to one count of soliciting prostitution and one count of soliciting prostitution from someone under 18, but in a “sweetheart deal,” he was sentenced to serve most of his sentence in a work-release program that allowed him to leave jail during the day; and under a secret arrangement, the U.S. attorney Alexander Acosta agreed not to prosecute him for federal crimes. In November 2018, the Miami Herald did a series of stories focusing partly on Acosta, who had become the labor secretary in Trump’s first administration; and this Miami Heraldcoverage intensified public interest in Epstein. On July 6, 2019, Epstein was arrested on new sex trafficking charges brought by federal prosecutors in New York, and on August 10, 2019, Epstein was found dead in his jail cell in New York (officially ruled suicide but believed by some, including Epstein’s brother, to have been murder).

The slew of email exchanges between Jeffrey Epstein and Noam Chomsky released on January 30, 2026 provided shocking revelations that have now been widely reported: With the walls closing in on Epstein prior to his 2019 arrest for child sex trafficking, Epstein asked Chomsky for advice, and in response, Chomsky emailed him what amounts to crisis management ideas and sympathized with the “horrible way you are being treated in the press and public”; Chomsky flew on Epstein’s infamous private jet nicknamed the Lolita Express; Chomsky accepted invitations to stay at Epstein mansions; Chomsky met not only with Epstein but with Steve Bannon and Woody Allen; and Noam Chomsky and his wife Valéria were clearly appreciative of Epstein as a friend and advisor.

Noam Chomsky, now 97, suffered a debilitating stroke in 2023 leaving him unable to speak, but Valéria Chomskyreleased an official statement on February 9, 2026 that attempted to explain his relationship with Epstein. She statedthat “Epstein’s 2008 conviction in the state of Florida was known by very few people, while most of the public—including Noam and I—was unaware of it. That only changed after the November 2018 report by the Miami Herald.”

The truth is that long before the Miami Herald story, it was widely known that Epstein was a sleazebag. Even in 2006, prior to Epstein’s initial 2008 conviction, Epstein was seen as notorious enough for Eliot Spitzer, then running for governor of New York, to return a $50,000 Epstein contribution to his campaign. Spitzer, as did many others, would have known that in July 2005, Epstein had retained a high-profile legal team, including Alan Dershowitz and Ken Starr, to defend him against charges of soliciting prostitution; and all of this was reported by the New York Times in 2008 following Epstein’s conviction. And in 2015, the Guardian reported that three charities, including New York City’s Mount Sinai hospital, would not accept any more gifts from Epstein.

Valéria Chomsky stated, “Only after Epstein’s second arrest in [July] 2019 did we learn the full extent and gravity of what were then accusations—and are now confirmed—heinous crimes against women and children. We were careless in not thoroughly researching his background.”

In response to Valéria Chomsky’s statement, Chris Hedges essentially calls her a liar. As noted, Hedges stated, “I can assure you he [Noam Chomsky] is not as passive or gullible as his wife claims. He knew about Epstein’s abuse of children. They all knew. And like others in the Epstein orbit, he did not care.”

If Hedges is correct that Noam “knew about Epstein’s abuse of children” and “he did not care,” then Noam is simply a despicable human being. For Hedges, it does not seem possible that Noam Chomsky could be so stupidly in denial when it came to Epstein. In other words, it does not seem possible to Hedges that the brilliant Noam Chomsky could be as humanly psychologically flawed as the brilliant Malcolm X.

What creates the conditions for denial? It is obvious in the case of Malcolm X that supreme intelligence is no antidote to denial, and in fact such intelligence can be used to justify and rationalize denial. The conditions for denial include arrogant ego attachments, including to one’s beliefs, as well as overwhelming emotions, especially to emotions one may be unaccustomed to experiencing.

While I have my own speculations for the sources of Noam’s possible denial—speculations based on my dive into the released emails, my clinical experience, and previous research on him—these are only speculations, and my hunch is that the best answers will come one day from Noam’s children Aviva, Diane, and Harry, but they have made no public statement. They are probably wise to be silent in the current climate, as their explanation for their father’s awful behavior would likely be condemned as a defense of it.

