Wednesday, December 28, 2022

 Spiritual Politics

Frank Pavone, Leonard Feeney and the long story of Catholic fundamentalism

The defrocking of the anti-abortion crusader is the latest chapter in an old story.

Frank Pavone, head of Priests for Life, gives the Homily during a mass at Ave Maria University's Oratory in Naples, Fla., on March 31, 2009. (Greg Kahn/Naples Daily News via AP, File)

(RNS) — Not that there wasn’t a lot of other news last week, but I have found myself thinking about Frank Pavone, the crusading anti-abortion priest who was defrocked by the Vatican for disobedience and blasphemy. His case harks back to that of another crusading American priest, Leonard Feeney, a Jesuit disciplined by the Vatican disciplined for disobedience 70 years ago.

Feeney, whose story I once wrote up at some length, established himself as spiritual leader of a storefront ministry in Cambridge, Massachusetts, in the late 1940s. Located across the street from one of Harvard’s undergraduate residences, St. Benedict Center served not only as a gathering place for Catholic students but also as a missionary enterprise.

 Feeney was a charismatic teacher and preacher, and he notched some impressive converts — impressive enough to stir up concern among the powers-that-were at nearby Harvard University. For his part, the Jesuit priest hated the school, blaming all the ills of the new atomic age on its secularism.

His message, delivered with satirical wit, was that whatever was not Catholic was to some degree anti-Catholic. What made him notorious was a hard-edged interpretation of the Latin dogma, extra ecclesiam nulla salus —  no salvation outside the church.

Leonard Feeney. Photo courtesy of Wikipedia/Creative Commons

Leonard Feeney. Photo courtesy of Wikipedia/Creative Commons

Although pre-Vatican II American Catholicism was anything but a bastion of liberalism, the claim that no one other than actual members of the Catholic church could be saved was not what Feeney’s fellow Jesuits at Boston College taught. The genial archbishop of Boston, Richard Cushing, found Feeney’s take to be unacceptable community relations.

What to do?

Feeney was ordered to leave Cambridge and report for homiletics duty at the College of the Holy Cross in Worcester. When he steadfastly refused to go, he was, over a period of several years, deprived of his priestly faculties, kicked out of the Jesuit order and, in 1953, excommunicated. The “Boston Heresy Case” became frontpage news around the country.

Calling themselves the Slaves of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, Feeney and the followers who stuck with him took to assembling every Sunday on Boston Common to denounce his enemies: Protestants, Masons, Boston’s Catholic hierarchy and especially the Jews. In 1958, the group decamped to a farm in western Massachusetts. By the time of his death two decades later, Feeney was admitted back into the church — as were, in due course, most (but not all) of the other Slaves.

For many years, this episode has been dismissed much the same way the 1925 Scopes “Monkey Trial” used to be — as an eccentric reactionary moment in the steady adaptation of Christianity to the modern world. But like the resurgence of old-time evangelicalism, Feeney’s moment now looks less and less like what his biographer in 1965 called  a “comic-opera heresy.” Indeed, in a forthcoming study, a Boston College historian, the Rev. Mark Massa, sees Feeney as the progenitor of a Catholic fundamentalism that is alive and kicking hard today.

Which brings us to Frank Pavone. The longtime head of the anti-abortion organization Priests for Life, Pavone, like Feeney, has not taken a position at odds with Catholic doctrine, which is clearly and undeniably opposed to abortion. But, like Feeney, he has accused church leaders of being soft on it.

Also (in line with his surname, Italian for peacock) Pavone is a preening zealot who has been at odds with his hierarchical superior, Amarillo Bishop Patrick Zurek, for years, in part because of Priests for Life’s lack of financial transparency.

In 2011, Zurek suspended Pavone from ministry outside Amarillo and barred him from appearing on the conservative Catholic TV network EWTN. In 2016, Zurek pronounced Priests for Life to be a civil institution.

Leonard Feeney speaking at St. Benedict Center, Cambridge, Mass.

Leonard Feeney speaking at St. Benedict Center, Cambridge, Mass.

