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Wednesday, December 17, 2025



Past is Prologue: Black Erasure and the Myth of the White Ethnostate

John G. Russell

December 17, 2025


White tenants seeking to prevent blacks from moving into the housing project erected this sign, Detroit, 1942. Photograph Source: Arthur S. Siegel – Public Domain

“Under slave laws, the necessity for color rankings was obvious, but in America today, post-civil-rights legislation, white people’s conviction of their natural superiority is being lost. Rapidly lost. There are “people of color” everywhere, threatening to erase this long-understood definition of America. And what then? Another black President? A predominantly black Senate? Three black Supreme Court Justices? The threat is frightening.”

Toni Morrison, “Making America White Again,” 2016

“We had a meeting, and I say, “Why is it we only take people from shithole countries,’ right? Why can’t we have some people from Norway, Sweden. Just a few, let’s have a few. From Denmark. Mind sending us your people? Send us some nice people, you mind? But we always take people from Somalia. Places that are a disaster. Filthy, dirty, disgusting, ridden with crime. The only thing they’re good at is going after ships” (emphasis added).

–President Donald J. Trump, 2025, who has approved the slaughter of over 80 people on boats at sea

Trump has made clear his intention to make America white again, although, America has never has been exclusively white. What he means, of course, is ensuring that white people retain political and cultural dominance, a project central to the country’s ethos even before the Founding Fathers. Here the “most transparent president in American history” is unequivocally clear.

This project entails diminishing and erasing the history and contributions of black[1] people and other communities of color have made to the country, while dramatically reducing their physical presence through deportation and restrictive immigration policies that privilege white immigrants from “nice” Western countries.

Past is prologue: America is returning to its “golden age” of whiteness, an era when the achievements of black Americans and other people of color were denied, belittled, or ignored; when they appeared only in subservient roles on television and in film, if they appeared at all; when the academic canon dominated almost exclusively by works of dead white men. It is the America of Pleasantville (1998), stripped of its metaphor of colorization.

Old erasure strategies now harness new technologies. AI is increasingly deployed to erase, distort, and denigrate the black presence (and other marginalized presences) in America. Soon after Trump returned to office, government websites began scrubbing information about black people from their archives. Instead of “86-ing” it, they “404ed” it. In compliance with several presidential executive orders (EO14173, EO14151, EO14185), algorithmic racism is now employed to whitewash history, as federal agencies employ AI to systematically remove material that violates Trump’s anti-DEI directives. When public backlash arises, agencies conveniently blame AI, though the decisions are made by their human operators – the real automatons – “just following the orders.”

Erasure is not confined to the digital realm. As part of his assault on DEI, Trump ended free access to national parks on Martin Luther King Day and Juneteenth, while adding insult to injury by declaring his own birthday a fee-free day. He ordered the National Park Service to remove plaques and interpretive displays recognizing the contributions of black Americans. Yet the truth remains: both enslaved and free black Americans built much of the infrastructure that defines the nation. Black labor built the White House, the Capitol, and other government buildings. The Buffalo Soldiers were instrumental in constructing roads, trails, and facilities that make up the National Park system, even as their contributions were ignored or minimized. Now those contributions are being summarily expunged.

These erasures do not stop at digital spaces or American shores. In the Netherlands, the American Cemetery at Margraten, Limburg, commemorative displays honoring African American soldiers who built the cemetery for U.S. soldiers killed in WWII, specifically those that spotlighted the racism they endured, were removed in March to comply with Trump’s anti-DEI directives. The cemetery contains the graves of 8,301 American soldiers, including 174 black soldiers. Dutch families who faithfully maintained these graves for over 80 years were outraged at the removal of displays dedicated to their “black liberators.” For decades, these displays stood as reminders of their sacrifice – of their “double victory” over fascism abroad and racism at home. That victory is now halved, as a fascistic white America assumes the posture of those it once fought to defeat.

The pathology of historical hagiography demands the concealment of inconvenient truths that contradict the national mythos. According to U.S. ambassador to the Netherlands Joe Popolo, panels acknowledging the two-front war fought by black American soldiers “push an agenda criticizing America,” and therefore had to be removed.

Popolo wants to have it both ways. In February, during his first visit to Margraten cemetery, he declared:


“Walking these beautiful grounds and exploring the powerful exhibit at the visitor center, we were struck by the stories told and untold that live here. Honoring the memory of the heroes buried at Margraten, including African American service members like Private Willmore Mack, is something we hold sacred. Their courage, sacrifice, and their humanity deserve to be remember openly honestly, and fully. The United States has always been committed to sharing their stories, no matter a person’s rank, race, gender or creed (emphasis added).”

Yet those commitments vanish when the stories reveal the dark underbelly of American racism. Consequently, despite these rather lofty – and ultimately empty – words, Popolo accepted the removal of the displays, embracing the Trump regime’s revisionist view of history. Rather than honoring those who resisted racism and celebrating their struggle as part of America’s ongoing effort to realize its ideals, Popolo and the American Battle Monuments Commission – which ordered the removal – treat that history as a threat. In place of recognition and restitution, monuments that glorify the betrayal of those ideals are returned to their pedestals.

The presence of black Americans – living reminders of both the nation’s past and present – is reframed as a problem to be silenced and concealed. Slavery, segregation, and other injustices are not condemned; after all, in this sanitized view, they have been overcome and no longer plague the nation. Instead, black citizens who insist white America confront its past honestly are delegitimized, contorted into race-card-playing anti-white racists. For Trump, Popolo, Stephen Miller, Kristi Noem, and their allies, such demands are cast as baseless assaults on white identity that allegedly traumatize white children by “indoctrinating” them to hate their whiteness. In their view, this trauma is more than a cultural grievance, it is a direct obstacle to their larger project of creating a defiantly proud, exclusionary ethno-state.

However, nothing – not even racism – is absolute: not all black contributions are bound for the circular file, certain myths require validation. In 2020, Trump announced his plan for the construction of a National Garden of American Heroes. The following year, in an executive order, he formalized the proposal with a list of 244 names of historical figures to be commemorated. Of these, only 37 were black [2], the majority drawn from sports and entertainment. Just a handful of activists – Harriet Tubman (whose long-awaited appearance on the twenty-dollar bill has been delayed under Trump) [3], Sojourner Truth (slated for the reverse of the ten-dollar bill), Frederick Douglass (whom Trump once remarked is “someone who has done an amazing job”), Muhammad Ali, Martin Luther King Jr., and Rosa Parks – appear on the list. Conservative America has strategically learned to tolerate these figures, to parade them as proof of death of American racism, though they despised them during their lifetimes. Tellingly absent are Nat Turner, Malcolm X, W.E.B. Du Bois, James Baldwin, Zora Neale Hurston, Ed Dwight, Maya Angelou, Shirley Chisholm, or Marsha P. Johnson (whose name was deleted from the National Park Service’s official Stonewall National Monument website), to name but a few.

