It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
Sikh leaders urge India to lift ban on pilgrims traveling to Pakistan shrine
ISLAMABAD (AP) — The decision by India's federal government to bar pilgrims from traveling to Pakistan to visit the shrine on Guru Nanak's birth anniversary has sparked condemnation from Sikh organizations and opposition leaders.
ISLAMABAD (AP) — Sikh community leaders urged New Delhi to lift a ban recently imposed on pilgrims traveling to Pakistan to visit the shrine of Guru Nanak, the founder of their faith. They said the move violates international norms and moral values.
The appeal came from Mahesh Singh, vice president of the Pakistan Sikh Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, the official body that manages Sikh shrines in Pakistan, where many holy places of Sikhs are located.
His remarks followed the Indian government’s Sept. 12 decision to deny permission for Sikhs to cross into Pakistan for Guru Nanak’s birth anniversary, citing security concerns. There was no immediate comment from New Delhi.
The decision by India’s federal government to bar pilgrims from traveling to Pakistan for the event has sparked condemnation from Sikh organizations and opposition leaders.
The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, a group that manages Sikh places of worship in India, said the decision hurt the religious sentiments of the Sikh community.
Bhagwant Mann, Punjab state’s chief minister, accused the Indian central government of double standards. Speaking at a press conference on Monday, he said New Delhi had allowed a recent cricket match between the two countries while simultaneously prohibiting a Sikh religious pilgrimage
The dispute highlights broader tensions between the nuclear-armed rivals, who downgraded diplomatic ties and suspended visas after tit-for-tat missile strikes in May and an earlier deadly attack in disputed Kashmir. Though a U.S.-brokered cease-fire has held, travel between the countries remains heavily restricted.
Despite the strained ties, Pakistani officials say Sikh and other religious pilgrims from India are still welcome to visit shrines in Pakistan under existing arrangements. Many of Sikhism’s holiest sites ended up in Pakistan after the partition of British India in 1947.
But Pakistani officials said they were still making arrangements to facilitate Indian pilgrims at the Kartarpur shrine, which is located in eastern Punjab’s recently flood-hit Narowal district, about 4.5 kilometers (2.8 miles) from the border.
The shrine is considered the second-holiest site in Sikhism.
The Kartarpur Corridor, inaugurated in 2019, created a visa-free border crossing for Sikh pilgrims from India, allowing thousands to visit the shrine daily. The shrine and surrounding villages were inundated last month when heavy rains and water released from overflowing Indian dams caused flooding across Narowal, affecting more than 100,000 people.
At one point, water stood 20 feet (6 meters) deep inside the shrine.
Punjab’s Chief Minister Maryam Nawaz Sharif ordered the water to be drained and the site restored, and the shrine reopened for worship and visits within a week.
Pakistani official Ghulam Mohiuddin said arrangements for lodging and food were being finalized for Sikh pilgrims traveling from India and abroad. He said if New Delhi lifts its ban, a record number of Indian Sikhs could visit Kartarpur this year.
Singh said thousands of Sikhs from India had hoped to take part in November’s weeklong celebration marking 556 years since Guru Nanak’s birth. He said Pakistan’s government has assured the committee that “the doors of Pakistan are open for Indian Sikh pilgrims,” and that visas would be granted through Pakistan’s high commission in New Delhi.
Another Sikh leader, Gyani Harpreet Singh, questioned the Indian government’s decision on X, noting that if India and Pakistan can play cricket matches, Sikhs should also be allowed to visit Pakistan for religious observances.
He appealed to New Delhi “not to play with the emotions of Sikhs.”
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Associated Press writer Aijaz Hussain contributed to this story from Srinagar, India.
Tuesday, August 19, 2025
Human rights activist’s new novel shines a light on 'invisible' asylum-seekers from India
(RNS) — ‘The Freedom Seeker’ tells the fictional story of a 12-year-old girl and her family, representing real experiences of many Indian immigrants to the U.S.
(RNS) — Ruchira Gupta’s new young reader novel, “The Freedom Seeker,” tells the story of Simi, a 12-year-old girl from Chandigarh, India, whose family is forced to flee to the United States after her parents, a Hindu-Sikh father and Muslim mother, are attacked by intolerant neighbors.
But the author, an Emmy Award-winning documentary filmmaker and social justice activist, said the themes in Simi’s story, published Aug. 5, are anything but fictional. Her family represents thousands of marginalized people who endure treacherous journeys and the labyrinth of the U.S. immigration system in search of refuge, safety and a place to call home.
RNS spoke with Gupta, who is the founder-president of anti-sex trafficking organization Apne Aap Women Worldwide. The interview has been edited for length and clarity.
Why did you leave journalism and become an activist?
I (was) walking in the hills of Nepal, and I came across these villages with missing girls. I followed the trail, and I found little girls locked up in cages in Mumbai’s brothels. I couldn’t believe that in my country, in my lifetime, something like that still existed. I decided to tell the story to break the silence, and in the process of making the documentary, “The Selling of Innocents,” I became really close to the women I was interviewing.
When I won the Emmy and I’m on stage in New York, and I’m looking at the bright lights and the audience, all I could see were the eyes of the mothers. So I decided I would use my Emmy and my documentary not to build a career in journalism, but to make a difference. I was able to leverage the documentary and contributed to the drafting and passage of the U.N. protocol and the U.S. Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act. But at the same time, I couldn’t forget the women.
When I went back to Mumbai, they said, we want to help our daughters. So we created Apne Aap. Our main aim was to break the cycle of intergenerational prostitution by getting the girls into school. We found a room in an abandoned municipal school in Mumbai, put a straw mat on the floor, hired a teacher, and the kids would come there and we would bathe, feed and teach them. That led to us to the first batch of children getting into school, and today, they’re animation artists, managers at department stores, nurses and doctors.
I made my movie in 1996. At that time, no one called it sex trafficking, and there were no laws. Now, 140 countries have signed on to the U.N. protocol and made laws according to that. We’ve helped girl by girl and law by law, and that’s how I became an activist from a journalist. The stories got under my skin and I couldn’t walk away. How much of Simi’s story came from people you’ve met?
For 30 years, I’ve been working with young girls, motivating them to go to school and helping them imagine a future. I worked with the U.N. for more than a decade in different parts of the world ridden by conflict, like Kosovo, Tanzania, Cambodia, Iran, Iraq. I’ve talked to girls and understood their trauma, their sense of loss and fear and longing for home and safety. I teach them how to have trust not just in me, but also in their own future. Simi is a composite character of all those girls I met. RELATED: An Indiana Hindu temple sign was vandalized, the fourth in a ‘shocking’ pattern
Many of the girls I met are spunky, mischievous, and they have a sense of humor. Simi is all three. When men throw a rock through her window because her family is interfaith, she, of course, wants to shout or do something nasty to them, but her maternal grandfather tells her, “You have to learn how to challenge people and show the best parts of you to them, not the worst part of you.” So, she buys a lot of jalebis (Indian sweets) and feeds that to the men. After they’ve eaten the jalebi, she gives them a note saying, “Do you know that this jalebi recipe comes from people who are Muslim?” It’s converting with kindness.
As criminalization and deportation of migrants and asylum-seekers have increased in the U.S., what does this story say about the moment we live in?
There are 18 million children who are living in America with one immigrant parent. So they’re living in fear that either they or their loved one will be deported. That’s 1 in 4 children in America. Think about what that child is going through, the fear and terror that they’re experiencing (about) what will happen to them. I think the child migrant crisis is huge, and on top of that, we have children who are missing who were never entered into databases when they were separated from their parents.