It’s worth asking whether Pavone, who is still styling himself “Fr.” on the Priests for Life website, will, like Feeney, lead his organization into the kind of sectarianism that, as Massa defines it, is an essential mark of fundamentalist Catholicism. The best-known example of this is the Society of St. Pius X, an organization of traditionalist priests founded in the wake of Vatican II.

In Pavone’s case, the answer may turn on whether he ends up, like Feeney, excommunicated. According to the Rev. James Bretzke, a Jesuit moral theologian at John Carroll University in Cleveland, “If he persists in maintaining that he is a priest, and if he were to perform the sacraments, especially Mass, in a public way, then those could constitute crimes that could result in excommunication.”  

Whatever the future holds, Pavone’s removal from the priesthood and the Vatican’s own declaration that Priests for Life “is not a Catholic organization” constitute an authoritative signal to the Catholic world. With one exception, no American bishop has risen to his defense. Many conservative Catholic voices have hit the mute button. 

And yet, as was the case with Feeney, there is a penumbra of support for Pavone’s brand of Catholicism that will not go away — one with roots in the either-or theology of the Jansenists of the 17th and 18th centuries. “It is an approach to moral issues where you tend to feel that whatever is more rigorous is somehow better,” said Bretzke.

These days, this approach is embraced by the substantial number of American Catholics who disdain Pope Francis, an anti-Jansenist figure if there ever was one. Among them, Pavone is likely to remain a hero, even if they don’t say so out loud.

Psychedelic chaplains: In clinical trials, a new form of spiritual guide emerges

Spiritual care practitioners are being trained to support patients undergoing psychedelic therapy in clinical trials and decriminalized settings.

Photo by Raimond Klavins/Unsplash/Creative Commons

(RNS) — Moana Meadow was 22 when her grandmother died in a hospital room, sitting up, eyes open, gripping the hands of her family members.

“Her spirit left her body like that. In an instant,” she said. “I wasn’t religious, but her spirit felt like it was hovering in the room for 15 minutes. There was this energy, pulsating. I’ve never experienced anything like that before.”

The event, though painful, left an imprint on Meadow and convinced her to pursue the life of an interfaith chaplain so she could accompany others who were dying.

Now, the hospice chaplain is interested in helping people through other transitions — the perceptual changes brought on by psychedelic drugs. “Being with people in altered states of consciousness” can be similar to pivotal moments like marriage, childbirth or death, Meadow said, and she is on a mission to bridge chaplaincy and the work of accompanying people who are under the influence of psychedelics.

“Psychedelic experiences, particularly at higher dosages, can feel like dying,” said Sam Shonkoff, assistant professor of Jewish studies at Graduate Theological Union in Berkeley, California. “One can feel as if they’re being born. One can feel a sense of existential rupture. To have a chaplain there, who maybe has a lot of experience with sitting with people who are facing death, that can be really applicable to accompanying people who are having these experiences with psychedelics.”

Since the mid-aughts, a tidal wave of scientific research on psychedelics has flooded academic journals with evidence that these substances may be able to provide relief for everything from smoking addiction to anxiety and depression. These benefits arise at least in part, some psychedelic researchers argue, from the mystical or spiritual encounters the drugs can induce.

Moana Meadow. Photo by Julia Maryanska

Moana Meadow. Photo by Julia Maryanska

“As the scientific research on spiritual experience with psychedelics has started to come out so strongly,” said Meadow, “I think people are beginning to understand or admit the importance of religious training and knowledgeability in psychedelic work.” 

As a result, academic institutions across the U.S. are launching training programs in which spiritual practitioners can become qualified psychedelic facilitators, paving the way for a new field of psychedelic chaplaincy.

Current opportunities for these roles are limited in the U.S., as the use of the drugs themselves is considered experimental. Ketamine, a powerful but relatively safe anesthetic, is legal for medical use, and some health care chaplains act as facilitators for ketamine-assisted therapy, which has shown promise for relieving depression. As researchers have begun conducting clinical trials for psychedelic treatments, too, they are recruiting chaplains.