Even more striking is the inclusion of game show host Alex Trebek, a Canadian-born naturalized citizen, while Elijah McCoy – another Canadian-American inventor, whose unrivaled ingenuity produced inventions of such superior quality they defied imitation, giving rise to the expression “the real McCoy” – did not make the cut – and paved the way for modern robotics. Nonetheless, black contributors to science and invention are conspicuously absent. Figures who challenged the myth of white supremacy through intellect and innovation are sidelined, evidence that American racism is authentic, quite literally, the real McCoy. No surprises here. As the poet Haki Madhubuti (Don L. Lee) wrote in 1966:


America calling.

negroes.

can you dance?

play foot/basketball?

nanny?

cook?

needed now, negroes

who can entertain

ONLY.

others not

wanted.

(& are considered extremely dangerous).

Consider the cases of Ed Dwight and Robert Henry Lawrence. In 2024, at the age of 90, Dwight became the oldest person launched into space, aboard Jeff Bezos’ Blue Origin New Shepard spacecraft – surpassing the previous record-holder, Star Trek’s William Shatner, by 8 months.

But more than 60 years earlier, Dwight had been personally tapped by President John F. Kennedy to become the first black American astronaut candidate in the Air Force program from which NASA selected its “Right White Stuff.” A celebrated sculptor later in life, Dwight faced entrenched racism and institutional barriers that blocked his path into space for decades, including opposition from Chuck Yeager, the sound-barrier-breaking test pilot and then commander of the Aerospace Research Pilot School, who deemed him unqualified. Although he was not selected for the astronaut corps, by the time he graduated from the program, he had clocked some 9,000 hours of flight time, including 2,000 hours in high-performance jets, as an Air Force pilot. These achievements, however, do nothing to placate the soaring negrophobia of ideologues like Tucker Carlson and the late Charlie Kirk, whose racist rhetoric about black pilots – and black excellence more broadly – thrives on denying the very possibility achievement in fields historically gatekept by whiteness.

Another black astronaut, Robert Henry Lawrence Jr., faced similar hurdles. He did not stand on the moon and take giant steps for mankind, but he was the first African American astronaut [4]. His ascent to the stars was cut short when he was killed in a tragic training accident during a test flight. According to the NASA website (read it while you still can, before the DEI-hunters, like their ICE counterparts, disappear it), in 1967, he was selected for U.S. Air Force’s Manned Orbital Laboratory (MOL) program, a military initiative that both preceded and ran parallel to NASA’s civilian space program. Lawrence was the only MOL astronaut to hold a doctorate, having earned his Ph.D. in physical chemistry in 1965. A prodigy, Lawrence graduated from high school at 16 and earned his Bachelor of Science in chemistry at 20. Who knew? Not many of us.

Certainly not astrophysicist Neil deGrasse Tyson. Asked whether he had ever wanted to be an astronaut as a child, Tyson said no, explaining that “it was clear that they [the space program] was not interested in me by who they were sending into space” and that he felt that “he was not a part of that.” Tyson was born in 1958. He would have been 9 years old when Lawrence was selected for the MOL program. Would it have made a difference if he had known? We will never know.

As someone who is two years Tyson’s senior, I stayed up to watch the first moon landing in 1969, photographing it off the television screen using my father’s old tripod-mounted box camera in a darkened living room, a trick my father had taught me. Those grainy images of the moon landing, captured secondhand from a flickering old black-and-white television, became my personal proof that I had witnessed humanity’s greatest technological leap. At the time, I wondered if there were any black astronauts. I heard only whispers of their possible existence, but their faces were not among those that appeared on the nightly news. I wonder how different it might have felt if I had known then what I know now about Dwight and Lawrence.

Representation matters [5]. For Tyson, for me, and for countless others, seeing someone who looked like us might have reshaped how we imagined our place in the universe – and, more down-to-earth, within a white America that denied and diminished the achievements of our people – and us. We will never know what difference it might have made, but Dwight and Lawrence’s legacy reminds us that history, when left uncensored, is always more inclusive and expansive than its gatekeepers admit, and how easily that history can be denied then – and now.

I raise the issue because history, as I have written previously, is rhyming again. How many lives will be diminished, how many dreams deferred, how many futures foreclosed because access to history has been deliberately blocked to clear the way for a resurgent white supremacy? True, despite these omissions, Tyson became a highly respected astrophysicist. I became a cultural anthropologist. But both of us had to carve out paths in disciplines where representation was scarce, and where the absence of visible predecessors made the journey challenging than it needed to be.

Erasure, however, is only part of the picture. Like nature, racism abhors a vacuum. It rushes to fill the void with denigration. As in the past, technology once again becomes the handmaiden of prejudice, mass-producing stereotypes and weaponizing them at scale. During the government shutdown, when food stamp benefits were suspended, social media influencers using OpenAI’s Sora 2 flooded TikTok and YouTube with racist AI-generated fake videos that recycled hyper-realistic racist tropes of black people: obese black women portrayed as angry welfare cheats, confronting welfare officials and store clerks, complaining about cut benefits, looting shops, and boasting about their gaming the system. Black men depicted as shiftless, “baby daddies.” When not caricatured as sub-humans, they were rendered as raging silverbacks, irate, bewigged chimpanzees, and cautiously furtive monkeys. These videos recycled the familiar faux narrative that black people do not contribute to society but sponge off it – a direct call back to Ronald Reagan’s trope of the “welfare queen.”

Predictably, in a land where confirmation bias reigns supreme, many on the right fell for it. FOX News even reportedthat “SNAP beneficiaries threaten to ransack stores over government shutdown,” quoting an AI-generated avatar as saying, “I have seven different baby daddies and none of ’em no good for me.”

What AI taketh away with one hand, it giveth with the other. This is the real great replacement white fragility fails to recognize. Instead, white America attempts to protect its mythologies, never quite realizing those myths have also been shaped, quite literally, by black hands.

In 1972, at 16, I met Dan Haskett, then a young artist four years my senior, at a science fiction convention in New York, where, between panels, he kindly drew one of his distinctive black-themed character sketches for me. Almost a half century later, I learned that Haskett had gone on to work as a Disney animator and art director. Remember Ariel from The Little Mermaid? Remember the uproar when black actress Halle Bailey was cast in the role in the live-action remake? Well, Haskett, a black man, designed Ariel, a white mermaid, among many other iconic characters that shaped the visual imagination of generations.