Storytelling like this helps me remember feelings, sounds, textures, emotions, which humanize the person beyond the data. Millions of girls are trapped in prostitution, but you won’t see the girls that easily. If I tell you there’s a little girl who wants to go to school and she’s scared the traffickers will kidnap her on the way, you can see her and you will immediately feel a sense of empathy. How did your own faith identity and experiences help characterize Simi’s?
My book is grounded in three religions: Hinduism, Islam and Sikhism. In the India I grew up in, there was fluidity between cultures, between religions, because we were creating this modern, independent new India. I was born into a Hindu family, but my family was very influenced by Gandhi. When anything important happened, my family would make a donation to Mother Teresa: No one thought of her as a Christian nun; she was just someone who did good. I went to an all-girls school where our morning prayer was that we should follow the Eightfold Path of the Buddha. We didn’t see differences. We saw commonality in religions, and that has changed in the world.
Now, everything is so flashpoint and polarizing. That’s the India I’m describing in my book: Here are these grandparents who are perfectly accepting of the (interfaith) marriage, but it’s the younger generation who are opposing it because they’re being groomed into believing something else. We need more thinkers to write stories which will enlighten people’s minds and make us go in a different direction.
In my book, I give Simi a name which is Arabic, Hindu and Sikh. It’s in all religions, but it can mean different things. My book is exploring how borders and boundaries are just manmade, and how we can cross them in many different ways. Can you talk about lesser-known immigration stories from India?
When I began writing this book, I’d read a few articles about Indians coming to America and the hardships they faced. One was about a mother and daughter crossing the Sonoran Desert in Arizona, and they were Sikhs. The father was a taxi driver in Queens. His wife and daughter were not given political asylum, so they paid these smugglers called coyotes to bring them. The mother went looking for water in the desert and got separated from her daughter, and later the border guard found the kid’s remains. She was just 6.
When people want to criminalize and propagandize, my story will humanize because it will show things from the eyes of a 12-year-old girl and her family. I’m hoping that it will educate and inspire people to understand that so many Indians are coming here and they’re invisible. For Sikhs and Gujaratis, I don’t know where they can go to if they want services. There’s a dearth of lawyers who can help them. There’s a dearth of shelters which can look after them in their own cultural milieu, with their kind of food, community. Everyone here thinks only about the rich Indian — the techies, doctors and lawyers — and nobody wants to talk about the majority of Indians, who are porters, cleaning ladies, construction workers and nannies. We somehow don’t talk enough about them and what their needs are, and I think that’s really important to do that. When a young reader picks up this book, what do you hope they understand?
I think discrimination comes from fear. I want to dispel the fear and show her just like any other 12-year-old kid: She is the captain of her hockey team, she has loving grandparents, they celebrate their festivals with a lot of food. That’s the first thing I want to do, to humanize Simi and her family and show them like a family anywhere in the U.S., who are challenged by difficult circumstances all of a sudden.
I’m trying to show that when people come here, they miss their family, and so they need a little bit more community support. Little acts of kindness can make such a big difference. In “The Freedom Seeker,” nobody except the coyotes are really bad people. They are capable of small acts of kindness that keep Simi going till she finds home and safety. Even a border guard thinks about his own child and plays a board game with Simi, and that keeps her happy inside detention camp. There’s an immigration officer who lets her keep a leaf from a tree back home. The people they think are going to be villains, they’re not really.
I walked along the barbed wire on the Arizona-Mexico border and I saw families, homes facing each other. I saw people exchanging food and flowers through the barbed wire. I saw the human connection. And when I walked the desert, I saw Catholic missionaries leaving water behind so if a migrant was dehydrated, they could find it. And I met townspeople in Tucson and other places who welcome migrants and let them take a shower in their house or give them a change of clothes to get the sand off their bodies. So, small acts of kindness. We don’t have to think about what we can do, we should do what we can.
Religious minorities in Pakistan face various forms of discrimination and persecution because of social and institutional biases allegedly preserved and promoted by elements in society and the state.
Minority Rights March 2025. Photo: X
Hundreds of people marched from the YMCA grounds to the Sindh Assembly in Pakistan’s Karachi on Sunday, August 10, highlighting the continuous discrimination and persecution faced by millions of religious minorities in the country and demanding social and political equality for all citizens of Pakistan.
The march, on the eve of National Minority Day, was organized by a collective of minority rights movements called Minority Rights March. The participants included representatives of women, sexual minorities, trade unions, and human rights activists.
They carried banners and posters and shouted slogans about various forms of discrimination and atrocities faced by the religious minorities in the country. Religious persecution was also highlighted by various cultural performances during the rally.
Several speakers called for social and political reforms in the country to address the persistence of systemic biases against minorities in Pakistan. They accused the state of promoting such discrimination by failing to remove provisions in article 40 and 91, which prevent non-Muslims from holding high constitutional posts.
Speakers also called for revisions to the legal and education system in the country to end religious hatred and discrimination.
They highlighted how minorities in Pakistan face forced conversions and violence in the name of blasphemy. The hate spreading in the name of religious differences has led to a surge in mob lynchings targeting members of religious minority communities in recent months across various parts of the country.
Around 4% of Pakistanis belong to various religious minorities. Most of the religious minorities in Pakistan belong to Hinduism, Christianity, Sikhism, and unorthodox sects of Islam, such as the Ahmadiyya faith.
Studies have established that apart from forced conversion and violence in the name of blasphemy, these religious minorities in Pakistan are also forced into particular professions through generations and pushed to live in ghetto-like situations. They face daily discrimination at public places and their religious symbols and practices are often suppressed.
Studies have also found that state and law enforcement agencies in Pakistan often act in a biased manner and fail to implement laws which have been passed after decades of struggle to protect minorities in the country.
Equality and harmony
Though the Pakistani state recognized August 11 as National Minority Day for the first time in 2009, this year’s Minority Rights March was only the third such march.
The central theme of the Minority Rights Marches have been to bring the religious discrimination and persecution faced by minorities of all shades, whether Hindus, Sikhs, or Ahmadis, to the mainstream and build a larger alliance of left, progressive forces in the country to promote religious harmony and values of constitutional equality in Pakistan.
The issue of discrimination and persecution faced by the religious and ethnic minorities in the country has long been a matter of concern for the left and progressive forces in Pakistan.
Taimur Rahman, academic and leader of the Mazdoor Kisan Party (MKP) has described the treatment of the minorities by the state and society as medieval and “a grave threat to the social fabric of Pakistan.”
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, environmental and political activist who participated in last year’s march, noted that the rising violence against minorities in Pakistan and the perpetrators of such violence enjoying impunity is a betrayal of the founding principles of the country.
Pakistanis “must commit to upholding the dignity and safety of all minority communities,” Bhutto demanded in a post on X.
This year’s organizers of the march presented an 11-point charter of demands for religious harmony and equality.
The demands included amendments to article 40 and 91 to end constitutional discrimination, the revision of school text books to remove all racially discriminatory references, affirmative action quotas for religious minorities in educational institutions, revisions to or the abolition of the blasphemy law in the country, and the active promotion of values of equality by the state.
