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Sunday, August 30, 2026

Why critics oppose India's RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat's US visit

(RNS) — To understand the true scale of the RSS's institutional reach normalizing Hindu nationalism, it is necessary to look beyond the RSS itself.
Protesters from an array of religions demonstrate against Mohan Bhagwat's upcoming visit, at City Hall on Tuesday, Aug. 25, 2026, in New York City. (RNS photo/Fiona André)


(RNS) — Mohan Bhagwat, head of one of India’s most influential Hindu nationalist organizations, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), is coming to New York City on Saturday (Aug. 29). His visit might have been a diaspora gathering. Instead, it has become a test of how the U.S. will respond to an organization with an opaque network of affiliates that human rights groups accuse of fomenting religious discrimination and violence.

The upcoming “Universal Oneness Celebration” is hosted by American Hindus for Engagement and Dialogue, a nonprofit with links to the U.S. wing of the RSS and founded in 2025. The event is expected to draw 5,000 Hindu Americans along with more than 100 groups, from temple associations to yoga and cultural groups. 

Founded in 1925, the RSS is one of India’s most influential social and ideological organizations. Through tens of thousands of local branches and a vast network spanning education, labor, student groups and social services, the RSS has helped spread Hindu nationalist, or Hindutva, ideas across Indian society and has faced criticism for its treatment of Muslims and Christians, often cast as less Indian than Hindus. 

The RSS promotes and informs the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party’s most controversial policies and rhetoric, including cow protection that has encouraged vigilante violence against Muslims, anti-conversion laws that have led to mob attacks on churches, a citizenship amendment that favors non-Muslim migration and restrictions on foreign funding to religious organizations, disproportionately choking Christian and Muslim NGOs, which provide essential services to Indians in education and other social sectors.

In 2025, the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), an independent, bipartisan federal commission created by Congress to monitor religious freedom abroad and make recommendations to the U.S. government, has recommended that the government designate India as a “country of particular concern.” USCIRF also recommended targeted sanctions against individuals and entities, including the RSS, including freezing their assets and restricting their entry into the country. Most recently, USCIRF officials warned against extending high-level meetings and diplomatic courtesies to Bhagwat and other RSS leaders. Several human rights and advocacy organizations have also called on Secretary of State Marco Rubio to deny or revoke Bhagwat’s U.S. visa. 



2025 USCIRF Recommendations. (Courtesy image)

The Indian government and various Hindutva groups have pushed back hard in defense, claiming that their critics are simply anti-Hindu.

For the first time, in 2002 following the Gujarat riots, when Narendra Modi was the state’s chief minister, USCIRF recommended that India be designated a “Country of Particular Concern” (CPC). It made the same recommendation again in 2004 but did not recommend CPC status for India again until 2020. Since then, it has made the recommendation every year.

Last year, in his Independence Day speech from the Red Fort, Prime Minister Narendra Modi described the organization as the world’s biggest NGO as it marked its centenary year. This characterization has revived an important institutional question: If the RSS is one of the country’s largest voluntary organizations, under what legal framework does it operate in India, and should an organization of such scale be subject to the same standards of registration and transparency as other organizations operating in the public interest? 

Further, if the RSS is an organization with such a vast network and global presence, why are programs and events for its members and supporters organized by separate organizations, both in India and abroad? What is the nature of the relationship between the RSS and these organizations, and how transparent is that relationship? 

One possible explanation is a desire to avoid greater transparency and potential tax scrutiny. These concerns have been highlighted recently by Karnataka Home Minister Priyank Kharge of the Indian National Congress, who has questioned the RSS’s legal status, sources of funding (particularly voluntary contributions), tax compliance and the scale of its public activities, including the thousands of daily branches operating in the state and even in government buildings. He demands that the RSS register in accordance with the law or face a ban.  

His remarks drew a strong response from the RSS and the BJP. Bhagwat called the demand politically motivated, saying the organization has openly functioned as a voluntary cultural body for nearly a century and so does not need formal registration. BJP Member of Parliament Ramesh Jigajinagi questioned why a dalit (low caste) leader like Kharge should be concerned about the RSS, sparking further debate. 