My point is that erasure takes many forms. Much of what white America regards as exclusively its own simply is not. Too often, this history remains hidden, dismissed as “woke nonsense.” We learn our spotty history not in classrooms but in movie theaters. More than a half century after their contributions to the space program, black women mathematicians like Christine Darden, Annie Easley, Mary Jackson, Katherine Johnson, and Dorothy Vaughan, the “human computers” featured in the 2016 film Hidden Figures are finally being recognized, though only the last three appear on Trump’s National Garden list. Black inventors also exemplify this overlooked legacy: Lewis Latimer, who helped perfect the filament used in the incandescent light bulb [6], and Miriam Elizabeth Benjamin, who patented the “gong button,”precursor to the flight attendant call button and other signaling systems used in public spaces (she was also a composer).Add to this the aforementioned Robert Lawrence. Their stories remind us that the foundations of American achievement are far more diverse than the sanitized, whitewashed version we are often told – if we are told their stories at all. And in the current cultural moment, who can say whether their stories will remain to be told.

In 1965, playwright Douglas Turner Ward staged Day of Absence, a biting satire in which all the black residents of a Southern town suddenly vanish for a single day, leaving chaos in their wake. The play exposed how indispensable the black lives were to the white lives, even as those lives were devalued and demeaned by those who benefited from their labor.

Perhaps America as a whole needs its own “day of absence” – not as fantasy, but as a reminder of how much it owes to those it strives to erase. Imagine a moment when black people not only leave America – which seems to be what the fascists want – but take with them all the things they have gifted it, often without acknowledgement or appreciation.

Of course, black Americans will not disappear, despite the Gestapo-inspired wet dreams of MAGA and its king. Black people built this nation, for free – and it owes us. Just as it owes Haitians who revitalized Springfield, Ohio, and Somalis who revitalized Minneapolis, Minnesota.

Collectively, black people – even, ironically, those Somalis who did not consider themselves black and voted for Trump (then again, adversity invites inclusion, as the excluded discover common ground and solidarity) – have built this country. And we will not let a confederacy of racist Trumpanista and “Millertant” dunces turn it into a “shithole,” however earnestly they might try.

Notes

[1] I have chosen not to capitalize “black” until there is substantive reform of American police enforcement and the criminal justice system that results in the criminal prosecution of those who use excessive force and a systemic, long-term reduction in the number of police killings and brutalization of black people.

[2] Trump’s 2021 executive order listed 244 figures. A subsequent unofficial count raises the total to 250. Significantly, the list was made before Trump’s anti-DEI executive orders.

[3] Although listed among the honorees, Tubman was temporarily removed “without approval” from the National Park Service website in 2025. Other figures on the list, including Jackie Robinson and Medgar Evers were also briefly scrubbed from Department of Defense and Arlington National Cemetery websites, respectively, before public outcry led to their restoration. This raises the possibility that their proposed statues may meet the same fate as the East Wing, perhaps to be hastily replaced for the republic’s 250th anniversary by multiple, NFT-themed, golden statutes of Trump himself to make up for the loss.

[4] While the Air Force’s MOL program was largely secret, its existence was public knowledge and Lawrence’s involvement was announced, though the details of his work remained classified. Despite being selected as an astronaut, Lawrence was not officially recognized as such until 1997, ostensibly because prior to his death, he had not flown above 50 miles – then the threshold for becoming an astronaut. Three years decades after his death, his name was finally inscribed on the Astronaut Memorial at Kennedy Space Center.

[5] See Tyson’s interview with Nobel Laurette Thomas R. Cech, particularly 4:45-10:20, in which he discusses the importance of representation.

[6] Latimer is also AI chatbot named after the inventor. However, while Elon Musk’s Grok chatbot spreads disinformation about an imaginary “white South African genocide,” calls itself MechaHitler, denies the Holocaust, and contemplates one of its own in a grotesque thought experiment in which it hypothetically slaughters the world’s 16 million Jews rather than vaporize its creator’s “Einstein/DaVinci-surpassing” mind, Latimer is designed for inclusivity, not to perpetuate lies about genocide, imagined or real.

Sunday, November 30, 2025

C.R.T.

Black History Has the Power to Ignite Movements. That’s Why the Right Fears It.

The administration’s pre-emptive assault on history is a desperate attempt to stop new social movements from starting.
November 29, 2025


A visitor browses an exhibition at the Smithsonian National Museum of African American History and Culture on August 28, 2025, in Washington, D.C.Alex Wong / Getty Images

Ilooked at the slave shackles in the exhibit. My ancestors wore chains like this one. A bone-deep sorrow hit. When I researched my family history, names began to vanish as I traced it to Indigenous and African slavery. Here, right in front of me was material proof of the horror they survived. What is my responsibility to them?

The Slavery and Freedom exhibit at the National Museum of African American History and Culture in D.C. is a soul-shaking experience. Going from the bottom level to the higher exhibits, visitors take the journey from slavery to freedom. I went years ago, and decided to go again with family and friends. During the government shutdown, the closed museum doors were symbolic of a larger right-wing attack. Donald Trump and the MAGA movement have censored Black history, pulled Black books, removed Black Lives Matters icons, and led to a mass firing of Black federal employees.

The right wing suppresses Black history because it ignites social movements. Black history transforms rage into activism by putting racist events into a larger story of struggle against oppression. It shines a light on a hidden past. It exposes the hypocrisy of MAGA.

The right-wing attack on Black history is stupid, cruel, and futile. The logical end of censoring Black history is national suicide. Black history is a legacy with lessons that can heal the divides in the U.S. and repair our relationship to the world. Black history can free us from the right-wing image of the U.S. as a white Christian nationalist utopia, which never existed, and lead us to a clear-eyed radical realism. Black history bears a truth that makes it possible, finally, to create a future we can live in as liberated beings.


Trump’s War on Black America




Related Story

Interview |
Black History Testifies to the Impossible Creative Power of Black Resistance
Literary scholar Farah Jasmine Griffin discusses how Black yearning keeps surviving in the face of racist violence. By George Yancy , Truthout  February 23, 2025


Trump and MAGA are waging war on Black America. They have attacked it on three fronts; Black culture, Black economics, and voting rights. The attack on history is the most dangerous, because history gives birth to new protests.

Black history bears a truth that makes it possible, finally, to create a future we can live in as liberated beings.