In the state that includes Mumbai, the state government is targeting people who allegedly hide their conversion to Christianity to avoid losing benefits reserved for disadvantaged groups. The state legislature is expected to vet a new anti-conversion law in the coming winter session. The Church is against forced conversions,” said Card Gracias. For Fr Devasagaya Raj, crypto-Christians is a meaningless term. The real problem is discriminatory laws in a multicultural country.
Mumbai (AsiaNews) – In the Indian state of Maharashtra, for several months the epicentre of the latest controversy over so-called forced conversions, a new group has been front-page news for the past few weeks, which Hindu nationalists derogatorily call "crypto Christians."
The latter allegedly conceal their conversion to Christianity to avoid losing the benefits guaranteed to them by law because they belong to one of the so-called Scheduled Castes/Backward Classes (SC/BC).
On Thursday, Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis announced that anyone from a religion other than Hinduism, Buddhism, or Sikhism fraudulently obtains a certificate granting access to the reserved quotas provided by Indian law for Dalits and other historically marginalised groups, they would have their certificate revoked.
He added that the state government also intends to introduce stricter provisions to deal with cases of religious conversion through coercion or deception.
Fadnavis made these remarks in the state Legislative Assembly in response to a question by Amit Gorkhe, a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Hindu nationalist party, who claims that “crypto-Christians” are abusing religious freedom.
“On the face of it, they belong to Scheduled Castes (SC) and avail reservation benefits like government jobs and use it during elections, but they secretly follow different religions,” he said.
Fadnavis noted that the Supreme Court itself issued a ruling in November last year, stating that reservations should be available only to Hindus, Buddhists, and Sikhs.
“If anyone from religions other than Hindus, Buddhists and Sikhs has availed an SC certificate or reservation, their validity certificate and caste certificate will be declared as cancelled,” he said.
The chief minister added that action can already be taken against them under the Indian Penal Code. “But a panel has been formed to suggest strict provisions. The government has plans to bring in strong provisions to deal with such cases and we will take a decision on this soon.’’
Maharashtra’s Minister of State for Home (Rural), Housing, School Education, Cooperation and Mining Pankaj Bhoyar announced that an anti-conversion bill will be introduced during the winter session of the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly.
Local BJP leader Chitra Wagh also weighed in on the debate, claiming that some women were tricked into marriage to "crypto-Christians"; he cited an alleged case in Sangli where a 28-year-old Hindu woman committed suicide after marrying a "crypto-Christian" whose family forced her to practise Christianity.
In the heated controversy sparked by this tragic case, BJP MLA Gopichand Padalkar, during a public rally in Sangli district on 17 June, offered a reward of hundreds of thousands of rupees for acts of violence against Christian priests and missionaries involved in "forced conversions”.
“The Church is against forced conversions,” said Cardinal Oswald Gracias, Archbishop Emeritus of Mumbai, speaking to AsiaNews. “Conversions that are fraudulently carried out or forced are illicit. The church has a structured and lengthy period of preparation, which also involves stages of inquiry. Even as chancellor, I've given advisory to priests to carefully check genuine candidates”.
“The Chief Minister has acknowledged that a person can follow any religion and convert another person with consent, but the law does not permit the use of force, cheating or enticement for conversion,” the cardinal explained. “The Church has selflessly served to bring Gospel values and the principles of Jesus – principles of truth, justice, peace, and harmony, compassion, love and forgiveness.
“Our sympathies and condolences to the family of the young lady who took her life; it is absolutely wrong for anyone to force another to convert. It is just not correct, and should never be done.
“The Catholic Church is absolutely against forced conversions or any pressure to force a person to become a Christian or to change religion – it is a matter of conscience, a matter of conviction, it should be a sacred”.
Speaking to AsiaNews, Fr Z. Devasagaya Raj, former secretary of the Office for Scheduled Castes/Backward Classes of the Catholic Bishops' Conference of India (CBCI), condemned the use of the term "crypto-Christians”.
“The term Crypto Christians should not be used in any case. There are no such people called crypto-Christians. Either they are Christians or they belong to other religions,” he said. “These arguments rise because of the Article 340 paragraph three, which denies reservation [status] to Dalit Christians.”
For the clergyman, many have questioned this provision “since it is against freedom of religion and is discrimination on the basis of religion.
“While defining a Hindu, Article 25(2)( b) says that whoever is not Christian or a Muslim or Jewish or Parsi are Hindus, which include Sikhs, Jains, and Buddhists. According to this definition, people who are atheists and don’t believe in any god are also categorised as Hindus.”
“In a multicultural country like ours, people go to churches, temples and mosques irrespective of their religion and attend prayers. That does not make them members of a particular religion.”
“Bringing such laws in Maharashtra will bring a lot of chaos and confusion,” Fr Devasagaya Raj warned. It “will diminish the interreligious relationship we have at present. It will bring an unhealthy situation among people of different religion
This began with Covid-19 under the pretext of “reducing the burden on students”, followed by ‘rationalisation’, which meant deletion of portions that caused discomfort to Hindu Nationalist ideology.
The new education policy 2020 is being implemented gradually. Apart from other things, it has focused on Indian knowledge systems and Indian traditions. The changes that pertain to History have deleted the Delhi Sultanate and Mughal rule from the text-books. A good seven centuries of history stands relegated into absentia. This is a pretty long period by any standards.
“While NCERT had previously trimmed sections on the Mughals and Delhi Sultanate -- including detailed account of dynasties like Tughlaqs, Khaljis, Mamluks, and Lodis and a two-page table on Mughal emperors' achievements -- as part of its syllabus rationalization during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2022-23, the new textbook has now removed all references to them,” says and article in The Economic Times.
All references to the Delhi Sultanate and Mughal rulers have been deleted from 7th standard text-books. In addition, references in other books to Muslim rule stand deleted. What also stands deleted is the reference to post-Mumbai (1992-93 violence), post-Gujarat violence (2002), the references to Nathuram Godse (Gandhi’s killer) being a trained pracharak of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh or RSS, the ban on RSS in the aftermath of Gandhi’s assassination among others. While the Kumbh Mela finds a place, the stampede that caused the death of many devotees and at the New Delhi rail station stampede have no mention.
All this began with the Covid-19 period when the pretext offered was “reducing the burden on students”, followed by ‘rationalisation’, which meant deletion of portions that caused discomfort to the Hindu Nationalist ideology.
For, demonisation of Muslims and spreading hate against them, and the Mughals, have been presented as major villains of our history. Some earlier kings like Allauddin Khilji have also been on the hammer of the Hindutva narrative. So far, the demonisation of Muslims was structured around temple destruction by Muslim kings, which has been contested by rational historians. The spread of Islam by Muslims kings using their sword was another pillar of this. This point is totally off the mark as conversions to Islam took place due to social interaction with Muslim Arab traders to begin with. Later, many low castes embraced Islam to escape the tyranny of the caste system.
The ideology of Hindutva has gone to the extent of presenting this period as a dark period when the ‘Holocaust against Hindus’ took place. No doubt the era of kingdoms is full of war for political reasons. Kings always wanted to expand their regime and in the process many people were killed. To call it holocaust, is totally off the mark. Their (Hindutva) narrative actually takes off from the communal historiography introduced by the British to pursue the policy of ‘divide and rule’. In this, all the motives of kings are related to religion and kings are presented as symbols of religious communities.
The Hindu communal historiography took this further by claiming that Muslims and Christians were ‘foreigners’ who have ‘tormented’ Hindus. The Muslim communal historiography presented the other side of the coin where Muslims are regarded as rulers and Hindus as subjects. They presented that Muslims are the logical rulers of this land.