So what were Noam Chomsky’s ego attachments and overwhelming emotions he was likely unaccustomed to experiencing? We can only speculate.

Noam has long taken unpopular stands, and he has perhaps been even ego attached to being fearless in this regard. He has a history of being highly critical of any type of interference to free thought and free speech, and he was increasingly critical of what has come to be called “cancel culture”; this could was likely have been exploited by Epstein. Chomsky justified having a relationship with Epstein with this rationalization: “What was known about Jeffrey Epstein was that he had been convicted of a crime and had served his sentence. According to U.S. laws and norms, that yields a clean slate.” Chomsky was too arrogant to put in the small effort required to discover that Epstein had not just been convicted of a crime and served his sentence, but that he was an unrepentant sleazebag.

There may well have been an even more important fuel for Noam Chomsky’s denial. Emails between Noam and his children reveal an emotional state that Noam had perhaps never navigated before. Noam was extremely upset about being confronted by his children regarding Valéria and Noam’s increase in spending since Noam’s remarriage (his children emailed him: “Your spending has increased dramatically and unexplainably since you got married and this unprecedented outflow is placing your financial future at risk”); as well as Noam having been upset by conflicts with his children over a trust fund (for which Noam and Valéria sought Epstein’s advice and help). In one email to his son, Noam states, “I’m more than sorry, not just about the conversation. Worst thing that’s ever happened to me. Could never have imagined that this would happen in my late years.”

Such an emotional state will subvert critical thinking, including one’s capacity to recognize that such a state renders one vulnerable to exploitation. Valéria forwarded the correspondence between Noam and his children to Epstein, who appeared to inflame the conflict and then used it to deepen his bond with the Chomskys.

To be clear, I am only speculating. Maybe Chris Hedges turns out to be right that Noam Chomsky “knew about Epstein’s abuse of children” and “he did not care.” However, I consider it to be arrogance on Hedges’s part to be so certain of the truth of his speculations about Noam Chomsky’s state of mind; and while money is certainly a root of evil, so too is arrogance. Arrogance was a major root of the evil of both Jeffrey Epstein and Elijah Muhammad, as it was for other infamous sexual predators, including Bill Cosby, Bill Clinton, Donald Trump, and Harvey Weinstein.

One does not have to be a clinical psychologist to observe tragic denials in many intelligent and otherwise highly ethical people, just as one does not have to be a historian to recognize that denial has long occurred in brilliant and otherwise admirable famous people. And most of us—at least those with any degree of humility—will acknowledge having experienced some type of “stupid” denial in our lives.

Bruce E. Levine, a practicing clinical psychologist, writes and speaks about how society, culture, politics, and psychology intersect. His most recent book is A Profession Without Reason: The Crisis of Contemporary Psychiatry—Untangled and Solved by Spinoza, Freethinking, and Radical Enlightenment (2022). His Web site is brucelevine.net

USA

Round Up on the 3rd No Kings Day

Friday 10 April 2026, by Against the Current Editors




Eight million people took to the streets across the United States on 28 March, marching, rallying and picketing in over 3,300 sites. They came out to support their neighbors and coworkers who are threatened by masked and armed men. They opposed the authoritarianism of the Trump team with humor in their signs and costumes, but at the same time they can joke, they are willing to stand firm.

How did the March demonstrations differ from the two held last year? They were larger and more diverse, but still uneven. In some places there were union contingents but in other areas, only visible in a handful of union hats. Minneapolis, where the crowd was somewhere beyond 100,000, and perhaps as many as 200,000 the union presence was strong. But in the downriver Detroit area, where ICE has purchased a warehouse to house more than 1500 immigrants, UAW Local 900 sponsored a No Kings event. Their members are part of the movement to prevent ICE from opening a concentration camp right on their doorstep.