In March, federal workers aimed jackhammers at the Black Lives Matter mural — blocks from the White House — and destroyed it. Less than a mile away, the African American Museum of D.C. was closed during the shutdown and has only recently reopened.

Trump came out the gate of his second presidency with a barrage of executive orders. One executive order titled “Ending Racial Indoctrination in K-12 Schooling” led to Black-authored books being yanked from school libraries run by the Department of Defense. Trump shut down diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programs. He terrified business leaders with possible DEI investigations. Black history month celebrations were cancelled at federal agencies.

In a perverse kind of trickle-down racism, Trump’s attack on Black Lives Matter became a permission structure for increased on-the-ground bigotry. White influencers proudly wore blackface for Halloween. Politico exposed a Young Republicans’ chat where they gleefully traded racist comments. Black comedian W. Kamau Bell has painted a portrait of a right-wing shift in standup performances in which anti-trans jokes and anti-Black slurs have become commonplace. This is not a series of isolated events: FBI statistics on anti-Black hate crime, consistently the most common form of hate crime, spiked during Trump’s two terms.

Side by side with the cultural attack is an economic one. Remember Elon Musk proudly waving a chainsaw at CPAC? Well, it worked. Black women’s unemployment leapt from 5.9 percent in February to 7.5 percent in September. Trump’s cuts to the federal workforce and attacks on “DEI” forced 300,000 Black women out of their jobs. Put that number next to the 2003 statistic that 64 percent of Black families are led by a single parent, most of whom are single mothers, and the effects are devastating. Women are now trying to hold families together without work or health care.

When seen in that light, a closed history museum may seem to be at the bottom of the list of things to worry about. Yet a living relationship to history has the power to create a political consciousness for resistance. The ripping up of Black Lives Matter’s art, the censoring of Black books, the effort to whitewash Black history — all are part of a desperate attempt to stop a new social movement before it starts.

The Past Transforms Us

Emmett Till’s casket was right there, and no one could speak. I stood with visitors to the African American Museum in D.C., and the “Defending Freedom, Defining Freedom” exhibit that highlights the Civil Rights Era weighed on us. To be in the presence of history, to be inches away from the casket that Emmett Till lay in, was dizzying.

The ripping up of Black Lives Matter’s art, the censoring of Black books, the effort to whitewash Black history — all are part of a desperate attempt to stop a new social movement before it starts.

Trump actually visited the museum in 2017 and in a somber tone, said, “This museum is a beautiful tribute to so many American heroes, heroes like Sojourner Truth, Harriet Tubman, Frederick Douglass.” Eight years later, in August 2025, Trump posted on Truth Social, “The Smithsonian is OUT OF CONTROL, where everything discussed is how horrible our Country is, how bad Slavery was…” Well, that’s a 180-degree turn.

Why the change? Two events upset Trump’s first term: COVID-19 and Black Lives Matter. Protests against police brutality have been ocean tides in the Black Freedom Struggle, of which BLM is the most recent wave.

Black protests against police brutality go far back. We see it in Abolitionists fighting the 1850 Fugitive Slave Law, and we see resistance in the Red Summer of 1919. Racist brutality sparked the Harlem riots of 1935 and 1943. In 1991, the police beating of Rodney King led to the L.A. riots. In 1999 the police murder of Amadou Diallo and the 2006 killing of Sean Bell launched marches. Wave after wave reached higher and higher. In 2020, BLM became a tsunami of protest, the largest in U.S. history — and it was also strong enough to carry voters to the polls and throw Trump out of office.

The Black Freedom Movement has more power than any president or any system. Trump knows this. MAGA knows this. This is why they erase Black history. The past transforms us, it fires up dormant desires. It realigns us with our ancestors. Black artists and intellectuals always documented the dramatic effect of learning about Black history.

Assata Shakur wrote in her 1988 autobiography, Assata, “I didn’t know what a fool they made of me until I grew up and started reading real history.”

Malcolm X wrote in his 1965 classic, The Autobiography of Malcolm X, “History had been ‘whitened’ in the white man’s history books and the black man had been brainwashed for hundreds of years.”

From Frederick Douglass to Dead Prez, Ida B. Wells to Alicia Garza, knowing one’s history has always been the key ingredient to activating Black consciousness.

The Black thinker who systemized this transformation is Dr. William E. Cross in his 1971 essay, “The Negro-to-Black Conversion Experience.” Cross had a front-row seat to the 1968 climax of rebellion. He repeatedly saw apolitical brothers and sisters sparked by the revolution; they shed old lives, old fashions, and old ideas, and re-emerged in the street, wearing afros and bright pan-African colors. They went through stages like a butterfly molting in a cocoon, flying out, free as themselves.

Black history is the cocoon; it is the stories and imagery, the feeling of ancestors, it is the site of transformation. When millions upon millions undergo that change, like during the George Floyd protests, it becomes a historical force. A meteorologist, trying to show how interconnected all things are, once said that a flap of a butterfly’s wings can set off a tornado. It’s true. Why? The more that racists try to repress our history, the more we use it to explain what is happening, and how to fight back. The next social movement is already beginning, like a tornado.

As Pressure Builds, More Will Find Our History

When I finished my tour of the African American Museum, I was at the top floor. Sunlight came through the windows. The building is designed to recreate the journey from slavery to freedom. Standing at the top, I felt deeply moved.

Black history is the cocoon; it is the stories and imagery, the feeling of ancestors, it is the site of transformation.

The power of history, especially at a museum, is that right there under glass is evidence of our past. Flesh fades to dust. Bones crumble. Yet here are real things touched by real people. This is why the African American Museum in D.C. is the crown jewel of a large network of Pan-African historical sites. In New York, there’s the African Burial Ground. In Boston, there’s the Black Heritage Trail. In Tennessee, there’s the National Civil Rights Museum. In Ghana, there are slave castles and the heart-wrenching Door of No Return. The interconnected network of sites creates multiple transformation zones, where people enter and come out changed. When we leave, we take this history with us.

The tragedy of this moment is that Trump and MAGA have succumbed to a juvenile, cartoon version of history. If they turn back time, they believe, the joy of unlimited power will be at their fingertips. The harder they push for total control, the more pressure they place on masses of people. The government shutdown worsened hunger. People in the U.S. are facing even more unpayable health insurance. Rage at ICE builds in neighborhoods as masked agents separate families.

Under this pressure, many are forced to ask questions. When they do, they will find answers waiting for them. They will find our history.

Expect more tornados to come.


This article is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), and you are free to share and republish under the terms of the license.