The later trajectory of this logic did assist the British to divide our composite land into India and Pakistan. Savarkar articulated that there are two nations in this country, and Jinnah went on to demand a separate country for Muslims, Pakistan. Pakistan fell into the trap of Muslim communalism right from the word go, and as far its text-books are concerned, they presented the beginning of Pakistan with Mohammad bin Kasim in the Eighth Century. Today, their history books have totally deleted any reference to Hindu rulers. The hate which Muslim communalism spread against Hindus peaked with their school texts removing all the references to Hindu kings and culture.
In a way, India, during the past three decades, has been walking in the footprints of Pakistan. The mirror image of Pakistan’s trajectory is being copied probably to the last comma. This point was highlighted by Pakistan’s poet Fahmida Riyaz. In the aftermath of the Babri Masjid demolition, she wrote “Arre Tum bhi Ham Jaise Nikale, Ab Tak Kahan Chhupe the Bhai’ (Ohh! you have also turned out like us, where were you hiding so far).
Prior to Hindutva ideology coming to total control of Indian education, the RSS shakhas (morning drills) were spreading the communal version of society through multiple mechanisms like its shakha bauddhis, Ekal Vidyalayas and Shishu Mandirs. In due course, mainstream media and social media also came to its service.
As such culture is a continuously evolving process. During the period of History under the hammer of Hindutva, a lot of social changes took place. Apart from the architecture, the food habits, dress and literature, the synthesis in the field of religion, the noble traditions of Bhakti and Sufi tradition developed. It was during this period that Sikhism emerged and flourished.
Now this political ideology may have to change track. With Muslim rulers out of the way, how will they demonise Muslims now? Newer techniques may be on the way to substitute Aurangzeb or Babar, as now they will be defunct!
History is very central to the concept of nationalism. German social psychologist Erich Fromm points out that ‘History is to Nationalism what poppy is to the opium addict’. Since BJP came to power as NDA in 1998, the major thing they did was what is called “saffronisation of education”. Here history has presented the narrative of ‘glorious and brave’ Hindu Kings versus ‘evil and aggressive’ Muslim kings. The charge has been that so far History has been written by Left historians, who focused on the Delhi rulers and who were pro-Muslim. The point is that text-books did present the details of particular dynasties depending on the historical length of their rule.
History books in the decades of the 1980s had a good deal of presentation of Hindu as well as Muslim kings. The narration was not revolving just around religion but a holistic view of communities was presented-- trade, culture, literature among others.
Still, it is true that the ruler, ‘King-centric History’ is not what we need to build our future. We need to focus on diverse sections of society, the Dalits, women, adivasis and artisans, who do not find much place in such narratives.
The writer is a human rights activist, who taught at IIT Bombay. The views are personal.
A 19th century painting depicting Guru Nanak wearing a chola (robe) with Perso-Arabic inscriptions | Wikimedia Commons
Long before sectarian lines hardened across the Indian Subcontinent, a mystic named Guru Nanak emerged from the village of Talwandi (now Nankana Sahib, Pakistan) with a message that transcended religious boundaries.
Born on 15 April 1469 into a Hindu family, Guru Nanak was deeply influenced not only by Bhakti [devotional worship] traditions, but also by the Islamic monotheism that surrounded him. His spiritual vision gave birth to Sikhism — not as a break from Hinduism or Islam, but as a bridge that hoped to connect them.
Guru Nanak’s teachings — delivered through poetry, music and profound silence — echoed equally in temples, mosques and khanqahs [Sufi lodges]. At the heart of his message is the concept of Ik Onkar (There is but one God), closely resonating with the Islamic principle of Tauhid (oneness of God).
Guru Nanak’s respect for Islamic figures was neither rhetorical nor superficial. There are verses extolling the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), with his reverence extending beyond words. Tradition holds that Guru Nanak undertook pilgrimages to Makkah, Madina, Baghdad and Najaf, engaging with Muslim scholars and Sufi mystics. The Chola Sahib, a robe still preserved by his family, bears embroidered Quranic verses and names of Allah, reflecting his deep engagement with Islamic spirituality.
Born from Sufi and Bhakti traditions, Sikhism was India’s great interfaith experiment… until persecution and betrayals turned it into a warrior tradition
This interfaith spirit was further embodied when Guru Arjan Dev, the fifth Sikh Guru, invited Sufi saint Hazrat Mian Mir to lay the foundation of the Harmandir Sahib (Golden Temple) in 1588 — a powerful symbol of communal harmony.
However, this harmony did not survive the shifting political landscape of the Mughal Empire.
From Akbar’s Tolerance to Mughal Orthodoxy
Under Mughal Emperor Akbar (reigned 1556–1605), a brief window of religious openness flourished. Akbar encouraged interfaith dialogue, invited scholars of diverse backgrounds to his court, and even included Sikh representatives. His establishment of the Ibadat Khana [house of worship] at Fatehpur Sikri brought together thinkers from Hindu, Jain, Zoroastrian, Christian and Muslim traditions. Akbar’s policy of Sulh-i-Kul [universal peace] reflected a syncretic spirit rarely seen among contemporary rulers.
However, this pluralistic ethos began to unravel under his successors, particularly Jahangir and Aurangzeb, who were influenced by a rising tide of orthodox Sunni revivalism. A key intellectual figure behind this shift was Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi (1564–1624), also known as Mujaddid Alf-i-Thani — the “Reformer of the Second Millennium” in Islamic tradition. Sirhindi’s influence marked a major turning point in the ideological landscape of the Mughal Empire.
Sirhindi not only denounced the syncretic and inclusive religious experiments of Akbar’s court, but also challenged the metaphysical foundations of dominant Sufi thought. He took aim at the philosophy of Wahdat-ul-Wujood [unity of being], famously articulated by Andalusian Sufi Ibn al-Arabi (1165–1240), which posits that all existence is a manifestation of God’s being. In its more liberal interpretations, this view had allowed space for interreligious respect and mystical inclusivity.
In response, Sirhindi proposed Wahdat-ul-Shuhood [unity of witnessing] — a stricter formulation which emphasised the transcendence of God and denied that created beings shared in Divine essence. While still rooted in Sufi tradition, this new doctrine reasserted theological boundaries, placing Islam in firm doctrinal opposition to other faiths and to the syncretic spirituality promoted during Akbar’s reign.
Sirhindi claimed that he had “given a new life to the deen [religion]”, casting himself as the guardian of Islam against the dilution of its core principles. His letters, known as the Maktubat, circulated widely among the Mughal elite and influenced state policy, encouraging a return to Shariah-based governance and a suppression of heterodox practices. This orthodox turn significantly shaped the attitudes of Mughal rulers, laying the groundwork for the persecution of non-Sunni and non-Muslim communities, including Sikhs.
The First Crack
In 1606, Guru Arjan Dev, who had compiled the Adi Granth (the precursor to the Guru Granth Sahib, Sikhism’s holy book) incorporating hymns from Hindu, Sikh and Muslim mystics such as Baba Farid, was arrested under Mughal Emperor Jahangir’s orders.
Viewed with suspicion for his inclusive approach and growing influence, he was subjected to horrific torture at Lahore Fort: made to sit on a burning plate while hot sand was poured over him. According to Sikh traditions, Guru Arjan Dev remained immersed in meditation despite the agony. Allowed to bathe in the Ravi River, he disappeared into its waters — thus becoming the first Sikh martyr.