Montpelier, Vermont rally.
Just as there is unevenness in who shows up to participate, there is unevenness in how different constituents and different issues are welcomed. In general, demonstrators are able to raise a broad range of demands against both the war at home and the war abroad, in a few cases a tight-fisted organizing committee has banished some issues or failed to reach out to the most vulnerable communities.

Whatever the difficulties, it is good to see how people manage to find a way to raise their issues!

The bullies in Washington, backed by the bullies of Wall Street, think they are playing a video game in which there are no rules. They believe in citizenship of the elite.

With May Day just a month away, it’s clear that the task is to build for an even broader mobilization around the celebration of the historic fight for the eight-hour workday (1886). From Minneapolis, the call is “No work, no school, no shopping!” Let’s do what we can to move toward that call.

Austin, Texas:

Tens of thousands rallied in Austin, although estimates varied widely from 5,000 (NPR affiliate) to 40,000 (CBS affiliate). I’m not sure it was quite that much, but 5,000 is a gross underestimate. The stage was far more interesting than at the previous two No Kings rally. Instead of being dominated by tedious Democrats and mostly bland local politicians, there was a lot of music including a fantastic Spanish language ska band called Los Kurados. Speeches were pleasantly short.

The crowd, as with the others, was colorful with mostly homemade signs. Also like the others, the racial demographics were a bit weak. I saw few Black folks and not too many more Latinos. The organizers did ok up front though — the stage was a better representation than the crowd. Women comprised the majority of attendees. There was a good mix of ages as well.

Chicago: a personal note.
On the explicit political front, the stage was uninteresting, to no one’s surprise. A few leftist groups were in attendance. DSA had two booths; PSL had a large one; and FRSO had one.

There was some anti-war sentiment, but not as much as we would hope for.

The local CLC had a booth, and I also saw banners or t-shirts from NALC, AFSCME and the IBEW.

On the fringes of the demonstration, literally and metaphorically, were three or four people under an “Iron Front” banner. I assumed from their appearance that they were fascists, but it seems the Iron Front was an SDP outfit in the Weimar years geared at fighting Communists and Nazis.

Bay Area, California:
San Francisco had a No Kings Day turnout of 100,000 with a labor and anti-war contingents. David Bacon, photographing the march, reported that it took an hour to walk from the front of the march to the end!

Attended a demonstration in Napa (50 miles northeast of San Francisco) that had 4,000 people. There was a rally and then a visibility march downtown which stretched for blocks with many cars honking in support. There were dozens of different actions all over the Bay Area.

Union City: poking fun at a dick.
Lots of student and Chicano participation in this Union City, a smaller city in the East Bay. This one was organized by “Union City Resists!” Other East Bay demos were in nearby Fremont and Hayward. In Oakland, after a kickoff rally, about 20,000 marched from City Hall to Lake Merritt.

Chicago, Illinois:
Multiple No Kings Day rallies and marches occurred in the Chicago region, including a main rally and march at the city center along Lake Michigan, events in city neighborhoods, and others in towns and suburban centers in the six-county Northeastern Illinois region (a population more than 9 million). A labor rally and feeder march which began around 11:30 AM, preceded the main rally/march, which started after 1 PM and wound up around 4:30.

In the city center, a small (75-100 folks) but noisy labor rally and feeder march called by the Chicago Federation of Labor and the Chicago Teachers Union (CTU) took place within eyeball distance of five large hotel towers, to highlight Unite Here’s call for workplace actions this fall. (Chicago’s tourist and conference industry is enormous, and a large employer, and now more than 50 large hotels are Unite Here shops.)

The rally featured a Unite Here speaker, a local AFGE official from TSA, and reps from other unions, and included a mention of planned May Day actions. Though few CTU members attended, the half-mile march to the main No King rally grew larger (more than doubling in size) and noisier as others spontaneously joined.

The main event featured speeches by official supporters (ACLU, Indivisible, Latina community leaders, Trans activists), and youth activists, and was chaired by official reps from Mayor Johnson’s administration. The mayor was one of only two elected officials to speak — his remarks included a mention of planned May Day events. The other was the DP senate candidate Stratton, who is to replace the powerful but now retiring Dick Durbin, who appeared on stage (but did not speak) along with many local and state party officials. (Stratton loudly claimed not to take PAC money, but in reality, was elected with millions donated by billionaire IL governor Pritzker.) No labor leaders spoke, and no speaker was identified from the stage as DSA.