Nicholas Powers
Nicholas Powers is the author of Thirst, a political vampire novel; The Ground Below Zero: 9/11 to Burning Man, New Orleans to Darfur, Haiti to Occupy Wall Street; and most recently, Black Psychedelic Revolution. He has been writing for Truthout since 2011. His article, “Killing the Future: The Theft of Black Life” in the Truthout anthology Who Do You Serve, Who Do You Protect? coalesces his years of reporting on police brutality.

Sunday, October 12, 2025

Great American Anti-Fascists

Stephen F. Eisenman

October 10, 2025



Sue Coe, Terrible things are happening outside, 2025. Courtesy, the artist.

“First they came”

I always scoffed at “First They Came,” the often quoted, 1946 poem by the German Lutheran pastor Martin Niemöller. There are several versions of it, but the best-known starts “First they came for the communists/And I did not speak out because I was not a communist.” Each of the following three verses names another target — socialists, trade unionists and Jews, until concluding: “Then they came for me/And there was no one left/To speak out for me.”

The poem suggests, wrongly, that “they” – the unmentioned Nazis – targeted everyone, not just communists, socialists, trade unionists and Jews. (Niemöller should have added to the list queers, Roma, Slavs, and the disabled.) In fact, the Nazi regime made great efforts to placate the broad, middle and lower-middle class populace and increase its size. Nazism was aggressively pro-natalist, rewarding families that had many children, so long as they were the right kind. In addition, the secret Lebensborn (“fount of life”) program, established by SS chief Heinrich Himmler, supported unwed, supposedly “Aryan” mothers through their pregnancies and distributed the children to similarly racially elite, SS parents. The goals of these initiatives were eugenicist and militarist: the creation of a racially superior population and enough soldiers to forge and sustain a thousand-year Reich.

The Nazis, in other words, knew very well who they wanted to imprison or kill and who they wanted to protect or nurture, and the idea that they would inevitably “come for” someone not on their targeted list is mistaken. Niemöller’s poem is harmful because it suggests that anyone could be a victim of fascism when in fact only some are; protecting those in danger requires solidarity and entails risk. To the pastor’s credit, he openly opposed Nazification of the Protestant Church and was consequently cast into Sachsenhausen and then Dachau concentration camps. Much later, long after the Nazi defeat, pastor Niemöller was active in the anti-Vietnam War and anti-nuclear movements. His poem is therefore belied by his own life; he understood very well who were and who were not the likely victims of fascism and embraced the role of anti-fascist or “antifa” to use the shorthand beloved of Reichkanzler Trump, Reichsmarschall Hegseth, and Reichsministers Miller, Bondi, Patel, Holman, Noem, and Kennedy.

Carefully selected targets

Until about two weeks ago, the Trump administration carefully followed the script of “First They Came.” One by one, it targeted groups and individuals who might challenge the kleptocratic, neofascist state, confident that it could do so without significant resistance. First it was the special counsels and ombudsmen who policed federal agencies for corruption. Then it was the U.S. Attorneys and prosecutors whose job is to ensure that federal laws are faithfully executed, and violators punished. Following that, was the regulatory state. Even junior employees were fired if they worked for agencies – including EPA, Education, Justice, Treasury, HUD, Interior, and HHS – who might object to privatization, deregulation, and sleaze.

Then came the attacks on individuals and institutions of civil society. University presidents were dressed down by Republicans at congressional show trials. (It didn’t help that these leaders conceded error of which they were innocent.) Around a dozen college and university presidents have resigned in the face of administration, congressional Republican, or state Republican pressure. Other universities were forced to accept limitations on their institutional freedom or make cash payments (aka bribes) to continue to receive federal grants. Columbia coughed up $200 million. Many colleges and universities pro-actively limited student and faculty free-speech rights in the hope of avoiding government or conservative trustee sanction.

Law firms too have been targeted. Despite court rulings consistently affirming the right of attorneys to choose their own clients without fear of federal retribution, at least eight major firms – most notably Paul Weiss — acceded to Trump’s demands that they pay money or provide pro bono services in exchange for continuing access to lucrative U.S. government contracts. Other civil society organizations, including non-profits focused on women’s health, the environment, civil rights, immigration law, and fair housing, have had grants cancelled or awards rescinded. Many have changed their rhetoric and programs so as not to attract Trump administration ire. Entertainment companies and sports franchises have also bowed to Trumpian pressure to change programming or limit outreach to targeted communities, especially immigrants. The German word for such a coordinated pressure campaign, first used in 1933, is Gleichschaltung: bringing all institutions of state and civil society into conformity with Nazi ideology and practice.

By attacking each group — universities, law firms, non-profits, media companies — separately and in succession, the Trump administration has succeeded in keeping them isolated, unable to marshal the solidarity and collective strength available to them. To be sure, many of the richest and most powerful corporate heads and tech entrepreneurs – Elon Musk at Tesla, Larry Ellison at Oracle, Mark Zuckerberg at Facebook, Sam Altman at Open AI, Tim Cook at Apple, Jeff Bezos at Amazon, Peter Thiel, and others – have welcomed Trump’s strong-armed interventions. They support technocratic Caesarism – rule by one or several tech and finance billionaires beholden to no one, and believe Trump is sympathetic to their goal, despite the president’s claim to speak for a broad, working-class MAGA base. Indeed, low-income Republicans have been assaulted by tariffs, elimination of green energy subsidies, and soon, cuts to Medicaid and the ACA, but their congressional representatives have registered no protest. They remain fully in Trump’s thrall. Small business leaders and professionals, harmed by the president’s tariff, deregulation, and immigration policies, have similarly remained quiet out of fear of reprisal.

Larger goals

Trump’s dismantling of democracy has been methodical and effective and has served his primary goal: self-aggrandizement. But the president’s most influential courtiers, including Stephen Miller, Russell Vought and J.D. Vance as well as the ideologues of the Heritage Foundation and Claremont Institute, have other ambitions, broadly consonant with the fascism of interwar Europe. Their goals are to:

1) Purify the body politic by the deportation or exclusion of non-whites.

2) Embed Christian nationalist ideology in government and educational institutions.

3) Broadcast and promote American exceptionalism.

4) Reject feminism, invigorate patriarchy, and denounce non-binary models of gender.

5) Insulate or protect the corporate elite from regulation, taxation, and organized labor.

6) End competitive elections. Vance whisperer Curtis Yarvin supports a monarchy. Marco Rubio’s former Director of Policy Planning, Michael Anton, prefers a Caesar.

7) Destroy the disinterested, professional, government bureaucracy, and slash spending on health, food, education, housing and environmental protection.

8) Revive the American empire by alignment with Russia (a racial comrade) and antagonism to China (a racial foe).