This event marked a turning point. His son, Guru Hargobind, responded by adopting military symbols, donning two swords representing miri [temporal authority] and piri [spiritual authority], initiating Sikhism’s martial transformation.
Under Aurangzeb, the rift between Sikhs and the Mughal state widened irreparably. In 1675, Guru Tegh Bahadur, the ninth Guru, was approached by Kashmiri Pandits seeking jizya [religious tax] concessions, who asked him to intercede on their behalf with the emperor, according to Sikh traditions.
At the Mughal court in Delhi, Guru Tegh Bahadur was mocked and asked to perform a miracle to prove his spiritual authority or convert to Islam. When he refused, he was executed by beheading in Delhi.
The Birth of the Khalsa
The oppression reached its peak during the time of Guru Gobind Singh (1666–1708). In 1699, he institutionalised the Khalsa, a brotherhood of warrior-saints devoted to defending righteousness and justice. This transformation was a direct response to Mughal aggression.
Aurangzeb’s betrayal of promises led to a tragic siege at Anandpur Sahib. After agreeing to grant safe passage, the Mughals attacked Guru Gobind Singh’s entourage. His mother and two young sons were captured and killed, and the Guru himself was forced into battles and exile.
In a letter known as the Zafarnama, Guru Gobind Singh condemned Aurangzeb’s duplicity in Persian verse. A translation by Indian diplomat and author Navtej Sarna reads:
“I have no faith in your oath, even if sworn by God— For He is One, and your words are hollow. I place no trust in your courts or ministers— All are liars, and your promises false.”
The execution of his father, the betrayal of sacred promises, and the murder of his family pushed Guru Gobind Singh to shift Sikhism firmly into a martial path of self-defence and resistance.
A Legacy of Coexistence and Conflict
The arc from Guru Nanak’s inclusive message to Guru Gobind Singh’s martial reformation reflects not a departure from his founding ideals, but a response to historical injustice and persecution. From reverence for Islamic monotheism to resistance against religious coercion, Sikhism’s journey through the Mughal period is a testament to both spiritual dialogue and the cost of broken promises.
Even in confrontation, Guru Nanak’s original vision — of a world where truth, humility and justice transcend religious boundaries — remains at the heart of Sikh philosophy. Yet, in a complex twist of history, the one who was born a Hindu and led both Hindus and others toward the worship of one God — Tauheed, as understood in Islam — ultimately saw his legacy diverted by later generations.
What seemingly began as a call to dissolve religious identities in Divine oneness gradually hardened into a separate identity. In seeking to defend the faith, many strayed from the universal spirit that Baba Nanak had so boldly embodied, inadvertently obscuring the very essence he once awakened.
The writer is an activist and founder of the Clifton Urban Forest, Karachi. X: @masoodlohar
Saint veneration and inter-religious practices in the Muslim world are often viewed through rigid sectarian or doctrinal lenses, often overlooking the lived religious experiences that blur these lines. Inter-religious Practices and Saint Veneration in the Muslim World: Khidr/Khizr from the Middle East to South Asia, edited by Michel Boivin and Manoël Pénicaud, challenges that narrow focus. The book explores how the enigmatic figure of Khidr (the ‘Green One’)—known variously as a prophet, wali, and guide—has long served as a spiritual link between religious communities, appearing in narratives across Islam, Christianity, Hinduism and even Sikhism, from Anatolia to the subcontinent.
The book opens with Hugh Talat Halman’s chapter, “The Sage of Inner Knowledge: Al-Khidr in Qur’an, Hadith, and Tafsir,” which delves into the Qur’anic narrative of Khidr’s encounter with Prophet Moses. This story, found in Surah Al-Kahf (18:60-82), portrays Khidr as a mystical guide imparting esoteric wisdom beyond conventional understanding. Halman examines how this narrative has been interpreted in Islamic exegesis, particularly within Sufi traditions, where the relationship between Khidr and Moses is seen as emblematic of the “master-disciple” dynamic. Khidr is also widely believed to have been a contemporary of Alexander the Great. As Halman summarises: “In the heart of al-Khidr and his story is a message of divine mercy and inner knowledge imparted by God that has moved countless people throughout the ages.”
In Shia narratives, Khidr’s role extends to interactions with other significant figures. For instance, some accounts suggest that Khidr accompanied Imam Al-Mahdi during a meeting with Sheikh Hassan ibn Muthlih Jamkarani in 984 CE, instructing the construction of the Jamkaran Mosque near Qom, Iran. A shrine is also dedicated to Khidr in Sarafand, Lebanon – although “There is no tomb inside… ‘because Al-Khidr is not yet dead.’”
The scope of the book is wide-ranging, covering historical, ethnographic, and textual perspectives. It captures not only the symbolic versatility of Khidr/Khizr but also how his veneration actively shapes shared sacred spaces and inter-communal practices.
One particularly illuminating chapter is Michel Boivin’s own contribution on Khizr in Sindh, Pakistan. Drawing on fieldwork and local narratives, Boivin details how “Khaja Khizr” is venerated not just in Sufi shrines but also in Hindu communities, including during boat-blessing rituals where his role as the patron of water and guidance at sea is invoked. The inter-religious aspect is not an anomaly here; it is central to the practice. Boivin also notes that following the decline of the Mughal Empire, Khizr’s iconography “was incorporated into the Sikh aesthetic… like the representations of Guru Nanak.”
Another standout chapter is by Manoël Pénicaud, who examines pilgrimages to shared sacred sites in the Mediterranean, where Christian and Muslim communities have historically venerated Khidr Prophet Elijah (alongside Jews) and St. George together. As Pénicaud notes, “Khidr is revealed as a contact point with other religious systems than Islam,” and that of the shared saints and prophets in the region, is “the one who is the most capable of transformation and to absorb Biblical and Christian personages.”
The volume doesn’t romanticise syncretism—it also tackles the tensions and contestations that arise around shared saints. In the Balkans, for instance, the annual ritual of the meeting of Khidr and Ilyas (Hidrellez) is shown to be a site of both unity and negotiation, where different religious groups interpret and reframe the meaning of the practice according to their own worldviews.
A fascinating conceptual thread throughout the book is the role of Khidr in mediating between heaven and earth, life and death, Islam and “the other.” The authors consistently show that saint veneration—often dismissed as marginal—is in fact deeply political and socially meaningful, especially in contexts where formal religious boundaries are porous or contested.
Inter-religious Practices and Saint Veneration in the Muslim World is both timely and necessary. More than a study of Khidr/Khizr as a religious figure, it offers a lens into the lived religious practices that have historically blurred the boundaries between communities. At a time when sectarianism is often foregrounded in discussions of the Muslim world, this volume reminds us of a long-standing, often overlooked, tradition of shared sacred figures and spaces.
Anchored in solid scholarship and informed by fieldwork across regions, it sheds light on the local, often deeply personal, ways in which religion is experienced and negotiated. For researchers and general readers alike, it offers a meaningful engagement with the interconnected histories of belief that continue to shape religious life from the Middle East to South Asia.