The rally included no mention of Palestine, Israel/AIPAC, or Cuba; only a brief generic mention of labor, a slightly less generic opposition to Iran and war spending; and many angry references to health care inequalities and ICE and Trans repressions. Small socialist contingents and tabling crews were evident, mainly PSL and DSA — Indivisible had the largest visibility. Attendees were predominantly white, some Hispanic, very few African Americans, and skewed older. Crowd size safely exceeded 25,000, with many unverified claims of 100,000 participants. The march circled the eastern edge of the Chicago City center on a crisp sunny photogenic day.

NK day was an official event, made evident by the organized DP stage presence, the mayor’s speech and rally chairs from city hall, and the police-friendly march route. Consequently, some local left liberals and socialists made the what-was-the-point argument, perhaps a useful sentiment when organizing for May Day 2026.

Detroit, Michigan:

Thousands flooded Grand Circus Park in downtown Detroit on a sunny but cold Saturday afternoon and spilled over to nearby streets. With eight rallies from downriver to downtown Detroit, it is estimated that about 25,000 people were demonstrating against the war abroad and the war at home.

Since Detroit is a border town, ICE and Border Patrol are ever present in the city. Through People’s Assembly many whistle kits and mutual aid has been distributed. Several teenagers have been picked up by ICE, even those who have work permits.

Teachers have been particularly concerned about the well-being of their students, who have been picked up by ICE and sent to the nation’s only family detention center, Dilley Immigration Processing Center, in South Texas. Although federal regulations recognize that children should not be detailed, the Trump administration is seeking to end that restriction. Meanwhile the agreement is being violated and children, including teenagers, are harmed.

Houston, Texas:

According to the Houston Chronicle over 20,000 people participated in the march following the No Kings demo in front of City Hall. I did not stay until the march but spent several hours at the demo, where I saw probably about 3k+ people, but there could have been feeder marches later that I was not aware of. As for the last No Kings, there were a number of smaller events in Katy, Cypress, Sugarland and other suburbs of Houston.

The weather was perfect for an outdoor event and people were spirited. Speakers focused on local themes such as holding the mayor and city council members responsible for continued cooperation between Houston Police Department and ICE. and exerting more pressure on them. However, some took a much broader view and condemned the war with Iran, for example. As at previous No Kings, there were a number of stalls present, ranging from Indivisible to the local Food not Bombs chapter. PSL, YCL and local mutual aid groups were also represented. A local Socialist Alternative leader spoke.

Tabled for the local DSA chapter and got to know some YDSA folks who had their own stall right next to us. We were circulating a pro-immigrant rights petition for signatures that also seeks to hold local city council members accountable when it comes to immigrant rights.

Manhattan, New York:

Since the march is just a phrase “No Kings” and no specific demands like “End the War” or “Medicare for All,” people made up their own slogans and posters — very creative.

This march was a qualitative change from prior demonstrations. Many more people of color and many more young people. A friend says it was the same in the Brooklyn march. I don’t know about the marches in the other parts of the city.

A march organizer told me the estimate was 200,000. I think it was at least that. I’ve never been to a march where it went down two avenues — 7th Avenue and Broadway–at the same time. (Broadway combined with 7th avenue after marching 11 blocks from 59 to 48th street).

Manhattan: war crimes and sex crimes, part of the same matrix.
ICE was clearly the main issue. I was surprised how few signs about the war in Iran. Many about Epstein.

I didn’t see the whole march and couldn’t even hope to report on who was there and who wasn’t, but it did strike me that there was a lot less labor participation than in the past. I saw the NY nurses, two locals of SEIU (1199 and 32BJ), Teamsters 804, Laborers (didn’t catch the local) and UFT. Missed others, like Teamsters, UAW, AFSCME, who could have been there. Time for the labor movement to get moving!