9) Buttress the Leadership cult: Trump als Führer. (This is Trump’s personal favorite.)

10) Welcome environmental catastrophe. Umberto Eco wrote: “The Ur-Fascist hero is impatient to die. In his impatience, he frequently sends other people to death.”

Anybody who opposes these ten goals is anti-fascist or antifa; they are enemies of the regime.

Coordination interruptus

Buoyed by success, the Trump administration decided to press its advantage; Niemöller’s final stage of political capture — “then they came for me/And there was no one left” — is the order of the day. Having begun the work of Gleichschaltung mere months ago, the Trump regime now wants to foreclose democracy altogether — if not for a thousand years, at least beyond the 2026 midterm elections.

But the necessary work of coordination remains unfinished. Unlike Germany in 1933-34, the administration lacks SA or SS enforcers. ICE, FBI, and other federal forces – abusive and violent as they are — remain constrained by custom and law. The judicial branch of government is not yet fully co-opted, as indicated by the succession of lower court rulings barring immigrant expulsions, executive branch dismissals, and placement of federal troops in cities. While many of these decisions have been reversed by the Supreme Court, every defeat – even temporary — exposes administration weakness and invites resistance. Legislative opposition exists too, just not from Republicans. Democrats in Congress may be feckless, but they are large in number. Their size has prevented Trump from passing anything like the Enabling Act of 1933 that provided Hitler an easy glide path to authoritarianism. Civil society organizations, including wealthy, liberal-left foundations are also still functioning. Counter-hegemonic non-profits remain active and, in some cases, more energized than before. Most colleges and universities, and most law firms have not (so far) yielded to Trump’s threats.

While the mass media have long been colonized by conservative and even fascist provocateurs – Steve Banon, Tucker Carlson, Sean Hannity, Candace Owen, Jesse Wattters, Joe Rogan and many others – their reach is less extensive than it seems. Even the biggest outlet is small by historical standards. At the height of its popularity in the early 1960s, Walter Cronkite’s “CBS Evening News” had 30 million viewers, or about 15% of the U.S. population. Today, Fox’s most popular conservative talk show, “The Five” has 3.5 million viewers, or just 1% of the population. Steve Bannon’s WarRoom podcast has 85,000 listeners per month. (Counterpunch has more than five times that number of monthly readers.) So far, the right has been unable to dismantle the left ecosystem of magazines, podcasts, and broadcasts. Mainstream TV hosts Stephen Colbert, John Stewart, Jimmy Kimmel and the rest may not be very “left,” but they are certainly oppositional. Colbert and Kimmel each have about 2 million nightly viewers. Given this ideologically fractured environment, the question arises: Has Trump’s effort at fascist coordination reached its apogee, and will it now begin to recede? Is this a case of coordination interruptus?

Whither NSPM-7?

On September 25, 2025, the White House issued a memorandum, National Security Presidential Memorandum 7 (NSPM-7), “Countering Domestic Terrorism and Organized Political Violence”. The document falsely asserts that there has been a dramatic upsurge in “violent and terroristic activities under the umbrella of self-described anti-fascism.” The directive goes on to state: “This ‘anti-fascist’ lie has become the organizing rallying cry used by domestic terrorists to wage a violent assault against democratic institutions, constitutional rights, and fundamental American liberties.” A previous Executive Order designated “antifa” a “domestic terrorist organization,” even though no such group exists, and there is no legal category “domestic terrorist organization.”

Memorandum NSPM-7 then directs the National Joint Terrorism Task Force (established in 1980 and led by the FBI) to investigate and prosecute political violence and its institutional or individual funders, as well as identify “any behaviors, fact patterns, recurrent motivations, or other indicia common to organizations and entities that coordinate these acts in order to direct efforts to identify and prevent potential violent activity.” Poor writing masks the author’s intentions here, but the memorandum proceeds to designate troubling “indicia”:

“anti-Americanism, anti-capitalism, and anti-Christianity; support for the overthrow of the United States Government; extremism on migration, race, and gender; and hostility towards those who hold traditional American views on family, religion, and morality.”

The vagueness of the targeting is breathtaking; it would be hard to find anybody who isn’t hostile – sometimes or always — to “traditional American values on family, religion and morality.” Isn’t that the topic of conversation or at least the undercurrent at most family dinner tables?

Though the memorandum doesn’t specifically target Democrats, Trump, Miller and others have elsewhere called them “vermin,” “an enemy within”, “gnats” and the “party of hate, evil and Satan.” Simply being a Democrat thus makes you a subject for investigation. About 45 million people in the U.S. are registered Democrats. (37 million are Republicans.) Kamala Harris gained 75 million votes; Biden got 81 million in 2020. Are we all antifa now?

With the federal government shutdown, prices rising, employment falling, health insurance set to increase (in many cases double) for millions of Americans, a recession likely, and an enemies list as large as half the U.S. population, Trump may finally succeed in forging solidarity among his enemies, thereby creating the very bogey he imagined, a genuine antifa movement. And if that happens, there will be an army of people ready to “speak out for me.”

Great American anti-fascists

The following is a list of famous or notable anti-fascists, or antifas. They are not all radicals, socialists, liberals, or even Democrats — but they are anti-fascist. Trump would sic ICE on them if he could. Feel free to add names to the list and send them to me:

Thomas Paine, Benjamin Rush, Aaron Burr (not for shooting Hamilton), William Lloyd Garrison, Nat Turner, Frederick Douglas, John Brown, Harriet Tubman, Henry Ward Beecher, Sojourner Truth, Abraham Lincoln, the Union Army, Walt Whitman, Herman Melville, Louisa May Walcott, Henry David Thoreau, William Dean Howells, Edward Bellamy, Margaret Fuller, Thorstein Veblen, Eugene V. Debs, Emma Goldman, Lincoln Steffens, John Reed, Upton Sinclair, Jane Addams, Mabel Dodge Luhan, Georgia O’Keefe, Helen Keller, Franklin Roosevelt, George S. Patton, 2.5 million U.S. troops in the European theatre of war in World War II, Clifford Odets, Eleonor Roosevelt, John Garfield, Humphrey Bogart, Dashiell Hammett, Edward G. Robinson, Dorothy Parker, Orson Welles, Billie Holiday, Robert Ryan, Lillian Hellman, Henry Fonda, the Marx brothers, Meyer Schapiro, Barnett Newman, Philip Guston, Norman Lewis, Ad Reinhardt, General Dwight D. Eisenhower, Frank Sinatra (for a while), Woodie Guthrie, Theodore Bikel, Joan Baez, Jackson Pollock, John Coltrane, Marilyn Monroe, Arthur Miller, Bob Dylan, Norman Mailer, Gore Vidal, Philip Roth, Benjamin Spock, Allen Ginsberg, William Kunstler, Louis Armstong, Malcolm X, Betty Friedan, Martin Luther King, Muhammed Ali, Angela Davis, Willie Nelson, Johnny Cash, Sam Cooke, Phil Ochs, Gil Scott-Heron, Pete Seeger, Nina Simone, Aretha Franklin, Max Roach, Mahalia Jackson, Stanley Kubrick, Zero Mostel, Norman Lear, Spike Lee, Jane Fonda, LeBron James, Billie Eilish, Tom Hanks, AOC, Jamelle Bouie, Joaquin Phoenix, Bernie…





Illustration by Sue Coe.