The Rev. Caroline Peacock, an ordained Episcopal priest and a chaplain for Emory Healthcare in Atlanta, will be serving as a spiritual health clinician in a clinical trial assessing whether psilocybin might help treat anxiety, depression and chronic pain experienced by cancer survivors.

In these settings, psychedelic chaplains are asked to provide spiritual care for clients before, during and after a psychedelic dose, aiding them as they work to elicit meaning from the experience. 

“Some of the questions psychedelic chaplaincy is bringing to the table are some of the oldest questions of all,” said Shonkoff, who pointed out that Indigenous shamans, medicine women and elders have been doing this work for centuries. But the presence of a psychedelic chaplain on these scientific teams is something new.

Jamie Beachy, left, with Rick Doblin, the founder of MAPS, at the MAPS MDMA training center in Red Feather Lakes, Colorado, in May 2019. Courtesy photo

Jamie Beachy, left, with Rick Doblin, the founder of MAPS, at the MAPS MDMA training center in Red Feather Lakes, Colorado, in May 2019. Courtesy photo

Jamie Beachy, a chaplain by training and the director of education for the Center for Psychedelic Studies at Naropa University in Boulder, Colorado, joined a study looking at MDMA, also known as the recreational drug ecstasy, as an aid for treatment-resistant post-traumatic stress disorder. The research, led by the Multidisciplinary Association for Psychedelic Studies, shows that 67% of participants taking MDMA no longer meet the criteria for PTSD, compared with 32% of participants in the placebo group.

“I have been compelled to see how people are able to move through traumas in a way that I wasn’t seeing in the hospital or the trauma settings I was working in,” said Beachy, a former health care chaplain.

Beachy said chaplains, who are often “present to traumas unfolding in real time,” can help clients navigate events that could disrupt their existing belief systems, something psychedelic therapy patients may face. “In one of the Johns Hopkins studies of DMT — another powerful psychedelic — people that went into the study reporting that they were atheists apparently came out of the study feeling less connected with atheism,” Beachy told RNS.

Beachy is developing a degree concentration in psychedelic care for the Master of Divinity program at Naropa, which already offers a psychedelic-assisted therapies certificate for professionals. 

Meadow, meanwhile, is program director of a new psychedelic facilitator certification program at the UC Berkeley Center for the Science of Psychedelics, aimed at people who are already professionals in spiritual care and health care. Graduates may be eligible to apply for a Psilocybin Facilitator License in Oregon or Colorado, which recently decriminalized psilocybin. Religious professionals would be able to act as psychedelic chaplains in health care or research settings where regulations permit.

“At the program that I’m running at UC Berkeley, there’s a clear value on the spiritual aspects of psychedelic work,” said Meadow. “So we’re attracting chaplains to our training program and promoting their expertise in this field as well.”

Sam Shonkoff. Courtesy photo

Sam Shonkoff. Courtesy photo

At both UC Berkeley and Naropa, the programs emphasize the Indigenous roots of many psychedelic practices, which Shonkoff celebrates. “There has been a tendency in this burgeoning field of psychedelic study to try to talk about the so-called mystical aspects of psychedelics without reference to particular cultural and spiritual traditions that have used these substances,” he said.

As states decriminalize psychedelics, said Ron Cole-Turner, professor emeritus at Pittsburgh Theological Seminary who often writes on theology and psychedelics, recreational, ceremonial and religious uses for psychedelics will likely expand. 

“Give us a decade, and I can’t imagine we won’t have well-established opportunities in multiple parts of the United States, definitely Oregon, very likely Colorado and other places … where there will be open, out, legal and reasonably well-supervised and therefore safe pathways for people who just simply want to see if this enriches their spiritual lives,” he told Religion News Service.

Chaplains will be necessary for these grassroots uses as well, said Celina De Leon, founder and director of the Circle of Sacred Nature 501(c)3 Church, based in California’s Bay Area, for which taking ayahuasca is a “sacramental practice” that is a “fundamental expression of our religious beliefs,” De Leon told RNS.