Sufis in Medieval Baghdad
Book Author(s):Atta Muhammad Published Date:October 2023 Publisher:I.B.Tauris Hardback:192 pages ISBN-13:9780755647590
MEMO There is a tendency to think about public spheres as modern socio-political innovations. German philosopher Jurgen Habermas, who coined the idea of public sphere in the 1960s, said it was a place that lies between state and civil society, where common people critically and rationally debate matters of common interest. While other thinkers have debated the concept and what it means, there is a belief that it is a post-enlightenment and secular phenomenon. However, something called a public sphere can be observed in the premodern world and includes religious institutions. Medieval Baghdad was one such place where a public sphere existed, argues Atta Muhammad. Indeed there were multiple public spheres and a robust and critical engaged population – Atta Muhammad argues in his new book Sufis in Medieval Baghdad: Agency and the Public Sphere in the Late Abbasid Caliphate.
In the 11th century, Sufi movements became prominent in society, “the roles of the Sufis of Baghdad in religious, social and political spheres that brought tangible benefits to common people…These Sufi figures tried to fulfil a range of the religious, spiritual and material needs of common people through the charitable institutions of ribats or Sufi lodges.” These lodges weren’t the only public institutions available but they were among the most prominent, especially during the Seljuk and Ayyubids dynasties. Rich and poor were associated with these lodges and they provided common space where elites, scholars, sufis, merchants and common people could frequent. Interestingly, while many charitable and sufi lodges were founded and funded by elites, quite a large number were also funded and founded by members of the general public. They offered a range of charitable activities and were at the core of public life in Baghdad. One important way the ribats contributed to the expansion of public space in Islamic societies was through educational initiatives.
According to Muhammad, there were two types of Sufi educational institutions – one involves the master-disciple relationship, where a sheikh guides students in a range of topics from correct Islamic behaviour, belief, but also personal and professional training. Pupils could learn practical skills useful to their trades, useful things for their everyday life and spiritual training.
The second type were expanded ribat, madrasa and mosques, which disseminated knowledge to disciples and the masses. Students from across the world would come to these institutions to learn. “In the medieval Islamic world, travel for the sake of knowledge was a prevalent phenomenon.” These students would be from a wide range of socio-economic backgrounds, which demonstrates a growing educated public was emerging in medieval times. Libraries were also an important part of these lodges, which contained books for both scholars and wider society, indeed libraries were not only in mosques, schools and lodges, but were also added to hospitals and mausoleums too. There were also many female Sufi lodges that facilitated these developments among women too. Above all else, the lodges provided spaces for people to debate the issues of the day.
Religious institutions were not the only forms of public sphere available to people. “People belonging to a non-ruling elite created spaces through which they contributed to the public good…These groups and organisations could be called ‘civic associations’ as they were formed by religious, spiritual and mercantile groups with the aim of raising the living standards of their communities and towns.”
While contributing to the public good was everyone’s responsibility. This was highlighted by how, when a Turkish soldier tried to assault a Muslim woman outside the Jami’a Mosque in Baghdad in 1069, a riot broke out. The day after the riot, people gathered outside the Caliph’s palace and demanded justice. The Caliph was told about the situation and merchants and local notables went to resolve the situation.
Sufis in Medieval Baghdad provides a fascinating study and snapshot into civic life in medieval Baghdad. It is clear that a variety of civic and non-elite institutions played a crucial role in providing security, education and improving economic development alongside elite institutions and the government. Everyday people were very interested and actively involved with running their societies – regardless of whether or not the ruler wanted it or not. Muhammad has given a good overview of what tools were available to people and the theoretical framework that shaped their understanding. Sufis in Medieval Baghdad will be a welcome addition to growing scholarship on the role of the public in daily life and society in premodern times.
Friday, December 20, 2024
Opinion
The national strategy to combat Islamophobia is a huge step forward — for Sikhs, too
(RNS) — People are most likely to thrive in societies where everyone is given equal opportunity and where governments and citizens work proactively to quash bigotry and discrimination. Members of the Sikh Coalition gather at the Sikh Satsang of Indianapolis on April 17, 2021, to formulate the group’s response to the shooting at a FedEx facility in Indianapolis that claimed the lives of four members of the Sikh community. (AP Photo/Michael Conroy)
(RNS) — In April 2021, a gunman stormed a FedEx facility in Indianapolis, killing eight people and injuring several others. Four of the victims were Sikh Americans, a community that has long borne the brunt of hate and violence in this country. For many, the tragedy was yet another horrifying example of how Sikh Americans are often targeted simply for being who they are.
I found myself in deep mourning for my community and in awe of the limitless resilience shown by families and friends of the victims. I’ve spent much of my life advocating for and defending my community with incredible partners, like the Sikh Coalition.
This week marks a huge step forward, not just for us, but for marginalized communities across the country.
The White House’s rollout of the first national strategy to address Islamophobia and related forms of hate, including anti-Sikh hate, finally implements changes in policy for which the Sikh community has long advocated. The strategy includes a slate of other historic efforts to eliminate longstanding discriminatory practices against our Muslim, Arab and South Asian neighbors.
In my work as a professor of Interreligious Studies at Union Theological Seminary, I have the opportunity to teach the history of Islam, Sikhism, Buddhism and other faiths. One of the observations that comes through most clearly in studying history is that people are most likely to thrive in societies where everyone is given equal opportunity to live freely and where governments and citizens work proactively to quash bigotry and discrimination.
Sikhi (or Sikhism) is fundamentally a tradition that stands against discrimination. It would be easy to pretend that I don’t have a common interest or share many of the same hopes and fears as my Muslim neighbors. But it’s because of my tradition and lived experiences that I recognize how racism is a blunt force that bears down on all of us.
Sikh motorcyclists participate in the Parade of Faiths in Chicago on Aug. 13, 2023. The parade preceded the Parliament of the World’s Religions, which began August 14. (RNS photo/Lauren Pond)
The strategy tackles the shared discrimination of Muslim, Arab, Sikh and South Asian communities face in a number of different ways. For example, acknowledging that young Sikhs who wear a turban are twice as likely to be bullied as the average American teen, the strategy is bringing the Department of Justice, the Department of Education and Health and Human Services together to form “Federal Partners in Bullying Prevention” to assist schools in addressing bullying and harassment related to race, color, national origin, ethnicity, shared ancestry and religion.
In addition, it directs the Department of Education to engage with Sikh community groups to directly hear and act on their concerns.
The strategy’s commitment to increase the physical safety of the Sikh community is also notable, with special attention on educating state and local law enforcement about the dangers of transnational repression, a growing danger for Sikhs worldwide in recent years. Moreover, it takes steps to direct millions in federal funds toward security for faith-based institutions, including gurdwaras. Knowing that the latest data shows the highest number of hate crimes being committed against Sikhs since the FBI began tracking them, these funds would go a long way toward preventing further tragedies.
The attack in Indianapolis shook our community to its core. But it wasn’t an isolated incident. It was part of a long and painful history of hate against Sikhs in America — the desecration of gurdwaras across the country and the countless acts of discrimination, harassment and violence Sikhs endure every day. It’s also inseparable from the anti-Islamophobic sentiment that has marred the lives of countless Muslim Americans. I’m heartened to see a growing and broad recognition across the country of how institutionalized racism harms us all and enables the type of attacks against Sikhs, Arabs and Muslims that have become all too common.
Sikhs are better positioned than most to recognize this truth. We are a people defined by seva, or selfless service, a show of our commitment to loving the world around us. We are naturally drawn to the work of justice and will never stop advocating for people suffering from the burden of discrimination, which we know so well. This White House strategy gives us tools that we’ve never had before to defend ourselves and our neighbors.