Actually, all five boroughs held No Kings marches and rallies. It was a great day. TV news reports demos in all 50 states! Let’s hope the growing involvement of Black and Brown folks continues.

Milwaukee, Wisconsin:

Milwaukee: before the march.
It was reported in the press there were over 100 “No Kings” demonstrations in Wisconsin on March 28th. The largest may have been in Madison. In Milwaukee there at least six protests, the largest of which drew over 5000 participants. Speakers at that event included the vice president of the Milwaukee teachers’ union and a national board member of the NAACP.

Several socialist groups had organized contingents behind banners in the two-mile march through the community that followed the rally, including Democratic Socialists of America, Solidarity, Party for Socialism and Liberation and Freedom Road Socialist Organization.

Ohio:

Mansfield: — 10 AM: I traveled here with three others and was excited to see what we estimated to be 300 people (organizers estimated to be 400) at the peak of the event. For a city of less than 50,000, that was more than the last No Kings in Mansfield. Though I was happy to see so many people, the speeches left me underwhelmed.

The speakers included a community member who wrote a letter to the paper after the killing of Renee Good and Alex Pretti, and an Ohio Democrat who was also a union leader. It seemed very much a Democratic party event, not a coalition with multiple organizations and issues coming together for a change kind of event.

The crowd was all different ages, although mostly white people in attendance, it was nice to see that some folks of color felt safe enough to be out demonstrating with us!

War monuments in the location we met in and the thin blue line memorial across the street really gave the whole thing a sort of eerie feeling to me.

Galion: noon: The smallest demonstration of the day, but perhaps the most impactful. About 20 of us gathered in the square for the first ever No Kings event in rural Galion. Except for two Black men, it was an all white group of different ages.

Reactions were mostly neutral from passers-by, but far more positive responses than negative ones. However, almost as soon as we gathered, police drove by in cruisers and kept up observing us.

This wasn’t an officially registered event and had no rally, but we listened to antiwar music and talked. The sentiment was mostly anti-Trump sentiment, but the few were interested in deepening the conversation and talked about the problem being systemic. We also talked about the possibility of building a May 1st event.

Statehouse Rally in Columbus, Ohio — 4 PM: organizers of this protest are reporting 20,000 people in attendance, it felt like standing room only!

The best part of this event was meeting a gay couple from the Galion and Mansfield area. They said they fled to Columbus years ago due to political safety concerns. They were ecstatic to hear of the work we’re doing there now, and it felt like a full circle moment.

We exchanged contact information and connected on social media, so I’m looking forward to the connection that blossoms from this encounter. I think this is the kind of human moment that demonstrates the power of No Kings.

Overall, I have concerns that the No Kings movement may be co-opted by establishment Democrats. But this fear does not outweigh my willingness to capitalize on No Kings momentum as a revolutionary socialist, and I hope other comrades feel similarly. No Kings is a step in the right direction. We flexed our muscles on Saturday, and now it’s time to commit to building the better world we know is possible. I’m looking forward to May 1st.

Olympia, Washington:

About 7,000 turned out in Olympia. Great spirit, great cross section of ages, cultures, interests. A great many homemade signs like ” Not enough cardboard to list the reasons I’m here today.”

Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania:

Over 15,000 people gathered at the city-County building for a “No Kings” rally in downtown Pittsburgh on a sunny but very cold day. Ghadah Makoshi, a community organizer with the American Civil Liberties Union, summarized the rally’s central message as being “no to authoritarianism in all of its forms.”

While many issues were raised by the signs and speakers, there was a focus on ICE, evident by the number of people who came equipped with whistles. Matthew Jordan, a representative from Casa San José, called for an end to police cooperation with ICE. Recently, two young men, aged 18 and 20, were stopped by police for a traffic violation on their way to work and turned over to ICE.

About a dozen other No Kings rallies took place in nearby towns, including McCandless, Penn Hills, Sewickley, Mt. Lebanon and more distant such as Clarion and Zelienople.