To understand the true scale of the RSS’s institutional reach, it is necessary to look beyond the RSS itself. Indian magazine “The Caravan” recently launched “Seeing the Sangh,” an ongoing research project developed over six years in collaboration with researchers. The project attempts to map the vast organizational network surrounding the RSS. Drawing on publicly available sources, including RSS publications, academic research, financial records and government documents, it has so far identified more than 2,500 organizations associated with the wider RSS ecosystem across the globe. While the database is still evolving, the sheer scale of the network offers a revealing picture of how the RSS umbrella has expanded its presence across different areas of public life and raises further questions about the nature, structure and transparency of these institutional relationships. 


As of now, the project’s map identifies 113 affiliated organizations operating under different names across the U.S. alone. 

While many of the RSS-associated organizations are separately registered, the RSS itself has maintained that it functions as a voluntary cultural movement rather than as an organization requiring formal registration. This limits public transparency regarding its structure, finances and accountability.

In 2025, the RSS quietly hired one of Washington’s major lobbying firms — not directly but through intermediaries, so that on paper, the RSS’s name barely showed up. The stated purpose, per the filings, was to introduce the RSS to the U.S. Senate and House. It took reporters actually digging through the disclosures to figure out who the real client was. That’s not an oversight; it’s the same move the RSS makes at home — stay just outside the frame that would force disclosure.

This raises a straightforward question: If the RSS is, by its own repeated insistence, just an unregistered cultural body confined to India, why exactly does it need $330,000 worth of Capitol Hill access and a team of congressional staffers whispering in Senators’ ears? Purely cultural organizations do not typically require such lobbying.

In the end, the central question remains: Should an organization with such extensive influence be allowed to remain institutionally opaque? 

(Mohd Arshid is a senior research scholar at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi working on the political economy of religion. The views expressed in this commentary do not necessarily reflect those of Religion News Service.)

Mohan Bhagwat’s US visit puts RSS’s vision of Hindu unity in spotlight

(RNS) — The event has sparked widespread backlash from a coalition of faith-based and secular organizations, but organizers say Bhagwat will share the stage with leaders from other faiths to celebrate shared goals.
Hindu nationalist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat offers prayers at Sangam, the confluence of the rivers Ganges and the Yamuna and mythical Saraswati rivers, at the annual traditional fair of Magh Mela in Prayagraj, India, Friday, Feb. 19, 2021. (AP Photo/Rajesh Kumar Singh)


(RNS) — This Saturday (Aug. 29), Mohan Bhagwat, chief of India’s Hindu nationalist organization, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), is scheduled to give the keynote address at Madison Square Garden for an event celebrating “universal oneness.”

The event, hosted by the nonprofit American Hindus for Engagement and Dialogue (AHEAD) Forum, will feature musical performances and communal hymns and is expected to draw more than 5,000 spectators and over 100 groups affiliated with Hindu temples, yoga associations and cultural groups. 

“Our job is to sit for a dialogue — mutual dialogue — to understand each other for the betterment of global humanity,” said Sudesh Agrawal, director of the AHEAD Forum. “Our earth is one.”

Priya Samant, the spokesperson for the Universal Oneness Celebration, agreed. 

“It’s a celebration of our shared goals and our humanity,” she told RNS, adding that Bhagwat will share the stage with faith leaders from different religions, including Islam, Christianity, Judaism and Sikhism. “And oneness does not mean sameness. It means that we can work through our differences, and yet, be one big family.” 

And yet, the event has sparked widespread backlash from a coalition of faith-based and secular organizations as well as elected officials. Critics argue that the idea of unity is a thin veneer and that Bhagwat represents an organization built from a vision of a Hindu-first India. They point to a documented rise in discrimination and violence against minorities in India since 2014, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), considered the political muscle of the RSS, gained power. 

In the context of the RSS and its representatives, the idea of unity often only refers to Hindu unity, said Thomas Blom Hansen, a professor of South Asian studies and anthropology at Stanford who studies religious and political violence in India. “Anyone who talks about caste, who talks about communities, who talks about minorities — they are inherently divisive,” Hansen said. 

Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat addresses students during an India International Movement to Unite Nations (IIMUN) event in Mumbai, India, Thursday, Aug. 6, 2026. (AP Photo/Rafiq Maqbool)

Bhagwat’s visit kicks off an international tour to increase global outreach on the centennial of the RSS’s founding. He is scheduled for upcoming events in Canada and the United Kingdom.



The RSS was founded in 1925 as a male-only volunteer organization that held small local gatherings meant to cultivate shared Hindu identity amid British colonial rule and past Muslim conquests. The organization has since become a major force in Indian society, particularly as an ideological guide to the BJP.

“The BJP knows that they cannot win elections without the RSS,” Hansen said. 

Bhagwat, 75, was born into a Marathi Brahmin family of RSS activists. He joined the organization full time in his 20s and climbed the ranks to become the organization’s chief in 2009. He now presides over millions of RSS members across the country and serves as a prominent figurehead.

Bhagwat himself has advocated for many controversial BJP policies promoted by the RSS, advising families to protect their Hindu daughters from “love jihad,” defending a citizenship amendment that favors non-Muslim immigration, defending “anti-conversion laws” that have resulted in mob attacks on churches, and labeling India a fundamentally Hindu nation. He has also praised the construction of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya on the site where a Hindu nationalist mob illegally razed a 16th century mosque and ensuing riots killed an estimated 2,000 people, mainly Muslims.

A general view of the audience during the opening of the Ram Mandir, a temple dedicated to Hindu deity Lord Ram, in Ayodhya, India, Jan. 22, 2024. (AP Photo/Rajesh Kumar Singh)

Two of AHEAD Forum’s previous initiatives involved book tours for Sachin Nanda and Ratan Sharda, who wrote about RSS history and principles. 

The RSS has been banned three times in India. The first ban came in 1948 after an RSS affiliate assassinated Mahatma Gandhi, the Indian independence leader who advocated for religious harmony and a secular democracy. 

The Indian government mandated that the RSS operate with transparency, but instead, “they branched out and created a whole range of different front organizations that are not formally affiliated with the RSS,” said Hansen. “It was a way of creating a sense of deniability.”

Ahead of Bhagwat’s speech, progressive platform Savera published a report alleging that the AHEAD Forum is a front for the U.S. wing of the RSS. 

Agrawal responded that the AHEAD Forum is an independent 501(c)3 organization and “not prompted or promoted or guided by any other organization.”

Sunita Viswanath, executive director of the progressive nonprofit Hindus for Human Rights, has been working with a coalition of advocates to campaign for Madison Square Garden to cancel the event, urging individuals to call the venue and voice their opinion.

“As a progressive Hindu organization that’s working night and day to manifest a loving and inclusive interpretation of our faith, it’s very upsetting to see the same words and the same concepts, such as ‘oneness,’ being used by an organization and its leadership who very clearly represent the opposite,” Viswanath said. 

Brad Lander, center, speaks during a demonstration against Mohan Bhagwat’s upcoming visit to New York, at City Hall on Tuesday, Aug. 25, 2026, in New York City. (RNS photo/Fiona AndrĂ©)

Elected officials, including Democratic candidate for Congress Brad Lander and New York City Councilmembers Shahana Hanif and Lincoln Restler, have also spoken out against Bhagwat’s appearance in New York City. Zohran Mamdani, New York City’s first Indian-American mayor and a Muslim, also said he opposed Bhagwat’s appearance but did not have the jurisdiction to cancel the event.

“The vision of India that I was taught by my family and the one that I grew up being very familiar with was of a pluralistic society, of a secular republic,” said Mamdani in a press conference. “It has been incredibly troubling to see the rise of a movement that is predicated on an exclusionary vision.”

Madison Square Garden representatives have told callers that venue management has limited authority to cancel private events.

Still, those opposed to Bhagwat’s visit will protest outside Madison Square Garden on Saturday. Viswanath expects hundreds of protesters will gather and voice their opposition to Bhagwat, the RSS and the Hindutva philosophies they embody.