We now have both the challenge and opportunity to use these tools to defend our communities and express our faith through service and civic engagement. Discrimination and hatred may rise, but with our faith and an inspiring coalition of partners, I feel better equipped than ever to fight back.
Tuesday, November 05, 2024
Sikhs’ Sixth Guru Hargobind Ji’s Doctrine Of Miri-Piri: Champion Of Justice And Equality – OpEd
Sikh Guru Hargobind Ji. Credit: Unknown author, Wikipedia Commons
Guru Hargobind Ji, the sixth Guru of the Sikhs, introduced a transformative vision to Sikhism that fortified its foundations in the face of tyranny and injustice.
Being the son of Guru Arjan Dev Ji, the first martyr in Sikh history, Guru Hargobind was profoundly influenced by a pressing imperative to safeguard Sikh community and uphold the fundamental principles of Sikhism, which include compassion, equality and justice. Guru Hargobind Ji established a robust Sikh identity through his principles, policies, and institutions, enabling it to endure oppression while championing dignity and human rights.
Sikhism: Foundational Tenets
Sikhism represents a significant spiritual and philosophical traditions which were originated in Punjab within the Indian subcontinent in the late 15th century. Sikhism, a faith that has arisen in comparatively modern times among the world’s principal religions, is remarkable for having attracted a global following of around 25 to 30 million adherents. The Sikh faith originates from the profound teachings of Guru Nanak (1469–1539), the first of the ten Sikh gurus, whose insights were further developed by his revered successors. Guru Gobind Singh, the tenth guru, declared the Guru Granth Sahib to be the eternal guru, thus bringing an end to the succession of human gurus and establishing the scripture as the supreme religious text for the Sikh community.
Sikhism emerged within a milieu characterized by significant religious persecution, particularly during the Mughal era, a period that saw the martyrdom of like Guru Arjan and Guru Tegh Bahadur. The events previously mentioned acted as a significant impetus for the formation of the Khalsa by Guru Gobind Singh in 1699, a revered congregation of “saint-soldiers” dedicated to the honorable mission of protecting religious liberty and the integrity of faith. The deep and complex tenets and rituals of Sikhism act as a wellspring of motivation and collective harmony for its followers.
The Sikh traditions posit that God is formless yet accessible; defined by fearlessness, free from adversaries, self-originating, and transcending the limitations of birth and time. The esteemed scripture, referred to as Sri Guru Granth Sahib, articulates the intricate essence of the Divine with remarkable profundity. This fundamental conviction in a singular God inherently leads to the essential principle of equality among all people, surpassing differences in race, religion, gender, and social status. Proponents of Sikhism assert that every person holds equal value in the eyes of the God; this sacred doctrine champions the equality of genders, the affluent and the impoverished, and the rights of individuals irrespective of racial distinctions. Thus, it is a fundamental principle of Sikhism that individuals from various faith traditions can achieve a connection with the Divine, as long as they sincerely follow the true path of their own beliefs.
The essential principles of Sikhism, as expressed in the revered Guru Granth Sahib, include a deep reverence for the One Creator (Ik Onkar), the intrinsic unity and equality of all people, the dedication to selfless service (Sevā), the steadfast quest for justice (Sarbat Da Bhala—the well-being of all), and a strong adherence to integrity in personal behavior. Sikhism upholds the principle of equality among all individuals, irrespective of their background or social standing. This message was imparted by all Gurus, who championed a society devoid of caste distinctions, where no individual held superiority over another and where the rights of others were to be respected and safeguarded. The Sikh Gurus championed the rights of every individual, irrespective of their religion, caste, gender, or race. They upheld the principle of liberty for everyone to exist unencumbered by excessive interference or limitations.
The relationship between the Sikhs and the Mughals experienced a significant transformation in 1606, marked by the martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev Ji. The execution of the fifth Guru Arjan Dev, by Emperor Jahangir during his reign (1605-1627), signified the onset of a period characterized by the persecution of Sikhs, whose beliefs posed a challenge to the prevailing religious bigotry of the Empire. Guru Hargobind Ji was deeply influenced by the tragic martyrdom of Guru Arjun Dev Ji, which motivated him to adopt a proactive stance that transformed the community’s view on oppression. A notable shift from the nonviolent approaches of his predecessors, Guru Hargobind emphasized the importance of armed resistance upon recognizing that mere moral courage could not adequately protect the community. This adaptable approach not only safeguarded Sikhism but also positioned the community as a formidable defender of human rights and justice. This tradition was further reinforced by Guru Teg Bahadur, who gave his life to protect the Kashmiri Pundits from the persecution imposed by the Mughal regime.
The Sikh Gurus bequeathed a profound legacy to the followers, urging them to maintain elevated moral standards and to embrace personal sacrifice in the defense and preservation of these noble principles. Guru Arjan Dev, Guru Tegh Bahadur, and Guru Gobind Singh exemplify this principle remarkably who sacrificed for the larger interest of the followers. These sacrifices/martyrdoms exemplified the Sikhs’ capacity to confront oppression and tyranny with steadfast and resolute determination.
Guru Hargobind Sahib: Early Life
Guru Hargobind, born in Gurū kī Waḍālī on June 19, 1595, was the sole offspring of Guru Arjan, the fifth Guru of the Sikhs. Guru Hargobind was instructed in religious teachings by Bhai Gurdas and honed his skills in military swordsmanship and archery under the guidance of Baba Budda. During his formative years, he was deeply immersed in the hymns resonating within the Harmandir Sahib complex in Amritsar. On 25 May 1606, the fifth Guru, Arjan, designated his son Hargobind as his successor, instructing him to establish a military tradition aimed at safeguarding the Sikh religion and its adherents. On the 30 May, 1606, he faced arrest, endured torture, and ultimately met his demise at the hands of Mughal Emperor Jahangir. The succession ceremony of Guru Hargobind took place on 24 June, 1606, during which he donned two swords symbolizing his spiritual and temporal authority.
Relations Between Sikh Gurus and Mughals
The spiritual and socio-political impact of the Sikh religion in Mughal India transformed the dynamics between the Sikh Gurus and the Mughals, shifting it from a state of coexistence to one of conflicted ones. Guru Nanak, the first Sikh Guru, advocated for peace and spirituality while maintaining a stance of non-opposition towards Mughal governance. He stood against injustice, as evidenced by his reaction to Babur’s invasions. Given that Sikhism emerged as a devotional movement, Emperor Akbar exhibited a degree of tolerance towards its followers. The early Sikh Gurus successfully nurtured their community and identity within the framework of Akbar’s pluralistic approach. The circumstances underwent a significant transformation during the reign of Jahangir. Guru Arjan, the fifth Guru, ardently supported Prince Khusrau and steadfastly declined to alter Sikh scripture, a stance that ultimately culminated in his martyrdom. Following his martyrdom, Sikhism adopted a defensive stance in response to Mughal oppression. Guru Hargobind, the successor of Guru Arjan, adeptly intertwined spiritual guidance with a stance of political defiance. He urged Sikhs to take up arms for self-defense, confronting Mughal forces and solidifying the Sikh community as both a religious and political entity.
Guru Tegh Bahadur and his contemporaries opposed Mughal authority, particularly in response to Aurangzeb’s coercive conversion efforts. The execution of Guru Tegh Bahadur stands as a poignant testament to the Sikh commitment to religious freedom and the resistance against tyranny, particularly in his defense of Hindu rights. His martyrdom fortified the Sikhs’ determination to withstand persecution and uphold their autonomy.