While De Leon views these substances as having “beautiful potential,” she readily acknowledges that not all psychedelic experiences are positive. “Sometimes psychedelic experiences can be very challenging, and people can really benefit from having support in their meaning making process,” she said. “I think chaplains can be very well suited for that on a community level, outside of clinical contexts.”

Some people, De Leon adds, have destabilizing encounters — the colloquial “bad trip” — and because of a person’s vulnerability during psychedelic therapy, there can also be safety risks.

Currently, there’s no standard pathway for becoming a psychedelic chaplain. Beachy would like to see nondegree programs like Naropa’s be complemented by a national advanced certification for psychedelic chaplains, similar to those that certify chaplains in palliative care or ethics consultation.

The first wave of psychedelic chaplains is already here, however, reconnecting the link between psychedelics and religion, as science reconnects the link between the drugs and health.

“Psychedelics have traditionally been medicines that were used for spiritual growth, healing and prayer,” said Meadow. “If we’re not thinking about them that way, we are missing something very important.”


Climate labels on food lower red meat consumption, study finds


Photo by: Associated Press

By: Justin Boggs
Dec 28, 2022

Placing labels on fast food items that show climate impact lowers consumers’ red meat consumption, a study published this week in the Journal of American Medical Association found. The study was authored by researchers at Johns Hopkins University.

The study placed labels on fast food items that indicate an item’s potential impact on the world’s climate.

Items made from chicken, fish, or vegetarian items were given a green label for positive environmental impact. Items made from red meats were given a red label for high-climate impact.

Compared to a control group who were shown a neutral label, 23.5% more participants selected a sustainable menu item.

“This randomized clinical trial’s findings suggest that climate impact menu labels, especially negatively framed labels highlighting high–climate impact items (ie, red meat), were an effective strategy to reduce red meat selections and encourage more sustainable choices,” the study’s authors wrote.

The authors also noted that those who ate more sustainable items perceived their meals to be healthier. The study noted this as a problem as foods prepared in restaurant settings are prepared with added sugars and saturated fats.

“Positively framed sustainability labels on unhealthy items could mislead consumers to perceive unhealthy foods as healthy, thereby encouraging consumption of these items. However, the extent that positively or negatively framed sustainability labels influence perceptions of healthfulness of fast food menu items is currently unknown,” the study’s authors wrote.
U.S. plans to expand border expulsions for Cubans, Nicaraguans and Haitians, sources say

TED HESSON AND MICA ROSENBERG
WASHINGTON

The Biden administration is planning to use pandemic-era restrictions to expel many Cuban, Nicaraguan and Haitian migrants caught at the southwest border back to Mexico, while simultaneously allowing some to enter the United States by air on humanitarian grounds, according to three U.S. officials familiar on the matter.

This latest policy under consideration comes after the U.S. Supreme Court ruled this week that pandemic-era restrictions, known as Title 42, must stay in place for what could be months as a legal battle over their future plays out.

Under Title 42, which was originally issued in March 2020 at the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic under Republican former President Donald Trump, border agents can rapidly expel migrants to Mexico without giving them a chance to seek asylum.

Frosty diplomatic relations between the United States and the governments of Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela have complicated deportations to those countries. Increasing numbers of migrants from those countries have arrived at the U.S.-Mexico border seeking U.S. asylum amid economic and political turmoil at home.

The new rules for Cubans, Nicaraguans and Haitians would be modelled on an existing program for Venezuelans launched in October. The program allows up to 24,000 Venezuelans outside the United States to apply to enter the country by air through “humanitarian parole” if they have U.S. sponsors. Venezuelans arrested trying to cross border are generally returned to Mexico.

Mexico has only accepted the expulsion of some nationalities, mostly Mexicans and Central Americans, under Title 42. But after Mexico agreed to accept back Venezuelans in October, their crossings dropped dramatically, with some giving up and returning home.

Two officials said the policy shift for Cubans, Haitians and Nicaraguans could come as soon as this week. A third official said it could be applied to the first two groups this week and Nicaraguans at a later date. No final decisions have been made, a fourth U.S. official told Reuters. The officials spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss internal planning.

Haiti has accepted deportees and migrants expelled under Title 42 but lawmakers and advocates have criticized the Biden administration for returning people while the country is going through political and economic turmoil.