“If we don’t stand up to religious supremacy and exclusively hateful ideologies,” she said, “we will not be fulfilling our responsibility as citizens of conscience, citizens of the countries that we live in and citizens of the world.”

Samant, on the other hand, said the event fills her with hope, stating that it is an opportunity for a diverse crowd to learn from Bhagwat’s experience leading a century-old organization. 

“The RSS has done so much great work,” she said. “It’s like a masterclass.”



Unsettling question raised over Trump admin's role in devastating Nepal floods


Alexander Willis
August 29, 2026 
RAW STORY


A drone view of houses covered in mud and the broken bridge after deadly flash floods and mudslide, at Devighat, Nuwakot district, Nepal, August 29, 2026. REUTERS/Athit Perawongmetha

The devastating flash floods in Nepal this week that killed at least 670 people and left around 3,000 missing — including 90 Americans — might have claimed fewer lives if not for the actions of the Trump administration, former USAID disaster-response chief Jeremy Konyndyk suggested on Saturday.

A series of catastrophic flash floods hit Nepal near its border with China on Wednesday causing unprecedented destruction. The event is believed to have been caused by a glacier collapse in the Himalayas.

Konyndyk, who led USAID’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic under the Biden administration, raised an unsettling question as to whether the Trump administration and its Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, may have crippled locals’ ability to adequately prepare for such a disaster.

“DOGE famously used keyword searches for terms like ‘climate’ to terminate federal grants,” Konyndyk wrote, referring to the DOGE-led blitz to gut funding for USAID, the U.S. Agency for International Development.

“Among the victims: a collab between USAID and NASA for flood prediction, early warning, disaster readiness, glacier inventories, and mapping dangerous glacial lakes… in Nepal.”

Spearheaded by Tesla CEO Elon Musk, DOGE oversaw around $60 billion in cuts to U.S. foreign aid under the Trump administration, leaving “few surviving” USAID projects in its wake. Among the USAID programs Konyndyk said was affected was SERVIR, a program that produced detailed and advanced flood forecasting with “days lead time” that “allows people to plan and prepare for [floods].” The program also specifically monitored the “potentially dangerous glacial lakes of Nepal.”

A notice from NASA supports Konyndyk’s assertion that SERVIR was impacted by DOGE cuts.

“Earlier this month USAID notified SERVIR partners that they have terminated all agreements and contracts with NASA and the SERVIR network,” the notice, published in late March of 2025, reads. “Without the partnership with USAID, NASA cannot continue the SERVIR program.”



What to know about the Mount Kailash pilgrimage site after floods in Nepal and Tibet

BEIJING (AP) — Mount Kailash holds sacred significance for Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and the Tibetan Bon tradition. Each associates the mountain with different beliefs and sacred histories.





Maria Teresa Hernandez
August 28, 2026


BEIJING (AP) — Devotees on a pilgrimage to Mount Kailash — a sacred site in the Himalayas — were among the many people missing after the massive floods along the border between Nepal and China.

Here’s what to know about the mountain and its centuries-old role as a pilgrimage site.

Mount Kailash is sacred for several religious traditions

Mount Kailash is a Himalayan peak in southwestern Tibet, near China’s borders with Nepal and India. It rises more than 6,400 meters (21,000 feet) above sea level and lies close to Lake Manasarovar. Both have long been part of Sanskrit religious and literary traditions.

Mount Kailash holds sacred significance for Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and the Tibetan Bon tradition. Each associates the mountain with different beliefs and sacred histories.

According to the International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development, the mountain is considered the home of Shiva, the Hindu god of destruction, and Parvati, a Hindu goddess associated with marriage, fertility and motherhood.

Followers of the Tibetan Bon tradition regard it as a seat of spiritual power and associate the region with Tonpa Shenrab, the tradition’s founder.

Geographer Emily Yeh, a professor at the University of Colorado Boulder, who has conducted research in Tibet, wrote in 2017 that Kailash is associated with the mythical Mount Meru, considered the center of the world in Hindu and Buddhist cosmology.