Stephen F. Eisenman is emeritus professor at Northwestern University and Honorary Research Fellow at the University of East Anglia. His latest book, with Sue Coe, is titled “The Young Person’s Illustrated Guide to American Fascism,” (OR Books). He is also co-founder and Director of Strategy at Anthropocene Alliance. He can be reached at s-eisenman@northwestern.edu

Sunday, July 27, 2025

Was Emerson Pointing to Indigenousness?



 July 25, 2025

[Achille] Mbembe said that his project was ‘to look into ways in which we can render politically fruitful the critique of religion while taking very seriously religion itself as critique – especially a critique of ‘the political’.

–Kevin Okoth, reviewing Brutalism by Achille Mbembe, in London Review of Books (LRB) 7/10/25

What your heart thinks great, is great.  The soul’s emphasis is always right. 

–RW Emerson, Spiritual Laws

This was the power Plath had discovered – towering, revolving, in brass feathers and fire.  It was not that she really flew.  It was that she had gone underground but did not stay there. 

–Patricia Lockwood, Arrayed In Shining Scales, LRB7/10/25

As I understand it,   this “going underground” and not staying there,  the power Sylvia Plath discovered,  is the mythic – or soul –  journey, that entered popular consciousness a few decades ago via the mythologist Joseph Campbell’s PBS series, poet and mythopoetic men’s movement leader Robert Bly, and a flock of writers and psychoanalysts influenced by depth psychology.  Again, in my understanding, to do it “right,” you go there, collect the reward, and you come back and try to figure out how to bring the “new life” you discovered  underground, through tests and trials,  into your real life, into the community that without new life is stagnant and conforming (dying). If we think of aliveness as creativity, connected somehow with the hero’s honesty and courage, this makes art essential if communities are to be other than beggars at the trough of large corporations, chains, and state funding, to be instead independently fertile cultural soil for living with abundance for all.   

If I may be so bold as to put myself into the same sentence with her, like Plath, whose poetry I read many years ago but not recently, I was an underground sojourner who did not stay there.  Differently from her, in relation to that underground experience, I learned to understand it (the Unconscious) in modern psychotherapeutic terms as spiritual transformation; a downward path that had the promise of an upturn.  The idea, as I learned it,  is you can avoid getting stuck there in what is essentially the terrain of madness if you keep walking, like, in The Lord of the Rings (which I’m currently reading at long last) Frodo and Company fulfilling their responsibility to the Ring.  

By now there must be a significant number of people around who share this transformational understanding of “soul recovery” and  ‘soul journey,” including many who know a lot more about it than I do from my singular experience.  But my “return” took a heretical direction.  Equipped now with a “2-fold” vision,  it stayed within the limitations in my given circumstances: living in Utica, remote  from cultural “hubs,” precarious financially, married with family.   Had I had imbibed Emerson-like wisdom?: “What we call obscure condition or vulgar society is that condition and society whose poetry is not yet written, but which you shall presently make as enviable and renowned as any.”  Or this: ‘The pretense that [a man] has another call, a summons by name and personal election and “outward signs that mark him extraordinary and not in the roll of common men” is fanaticism…’ 

These limitations were self-imposed in the land of boundless freedom and opportunity; that is what made them always suspect.  After all, acceptance of these limitations was a complete departure from received wisdom; I could have, perhaps should have, said yes at least to some way that would have brought me a more respectable income even if it would have felt like compromise to my William Blake-inspired soul.   Had I shot myself in the foot? Did the fact I was not drawn to any career option disprove Emerson?  The coffeeshop, that we started in 2002, said no!  Vision, outsiderhood, anti-establishment, counterculture, art, beauty, fine coffee from a conscientious coffee roaster and jazz, all good! Couldn’t get no better.  Get thee behind me thou Father of Lies!  For 20 years the Cafe held back the avalanche of self-hate still potential in me.  

Living within these limitations I relied on my own imaginative interpretation of inward events;  I was forced  into radical self-trust.  I learned, firsthand,  to appreciate the fact that, Emerson-like, this trust in imagination – which importantly, was the basis for the Cafe – is the basis of all religion. Thus I’d been initiated into what came to be called “New Age Spirituality.”  I was part of a trend that, as I see it now, was simply recapitulating Emerson but without crediting him.  Too old-fashioned.  Too much talk about God and virtue.

The new age seemed to confirm for modern post-religious westerners that religion per se is unnecessary to spiritual life. For now, with the aid of knowledgeable guides, it’s possible to make the underground voyage and avoid falling into the madness that overcame Sylvia Plath.  In other words, those following Emersonian advice – trust thyself – all the way –  can be granted the chance to interpret the experience as union with the divine, as surely Emerson did;  it is salvific.   But is the new freedom really all win-win?  Mustn’t the things lost along the way be accounted for?   

Emerson never considered separating spirituality from religion (“O my brothers, God exists!”), while today, in my experience, the New Age spiritual adepts are generally unsupportive of self-limitation.  Spirituality is about expansion, not to lead to the life ways of contraction in a society that teaches no limits to growth.   Religion, on the other hand, has specific “application:” the building and maintaining of face-to-face embodied families and community, local, stable over time, ways of life that, arguably, in some way or other reflect the interdependence of creation by putting limits on human freedom.   Application of the truth of necessary self-limitation  is arguably the basis for the kind of interconnected life that draws its life from the perennial utopian dream. Religion thus cannot be stepped out of like an old pair of shoes without a certain amount of hypocrisy as long as we still talk about and profess to long for peace and justice.  