Deportation, under a statute known as Title 8, is a more formal and drawn out process that can lead to long bars on U.S. re-entry as compared to expulsions that can take just hours under Title 42.

The U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and Mexican officials did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

U.S. officials said Title 42 was originally put in place to curb the spread of COVID-19, but the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has since said it is no longer needed for public health reasons. Immigrant advocates says it exposes vulnerable migrants to serious risks, like kidnapping or assault, in Mexican border towns.

‘HUMANITARIAN PAROLE’

U.S. President Joe Biden, a Democrat, has struggled with unprecedented levels of migrant crossings at the U.S.-Mexico border since taking office in January 2021, fuelling criticism from Republicans and some members of his own party who say his policies are too lax.

U.S. Border Patrol agents apprehended a record 2.2 million migrants at the southwest border in the 2022 fiscal year, which ended Sept. 30. Close to half of those arrested were rapidly expelled under the Title 42 policy.

Under the new Venezuelan parole program, more than 14,000 Venezuelans had been vetted and received approval to travel to the United States and more than 5,900 had already arrived lawfully as of Nov. 30, according to DHS.

Following the launch of the Venezuelan program, the number of Venezuelans caught crossing into the United States illegally fell nearly 70% from about 21,000 encounters in October to 6,200 in November, according to U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) data released last week.

Cuban and Nicaraguan crossings increased 38% during that same period with about 68,000 migrants entering the country in November, up from 49,000 a month earlier.

Few Haitians have been caught crossing the U.S.-Mexico border in recent months as thousands have been allowed to request humanitarian entry at U.S. ports of entry.

In a border management plan released earlier this month, the agency said it intended to build on the model presented by the Venezuelan program.

The parole program for Venezuelans was similar to one created following Russia’s Feb. 24 invasion of Ukraine that allows Ukrainians with U.S. sponsors to enter and temporarily stay in the United States by applying from outside the country.
ALBERTA OILSANDS COMPANY; SUNCOR
EPA investigating Colorado air pollution regulations for discrimination against Hispanics



By —Michael Phillis, Associated Press
By — Brittany Peterson, Associated Press
Politics Dec 28, 2022 

DENVER (AP) — The Environmental Protection Agency is investigating whether Colorado’s regulation of air pollution from industrial facilities discriminates against Hispanic residents and other racial minorities, according to a letter released Wednesday.

That’s a level of scrutiny long sought by Lucy Molina whose daughter goes to school near Colorado’s only petroleum refinery. Three years ago Molina had just stepped outdoors when she noticed a coating of ash on her Nissan Altima that wiped off on her fingers. Then she received a message that her daughter’s school was locked down and panicked. She later learned the refinery had malfunctioned, spewing a clay-like material into the air. She’d heard of lockdowns for shootings, but never for pollution.

WATCH: Benton Harbor’s Black community fuming over ‘environmental racism,’ water crisis

Since then she’s pushed for community air monitoring and stronger protections, but says it all feels too late. She’s lived here for 30 years, and her kids are already young adults.

“If we would have known” years ago, she said. “We would have moved.”

Advocates say the Suncor refinery too often malfunctions, spiking emissions. They say Colorado rarely denies permits to polluters, even in areas where harmful ozone already exceeds federal standards.


Federal investigators said in the letter they will scrutinize the state’s oversight of Colorado’s biggest polluters including the Suncor oil refinery in North Denver where Molina lives, and whether the effect of that pollution on residents is discriminatory.


Suncor did not respond to a request for comment.


But it is already harder for oil and gas companies to get their air permits in Colorado than in some other energy-producing states, said John Jacus, chair of the Colorado Chamber of Commerce board of directors and an environmental compliance attorney. He said recent allegations that the state’s permit review process was faulty had the effect of slowing air permitting, a blow to business.

“It would be really good for air quality to shut everything down, but that’s not good for society,” Jacus said, adding there needed to be a balance between environmental protection and economic activity.