Romulus, Michigan:

ICE warehouse (in background) with State Representative Dylan Wegela speaking.
Around 350-400 people came to Romulus, Michigan on No Kings Day. Many had been to demonstrations at nearby sites, including UAW Local 900.

On the sunny afternoon a crushed ice station provided snow cones to demonstrators, and if they were like me, they too relished what sunshine melted the ice.

We gathered at 7525 Cogswell St., home to an idle warehouse that has been purchased by DHS for $34.7 million — 57% more than the previous sale price — and purchased without the knowledge of city officials. ICE is planning a detention center housing hundreds and one that is close to the Detroit airport. We call it a concentration camp and are organizing to make sure it never opens.

Demonstrators occupied the grassy area between the sidewalk outside the facility and the road, holding up signs that creatively expressed discontent with the current situation. Cars and trucks passing by honked their support of the action.

Given the logistics, the parking operation alone was a feat: roughly 260 cars packed tightly into a grassy area with a narrow entry point across the street from the facility.

In Romulus, the rumor is circulating that opponents of the ICE plan are paid to leaflet and demonstrate.
When Congresswoman Rashida Tlaib arrived, noticing the warehouse entry was blocked by cones, her security got out to move a cone — only to be quickly stopped by federal agents who keep continuous watch on the property. After that ordeal, Rashida then proceeded to lead chants in tandem with a young boy in attendance, “Show me what democracy looks like! This is what democracy looks like!”

Other rally speakers included Dylan Wegela, State Representative for Romulus and surrounding areas and member of DSA and Alyssa Loucks, a Romulus Middle School teacher who eloquently spoke to the particularities of U.S. authoritarianism. The Resistance Singers taught the crowd group songs from Minneapolis, and a Solidarity member and long-time union activist addressed union members, pointing out that this struggle can build union power.

The Coalition to Shut the Camps organized the Romulus No Kings event. It has garnered the support of 33 organizations in a “regulatory punch list” targeting Great Lakes Water Authority (GLWA), Wayne County, City of Romulus, DTE, and Michigan Department of Environment, Great Lakes, and Energy (EGLE), demanding full disclosure of all proposals and the opportunity for public meetings before any approval of ICE plans.

The coalition plans to continue meeting at 3 pm at 7525 Cogswell every Saturday.

Salt Lake City, Utah:
The “No Kings” demonstration in Salt Lake City began with a rally of 8,000 at downtown Washington Square Park before participants marched a mile+ uphill to the State Capitol for the main rally. Several thousand more went directly to the Capitol. The March demonstration was larger than the 10,000 who rallied last October, and more diverse.

St. Paul:
The turnout exceeded the organizers expectations!
In fact, the first speaker at the Capitol rally was Jeanetta Williams, president of the Salt Lake NAACP. There were 18 No Kings’ rallies and marches in the state.

St. Paul, Minnesota:
The turnout at the Capitol in St. Paul was somewhere between 100,000-200,000 people and included impressive union contingents.

Traverse City. Michigan:
No Kings 3 march. I’d say 2,000-3,000 people.

Vermont:
At the 50 NKD sites that we know of in Vermont we’ve counted 29,441 participants so far. DSA and the Vermont May Day Strong coalition distributed some 3000 May Day fliers plus another 1500 of our Solidarity School fliers at 10 of the larger sites.

Politically it was a mixed bag. For example, in Montpelier Migrant Justice spoke and I was asked to speak to an Indivisible meeting about the May Day Strong organizing. While in Burlington Indivisible is run by liberal Democratic Party Zionists who refused to allow Migrant Justice, labor, or Palestinian solidarity activists to speak. There we had our own May Day Strong feeder march with some 1000+ participating, and held our own rally with Migrant Justice, labor and Palestinian voices speaking before we joined Indivisible’s rally.

Thanks to Alex, Chris, Dawn, Dianne, Eric F, Eric S, Folko, Giselle, Heidi, Jody, Johanna, Linda, Paul, Peter, Randy, Traven and Wendy.

Source: Soldarity