The surrounding landscape also figures in local legends and Himalayan traditions. “Shared Sacred Landscapes,” a book published by ICIMOD in 2017, gathers some of them.

One story tells of Guru Nanak, the founder of Sikhism, who visits villagers longing to make the pilgrimage to Mount Kailash. Nanak teaches them that the true pilgrimage is a spiritual journey within themselves.

Pilgrims travel to the mountain for purification

India’s government operates an official Kailash Manasarovar pilgrimage from June through August or September each year, with routes through the states of Uttarakhand and Sikkim. Private operators also organize pilgrimages through Nepal.

Pilgrims traditionally walk around Mount Kailash rather than climb it, completing a roughly 33-mile (53-kilometer) circuit around the mountain.

The journey around the peak is believed to cleanse pilgrims of their sins and can take about three days to complete. Hindus and Buddhists traditionally circle the mountain clockwise, while followers of Bon travel counterclockwise.

At nearby Lake Manasarovar, some Hindu pilgrims bathe in its waters as a ritual of spiritual purification.

Yeh wrote that Tibetan pilgrims stop at monasteries and other sacred sites along the route, touching prayer beads or their foreheads to features believed to bear sacred imprints. Other rituals are meant to test a pilgrim’s merit, sin or fortune.

Pilgrims are among the missing after floods

The death toll for the disaster continues to grow, and hundreds more are missing in Nepal and China.

The missing include at least 178 people from India, most of whom were believed to be on the pilgrimage. The missing also includes people from U.S., Australia, Britain and Canada.

Indian spiritual guru Jaggi Vasudev, also known as Sadhguru, said in a post on X that 77 people returning from the mountain with groups organized by his Isha Foundation were at an immigration center in Gyirong, Tibet, when the floods struck.

___

Associated Press religion coverage receives support through the AP’s collaboration with The Conversation US, with funding from Lilly Endowment Inc. The AP is solely responsible for this content.


Wednesday, August 26, 2026

As AI enters Sikh life, old debates on technology and tradition continue

(RNS) — A machine may reproduce words, images or melodies. But Sikh practice, many argue, remains rooted in intention, consciousness and connection.
Sikh devotees light candles at the Golden Temple as they mark the birth anniversary of their first guru, Guru Nanak, in Amritsar, India, Wednesday, Nov. 5, 2025. (AP Photo/Prabhjot Gill)

(RNS) — More than a century before Sikhs debated artificial intelligence, they debated another new technology: electric lights in the gurdwara.

When lightbulbs were first introduced at the Golden Temple in Amritsar, India, in 1897, some Sikhs questioned whether replacing traditional ghee oil lamps with electricity would diminish the sanctity of Sikhism’s holiest shrine. For two decades, rival factions debated whether the technology threatened tradition or could better serve pilgrims.

Eventually, electricity prevailed.

Today, the Golden Temple relies on electric lighting, digital displays and sophisticated sound systems to welcome millions of visitors each year.

Now, the adoption of artificial intelligence is raising similar questions as it’s embraced in religious communities in India and the diaspora.

Across the Sikh world, AI is being used to create educational materials, answer questions about scripture and make religious teachings more accessible. But it has also sparked concerns about whether technology can replicate forms of spiritual expression rooted in human presence and devotion.

Supreet Singh presents at Camp Kudrat in April 2025 in Cambria, Calif. (Image by MVP Films)

Supreet Singh, a Sikh educator based in Houston, Texas, grew up hearing stories from his father, who was raised in Amritsar, about the lightbulb controversy. Today, he sees that debate as a reminder that Sikh communities have long wrestled with how to integrate new technologies.

“The guru says that as time progresses, light and the truth will prevail,” Supreet Singh told RNS. “And so I think that if AI has some truth in it, I think it will last the test of time, it will do good for society. And I think if it has more bad and fails, then it will diminish out of our views.”

As an educator with the nonprofit Everythings 13, Supreet Singh uses AI to create videos and animations about Sikh history and philosophy. The technology allows a small organization to produce materials that would otherwise require significantly more resources.