The EPA launched its investigation under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. It has been going on since March but went little noticed until Wednesday’s letter, which explains its scope. The Act allows the EPA to negotiate agreements with states to promote equity. The Biden administration has stepped up its enforcement of environmental discrimination.

Colorado officials said they welcome the EPA review, more community participation and are reviewing their permitting policies to ensure they are focused on environmental justice.

“We’ve always prioritized the health and wellbeing of every Coloradan no matter their zip code, but we know we have even more to do,” said Trisha Oeth, our Director of Environmental Health and Protection in a statement.

But the EPA has found those priorities lacking at times.

The agency scrutinized the state’s handling of Suncor. Colorado’s only oil refinery is roughly 90 years old and is a major emitter of greenhouse gas emissions in the state.

In March, the EPA objected to a key air permit for the facility that state regulators were still reviewing 10 years after its original expiration date. The agency raised “significant environmental justice concerns” and said that the public wasn’t given enough opportunity to weigh in. The EPA didn’t object when the state issued a revised permit.

In July, the agency also said the state had issued permits for a mine, oil and gas wells and other small polluters even though they could contribute to violations of federal air quality standards.
Colorado said it would improve its reviews, but balked at revisiting its permitting decisions.

There are some signs the agency chose Colorado because it could prove a willing partner.

“Colorado has been one of the states that has been a leader in addressing environmental justice in the legislature,” said KC Becker, the head of the EPA region that includes Colorado and a former state legislative leader.

Colorado has strengthened air monitoring requirements. It increased funding for air permit reviews. The state’s greenhouse gas reduction plan aims to reduce pollution in overburdened areas. It also worked with the EPA to ensure inspections target the most polluted areas and when companies reach settlements for wrongdoing, they pay for projects that benefit communities.

The EPA may have an easier time convincing Colorado to change than it would, say, Texas, said Jeremy Nichols, head of climate and energy programs at WildEarth Guardians.

Colorado’s changes have “given EPA an opening to say, ‘well, if that is what you are committed to then let’s really test this out, let’s see you prove your mettle here,'” said Nichols.

Nichols said Colorado is too deferential to industry. He wants to see the state deny permits much more often.

Ian Coghill, an attorney with Earthjustice that is challenging the Suncor permit, says the push and pull between the EPA and state hasn’t yielded major improvements. Revisions to Suncor’s permit, he said “didn’t change a lot.”

He is hopeful the civil rights investigation will force the state to make changes and detail the cumulative effect of pollution from industry on residents of North Denver.

“I’m definitely optimistic,” he said.

The Associated Press receives support from the Walton Family Foundation for coverage of water and environmental policy. The AP is solely responsible for all content. For all of AP’s environmental coverage, visit https://apnews.com/hub/climate-and-environment
Should offshore fish farms play a role in US seafood industry?

BY ANTHONY PAHNKE, OPINION CONTRIBUTOR - 12/28/22

In this photo provided by the Washington State Department of Natural Resources, a crane and boats are anchored next to a collapsed “net pen” used by Cooke Aquaculture Pacific to farm Atlantic Salmon near Cypress Island in Washington state on Aug. 28, 2017. Washington has banned net-pen fish-farming in state waters, citing danger to struggling native salmon. Public Lands Commissioner Hilary Franz issued an executive order Friday banning such aquaculture. 
(David Bergvall/Washington State Department of Natural Resources via AP, File)

All-you-can-eat and beer-battered – coming from Wisconsin, these were the main ways I consumed fish for years.

So, when I moved across the country to California, it blew my mind the many kinds of fish that were available and how they could be prepared. Whether it’s wild red sea urchin, Dungeness crab or halibut, I’ve eaten some of these varieties sautéed, poached, or sometimes even raw.

Now, the menu may change again as legislators and regulators look to facilitate the development of factory fish farms using California as a staging ground. This move would likely decrease the availability of diverse seafood, as corporations mass produce a few species at the expense of local, small-scale fishers and the health of our marine ecosystems.

Around the world, fish consumption is rising. The United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) reports that consumption of aquatic food per capita steadily increased globally from a yearly average of 21.8lbs in the 1960s, to a record high of 45.2lbs in 2019, before falling slightly to 44.5lbs in 2020.