What if  religion were to be honored as an act of honestly owning our real history?  For all its abuses and hypocrisies, “the church” has kept a protected separate space in which that One Truth experienced in the “underground” reality of psychospiritual transformation –  is preserved.  While making no apologies for the Church’s becoming a political animal, its egocentric mission to Christianize the world, surely it must now be apparent:  at the same time as some of us are freed from the need for “organized religion,” all of our collective way of life depends this day and every day upon conformity at the expense of new life.  (“the man who fits himself to the customary work or trade he falls into ..is part of the machine he moves; the man is lost.”) It depends upon tacit complicity with the exploitation of the vast majority of the earth’s human beings and the earth itself.   Not a win-win.  

+++

Emerson, who is mistakenly thought to have been congratulating us on being Americans,  free and independent and  non-conformist, was actually telling us not that we had the key to the kingdom of freedom already, but how to find it within. What has happened instead, with the exception of some artists and poets and prophetic individuals who will defy the general rule established by corporate capitalist economy – Americans have largely conformed, including ones with the education and the means supposedly not to conform.  Obviously, conformity is simply not, as we like to think, the observable kind: allegiance to brands, the worship of celebrity and wealth, the trends, gadgets and fashions.   Its not all those sheep trooping off to sabbath services. 

Conformity – the “soul of it” –  is the absence of soul.  The most famous call to conformity is to a temporary condition – when in Rome, etc.  It assumes one has beliefs, customs or sense of purpose one sets aside temporarily in order to  meet another standard of acceptability that otherwise one would not do.  Thus conformity depends upon avoidance of a truth existent prior to conforming  – a truth that is such that, when you hear it, or see it in practice in a fellow human being in any degree, you immediately recognize.  Reading Emerson’s words, one knows, even 175 years later, he spoke truth.  Ditto for Thoreau – or for Jesus, Buddha, MLK, jr., and edgier ones like William Blake and Allen Ginsburg, etc. and many others by means of whose words and art  one feels the revivifying power of truth spoken.   Although most of us, lacking the talent perhaps, will only realize it partially, upon everyone it makes its claim for goodness or, what Emerson called “virtue.”   Kindness, doing unto others, greater blessedness in giving than in receiving, all simply subpoints under the larger truth. The larger cannot be met by simple, conforming obedience to a rule of “be nice.”  It is all-inclusive, a privilege of imagination.  The rule is, rather, “All connects.  Behave accordingly.”

+++

As anyone can see who reads my essays, I believe in the truth of myth.  And, further, advocating for the practice of art and the soul journey as I do,  that  mythic narrative is not spectacle! These days,  still in post-Cafe crisis mode, I cling to these hardwon truths as to a piece of flotsam after the ship has sunk. My crisis is with “the facts of life.”    Having given over so much of my consciousness to the expansion of meaning via imagination, many days I seem to have lost the capacity to deal with the naked lunch at the end of my own fork.  That “lunch” threatens  up close with chaos, with which it seems every day I must grapple.  It seems often as if I cannot think beyond the thinking required to tackle my current struggles and to attain tiny victories essentially at survival level, with some, yes, aimed higher – “goods” of family and friendships; the surplus”good” of The Other Side, and of course, my writing.  The constant, plaguing fear has opened the door to my old terror and its original “solution” in obsessive, self-negating thoughts, threatening to paralyze my capacity for thinking.  Only in writing can I keep them at bay. 

I know, I know, I defy new age wisdom in saying what I  said about thinking.  We’re supposed to be coming down into our body, not seeking the escape into “head stuff.”  But I  like head stuff, I respond! It seems to have a claim on me, not against my embodiment, but as a way of hanging in in embodiment – not perfectly, but making sense to myself.   Bodies are housing for the soul in a context within which the soul’s anarchistic perspective is not just “freeing,” but to which it is anathema. If this were not so, why would Emerson make such a big deal of conformity? If the “thinking” work of critique is demeaned,  freedoms are worthless.    

The crisis is real; because of it I’m back in therapy for the first time in over 25 years! And already I antisipate I will have to explain myself.  Will even she get it that for me thinking is not a head thing, but a necessary head-heart thing?  My life has lost the “power head” – that is, the social identity and a kind of status that could hold its own with the hoi polloi of Utica  the Cafe gave me. I’m seeing how that Cafe and  the identity that came with it and the enchanting aura with which it imbued all who were part of it, kept me out of this personal chaos.  Or, rather, did its holding pattern allow me to interrupt the journey to identity that is never encapsulated,  leaving it somehow unfinished?  This, I figure now,  is the bottom line life challenge and why I’ve returned to Emerson in my need.  And he says unequivocally: “Whatever he knows and thinks, whatever in his apprehension is worth doing, that let him communicate or men will never know and honor him aright.”

I do not know for sure how other people navigate without seemingly touching down into this grimmest, starkest  layer of the self, but as I write about it I suspect the avoidance has to do heavily with denial, for the basic facts are grim.   Maybe it’s best to “not go there,” to leave that whole dimension, the awfulness, somewhere out there with all the nasties, but I can’t see how mass denial, or unconsciousness has actually worked out well in the long run.  No, I think the nastiness is precisely there so we don’t miss the lifesaver that’s tossed to us in  imagination. And we’re not supposed to miss it.  Religion at least recognized the reality of evil,  and was supposed to point to the lifesaver.  But life for us white middle class people is so comfortable, once we conform to it, it’s easy to forget the reality  – the contrariness and unacceptability of life’s given terms.

Will she make it?  Lord knows.  But at times I suspect there is something coming to meet me from “the other side” (and coincidentally or not, from The Other Side, our non-profit arts space)  Last night, the young teacher, Luigi, taught the first of  his “Peoples’ Classrooms” in our space.  He began in a way that was emphatically not “gradualist,” with a “peoples’ history” of Palestine!  In so doing, and in a very short space of time, he took the 40 or so people who showed up through the history up to and into the current genocide.  He spared us very little of unbearable awareness.  At the same time, the event lifted me. It feels to me like a certain flowering of the original purpose that has been so difficult to consistently realize here in Utica – that is, to be a connection with “the global,” the whole truth.  

This talk was made possible by The Other Side’s newest and youngest members, all under 40, all local.  We who are“stuck” in Utica- that is, those of us who are always wondering if we should have”reached for the stars,”  have a need to know something that is denied practically everywhere, no place more so than in Utica that’s trying to be as good as instead of simply being what we are – not a brand, but something innate to ourselves.  The Other Side’s saying “here is the center here is the holy here is what’s worth defending.”  Was Emerson urging us to become indigenous?   

Kim C. Domenico, reside in Utica, New York, co-owner of Cafe Domenico (a coffee shop and community space),  and administrator of the small nonprofit independent art space, The Other Side.  Seminary trained and ordained,  but independently religious. She can be reached at: kodomenico@verizon.net.