For Gurpreet Singh, a New Jersey-based senior director of applied machine learning in the biopharmaceutical industry, AI’s greatest potential may be helping younger Sikhs reconnect with teachings written in languages they may not fully understand.

Gurpreet Singh spends every Sunday teaching children from the Sikh community at the SAGE Khalsa School in Oakland, New Jersey. He said he noticed a difference between his own relationship with Sikh scripture, having grown up in Punjab, and that of his children, who grew up in the U.S.

“I was very comfortable in the native language of Punjabi in which it is written,” he said. “But my kids here, they don’t have the same meaning attached to that word when they hear it the way I have it.”

The GianiJi.com chat bot. (Screen grab)

To bridge that gap, Gurpreet Singh and students at SAGE Khalsa developed GianiJi.com, an AI chatbot designed to answer questions about Sikh teachings in any language alongside the original Punjabi using Gurbani, sacred teachings of the gurus contained within the Guru Granth Sahib, the Sikh scriptures, as its source material.

Gurpreet Singh sees AI as part of a longer Sikh tradition of translating timeless teachings into new forms of communication.

He compared the moment to the creation of Gurmukhi, the innovative written script associated with Sikh scripture, which helped make religious teachings accessible beyond elite languages at a time of great inequality in India.

“Guru Nanak’s message was about translating that language into practical aspirations of what it means for life,” he said. “I see this as the same moment.”



But for some Sikhs, AI’s ability to reproduce religious expression raises concerns about spiritual practice and the human aspect of devotion and worship.

Karina Skye Kaur, a Brazilian-American musician and yoga instructor living in Florida, said she has encountered YouTube channels featuring Sikh devotional music, “shabads,” that were created using AI.

Karina Skye Kaur. (Photo courtesy of Karina Skye Kaur)

“At first, I enjoyed the music, but part of me feels the plasticity and lifelessness of it,” Skye Kaur said.

Skye Kaur worries AI-generated devotional music may imitate spiritual beauty without the consciousness and intention behind human worship.

“While I don’t think Sikhi and its philosophy can be in anyway threatened by AI, shabad created by AI is only reinforcing the illusion of this world,” she said. “It can help us navigate the world better, but it can also pull us further away from the truth.”

Responding to concerns, Sikh institutions and authorities are navigating the tension between the benefits and limitations of AI’s use. In 2025, Sri Akal Takht Sahib, Sikhism’s highest temporal authority, directed Sikhs not to use AI, animation or digital deepfakes to depict Sikh gurus, martyrs or sacred ceremonies. Sikh advocacy organizations have also urged technology companies to prevent inaccurate representations of Sikh history and scripture.

As such, Sikh developers have focused on building technological safeguards.

Daljit Singh, a web developer in Kartarpur, India, launched his own platform, KhalsaGPT, in 2023, that is an AI assistant designed to answer questions about Sikhism.

“I wanted to create an AI platform dedicated to Sikhs that can help Sikhs get every question answered from trusted sources with references,” Daljit Singh said.

Members of the Manhattan Sikh Association dine together Saturday, April 18, 2026, at Infinite Space NYC in Manhattan. (Photo by Kyle Desrosiers-Levine)

KhalsaGPT was designed as a text-only educational platform. Daljit Singh prohibited it from generating verses from the Guru Granth Sahib, creating images of Sikh gurus or presenting itself as a religious authority.

Nonetheless, the project also highlighted AI’s risks, Daljit Singh said. Generative AI systems can produce false information, known as “hallucinations.”

“As Sikhs ourselves, we understood that this area requires great care, responsibility and proper oversight,” he said.

The project has been paused for the past year, Daljit Singh said, because of his professional commitments — not because of the Akal Takht directive. He believes carefully verified Sikh data could eventually help improve how major AI systems answer questions about Sikhism.

A machine may reproduce words, images or melodies. But Sikh practice, many argue, remains rooted in intention, consciousness and connection.

For Gurpreet Singh, the promise of AI is that it can help a new generation rediscover a tradition that has always adapted to new technologies.

“I think my invitation to the next generation,” he said, “would be to really embrace this as a tool — a way in which they can better understand why this was written, and why it is this relevant in today’s context.”