How to meet this growing demand has caught the attention of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) and other government agencies. In May 2020, President Trump signed an executive order that gave federal agencies the license to explore bringing industrial ocean fish farms to federal waters. Such farms consist of large, ball-shaped pens in the open ocean, containing thousands of fish of the same species in confined spaces.

Since then, NOAA has identified federal waters off of Southern California and the Gulf of Mexico as aquaculture opportunities areas to explore options for offshore fish farming.

In December, Rep. Alan Lowenthal (D-Calif.), who represents Long Beach and surrounding suburbs, introduced the ‘‘Science-based Equitable Aquaculture Food Act’’ (the SEAfood Act), which could further opened the door to industrial fish farming off our nation’s coasts.

Although this legislation went nowhere this past legislative session, it will probably be reintroduced next term by another California representative.

While the bill correctly orders research on offshore fish farming, the SEAfood Act is problematic in that it requires the approval of, and provides taxpayer money to, large-scale pilot fish farms in our oceans before consulting studies. This backwards approach violates the precautionary principle, which particularly in the areas of health, safety and environmental regulation, advises caution if large, irreversible effects could result from introducing some policy.

Environmentalists and fishers in Florida have been raising concerns over similar projects in the Gulf of Mexico. Environmental experts argue that leakage from the pods would likely contaminate waters with antibiotics and other toxins, as well as with untreated waste, while also increasing the risk for non-native fish to escape and spread disease and parasites in wild ecosystems.

Despite the well-documented risks of industrial fish farms, NOAA has awarded millions on multiple occasions for such endeavors.


We have seen this model of industrial food production with devastating consequences established on land — namely with concentrated animal feeding operations (CAFOS), which have increased in number nationally, while crop and livestock diversity on farms has declined.

According to a study by the National Resources Defense Council (NRDC), the concentrated waste that CAFOs generate not only contaminates drinking water sources, but also is connected to an increase of respiratory illnesses in neighboring communities. Such problems exist as oversight is patchy, if non-existent.

Essentially, offshore fishing facilities are ocean bound CAFOs.

Proponents of industrial farming — offshore fishing operations included — say that production needs to increase to meet consumption needs.

The problem with this argument is that much domestically caught seafood is exported.

Consider that in 2019, Americans consumed 6.3 billion pounds of seafood as American fishermen landed 9.3 billion. This, as the U.S. imports 70 to 85 percent of its seafood, with over $5 billion worth of fish and seafood exported in 2021 alone. Factory fish farming reinforces this system, producing fish geared primarily for export and niche markets.

Instead of supporting these operations, legislation could focus pilot studies on appropriately-scaled shellfish farming, seaweed farming, or land-based recirculating aquaculture systems that do not endanger our oceans.Lebanon-Israel deal counts as big win for both parties — and for US diplomacyThree ways the 118th Congress can confront the overdose crisis

Small-scale shellfish and seaweed farms, for instance, grow without inputs like feed and fertilizer. Oyster farms can be a boon to surrounding ecosystems, as a single oyster can filter 50 gallons of water per day. Kelp, meanwhile, absorbs huge amounts of carbon through photosynthesis, removing it from the ocean and atmosphere. Recirculating aquaculture systems raise freshwater varieties of fish, such as tilapia. These types of systems provide not only economic growth for communities, but also sustainable and healthy sources of nutrition, helping meet increased domestic demand for seafood.

Moving to California, I learned to love fish. I have also developed a deep respect for the ocean. For these reasons, factory fish farming off our coast worries me. We can’t have California be the leader in offshore fish farming that is ecologically and environmentally questionable. Doing so would be destructive not only for the well-being of consumers, but for all our finned neighbors and their habitats, in California and beyond.