The 10th Guru Gobind Singh established the Khalsa, a brotherhood of warriors committed to upholding justice and faith, thereby militarizing the Sikhs. The Khalsa valiantly resisted Mughal oppression through direct confrontations. The rebellion led by Banda Singh Bahadur established Sikh governance in Punjab, thereby laying the foundation for the Sikh Empire. The resilience of Guru Gobind Singh served as a profound source of inspiration. The interactions between Sikhs and Mughals significantly influenced Sikhism, establishing it as a movement characterized by justice, bravery, and self-determination, while simultaneously crafting the Sikh identity through spiritual practices and a steadfast opposition to injustice.
Guru Hargobind Sahib’s -Doctrine of Miri-Piri
Guru Hargobind Ji’s introduction of the concept of two swords (Miri-Piri) concept established the foundation of his leadership, providing a dual mandate that balanced temporal power with spiritual responsibilities. By wearing two swords, one representing Miri (temporal power) and the other Piri (spiritual authority), Guru Hargobind sent a clear message to both Sikhs and the ruling Mughals: spiritual principles alone were insufficient in a world that ignored moral persuasion and allowed oppression to thrive. Instead, a full and just life necessitated both spiritual discipline and a willingness to defend oneself and others. Guru Hargobind Ji instilled in Sikhs a sense of moral duty through Miri-Piri, teaching them that self-defense and protecting others were sacred responsibilities rather than acts of aggression. This vision inspired Sikhs to become Saint-Soldiers, people who combined spiritual knowledge and martial discipline. This dual role strengthened the Sikh community’s resistance to tyranny and provided an alternative social model in which spiritual progress coincided with active participation in worldly affairs.
In 1606, Guru Hargobind Ji founded the Akal Takht, or the “Throne of the Timeless One,” opposite the Harmandir Sahib in Amritsar. The Akal Takht emerged as the inaugural seat of sovereign, independent temporal authority in Sikhism, enabling the Guru to resolve temporal matters and issue hukamnamas (directives) for the Sikh followers. The Akal Takht, by creating an institution free from Mughal influence, emerged as a center for Sikh autonomy, representing a distinctive fusion of spiritual leadership and secular authority.
The Akal Takht exemplified Guru Hargobind Ji’s profound dedication to justice, liberty, and equality. He convened councils, rendered legal judgments, and guided Sikhs in social and military affairs. By aligning Sikh leadership with principles of justice and moral authority, the Akal Takht emerged as a symbol of resistance against oppression. The enduring significance of the Akal Takht in Sikhism highlights the persistent legacy of Guru Hargobind’s principles, positioning it as a bastion for the advocacy of the oppressed and marginalized.
The legacy of Guru Hargobind Ji as a champion of human rights and dignity is evident in his unwavering resistance to Mughal despotism. Throughout his tenure as Guru, he faced numerous Mughal assaults and invasions. Instead of yielding to oppression, Guru Hargobind organized and trained a military contingent, enabling the community to protect itself. This decision established a precedent for resistance against oppression, positioning the Sikh community as a potent symbol of resilience for other marginalized groups under Mughal rule.
Guru Hargobind conveyed that the struggle for justice and dignity is universal. He directed his adherents to perceive self-defense as an obligation rather than an individual entitlement. By fostering an ethos of seva (selfless service) within the Sikh community, he guaranteed that armed defense was utilized solely to protect the vulnerable and uphold justice, rather than for personal advantage. His actions reverberated among other marginalized groups throughout India, galvanizing a unified opposition to the Mughal Empire’s religious intolerance and political despotism.
Guru Hargobind Ji’s notable act of liberation involved the release of 52 Hindu kings from Gwalior Fort, an event now observed as Bandi Chhor Divas. Guru Hargobind’s spiritual influence was further intensified when he conditioned his release with the liberation of 52 kings who had been unjustly imprisoned by Emperor Jahangir with him. Bandi Chhor Divas is a lasting testament to Guru Hargobind’s commitment for the protection of justice and human rights. His actions went beyond personal liberation, emphasizing his dedication to liberation of others from the shackles of oppression. The Sikh tenets of universal brotherhood and the Guru’s doctrine of equality and justice were exemplified by this demonstration of moral fortitude and compassion. Bandi Chhor Divas is now observed not only as a Sikh festival, but also as a symbol of the triumph of truth over oppression, justice, and resistance.
Vision of an Egalitarian Society
In addition to his political and military endeavors, Guru Hargobind Ji pursued the traditions of establishment of langars community kitchens), where individuals from all castes and social standings shared meals. His focus on selfless service underscored the significance of altruism in enhancing societal welfare and guaranteeing equitable resource distribution. The egalitarian principles espoused by Guru Hargobind Ji stood in sharp opposition to the social hierarchies upheld by the ruling elite. Through the cultivation of a society that granted respect and dignity to every individual, he confronted the dominant conventions of his era and established the groundwork for a community rooted in equality, compassion, and solidarity. This embrace of diversity is fundamental to Sikh identity, emphasizing the belief that spirituality is deeply connected to social responsibility and the protection of human rights.
The life and leadership of Guru Hargobind Ji catalyzed a transformation within Sikhism, evolving it from a spiritual community into a vigorous advocate for justice. The introduction of Miri-Piri transformed the Sikh identity, inspiring Sikhs to seek both spiritual enlightenment and active participation in worldly matters. This dual function fortified the community’s determination, empowering it to withstand oppression and safeguard the marginalized. The Guru’s focus on self-defense as a revered obligation, coupled with his founding of the Akal Takht, equipped Sikhs with the necessary institutional and ideological structures to uphold their resistance against oppression. The policies he implemented had a significant impact on later Sikh Gurus, especially Guru Gobind Singh Ji, who codified the Sikh martial tradition through the creation of the Khalsa. The principles imparted by Guru Hargobind to his disciples remain relevant, inspiring Sikhs across the globe to exemplify compassion, bravery, and fortitude.
Conclusion
The profound leadership of Guru Hargobind Ji remains a guiding force in the Sikh tradition, fostering a deep dedication to justice, equality, and the protection of human rights. Through the promotion of a harmonious existence characterized by Miri-Piri, the defense of human dignity, and the advancement of egalitarian principles, he established the groundwork for a robust Sikh community ready to face oppression in its various manifestations. His teachings serve as a reminder that spirituality is an active endeavor, intricately linked to the principles of justice and compassion in our engagement with the world. The legacy of Guru Hargobind as a champion of freedom, advocate for social change, and protector of rights surpasses his era, providing an enduring framework for addressing injustice and promoting a society that embraces inclusivity. In a society that persistently confronts challenges of injustice and disparity, the life and teachings of Guru Hargobind serve as a profound reminder of the lasting significance of bravery, empathy, and an unwavering dedication to the dignity of all individuals.
Dr. Bawa Singh Prof. (Dr.) Bawa Singh has been teaching at the Department of South and Central Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Central University of Punjab. He holds a Ph.D. in Political Science from Panjab University. He has extensive teaching and research experiences and has held various academic roles. Prof. Singh has held key administrative positions, including Head of the Department and Dean of the School of International Studies. His research interests include the geopolitics of South and Central Asia, Indian foreign policy, regional cooperation, and global health diplomacy. He has led significant research projects, including an ICSSR-funded study on SAARC's geostrategic and geo-economic role. Singh has published 61 papers, 15 book chapters, 100 commentaries, and two books published by Routledge and Springer Nature.