Anthony Pahnke is vice president of Family Farm Defenders and an associate professor of international relations at San Francisco State University.
Reliance on hi-tech solutions to climate crisis perpetuates racism, says UN official

Rapporteur Tendayi Achiume says projects are at expense of marginalised groups and Indigenous peoples

Tendayi Achiume said the same structures that created ecological inequality were being relied on to solve the problem. Photograph: Mike Corder/AP


Damien Gayle
@damiengayle
THE GUARDIAN
Tue 27 Dec 2022 

The world’s reliance on hi-tech capitalist solutions to the climate and ecological crises is perpetuating racism, the outgoing UN racism rapporteur has warned.

Green solutions including electric cars, renewable energy and the rewilding of vast tracts of land are being implemented at the expense of racially and ethnically marginalised groups and Indigenous peoples, Tendayi Achiume told the Guardian in an interview.

In a last intervention before the end of her tenure, Achiume said meaningful solutions to the ecological crisis were not possible without tackling racism. But in a bleak assessment of the prospects for the future of humanity, she admitted it was “difficult to imagine” how that message could be made to resonate with people holding power.

“You can’t think that you solve the climate crisis and then attend to racial justice or racial discrimination,” Achiume said. “What you have to realise is that every action that is taken in relation to ecological crisis – environmental, climate and otherwise – has racial justice implications, and so every action becomes a site of undoing racial subordination.”

Achiume, a professor of law at the University of California, Los Angeles, was appointed as the UN’s special rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance in 2017, becoming the first woman and the first person from southern Africa to fill the role.

Her public comments have often been deemed controversial. On her first country visit as rapporteur, to the UK, she provoked the fury of the right by warning of a Brexit-related rise in bigotry and calling for a repeal of “hostile environment” immigration policies. She went on to deliver similarly strong comments to the governments of Morocco, the Netherlands and Qatar, decrying the latter for operating a “de facto caste system based on national origin”.


Climate emergency is a legacy of colonialism, says Greenpeace UK


In her reports, she has outlined how the extraction of natural resources, emerging digital technologies, and even global development frameworks were fuelling racial injustices, and the need for reparations for slavery and colonialism.

In her final report to the UN general assembly in October, she tackled the relationship between racism and the climate and ecological crises. It was, she said, an issue that had been raised from the very beginning of her tenure as one of the most important global factors in racial injustice.

“The global ecological crisis is simultaneously a racial justice crisis,” she wrote in the report. “The devastating effects of ecological crisis are disproportionately borne by racially, ethnically and nationally marginalised groups … Across nations, these groups overwhelmingly comprise the residents of the areas hardest hit by pollution, biodiversity loss and climate change.”

This climate justice-oriented perspective demands antiracist solutions, Achiume said. But the very same structures that created racial inequalities were now being relied upon to solve the environmental crisis, leading to a “doubling down on racial inequality and injustice”.

The 1.5C climate goal died at Cop27 – but hope must not

The rush towards sustainable alternatives to fossil fuels, including electric cars and renewable energy, was creating what Achiume described as “green sacrifice zones”, where already marginalised groups were exposed to environmental harms from the extraction of the very minerals needed for green tech.

The transition to electric cars, for example, implied a one-to-one substitution of vehicles “without accounting for the environmental impact of electric vehicles, and where the minerals and all of the materials that are required to produce electric vehicles are coming from,” she told the Guardian.

Indigenous communities and racially marginalised communities are being displaced by innovations that are supposed to be leading us towards clean energy,” she added. “And there you see how a green transition, unless it explicitly centres racial justice, can come at the expense of and reproduce these sorts of racial injustices.”

These problems were being caused by an approach that thinks the solution to the environmental crisis could simply be “a more concerted application of the global capitalist framework”, Achiume said. This meant that the very companies that had build their wealth from the destruction of the environment and from racial injustices were now being relied on to try to reverse the damage.

“We’re basically again trying to profit our way out of a crisis that is defined by an approach that thinks that profiting out of crisis is sustainable,” she said.

After Achiume’s final report was filed to the UN general assembly in October, delegates at the Cop27 climate change summit in Egypt agreed to a loss and damage fund to help underdeveloped countries adapt to climate-related disasters. These provisions were a positive step, and even “a way of forcing some engagement with reparations”, Achiume said.

“I see it as a wedge, you know, a way in the door, and a way to create space, for accountability for the historic injustice that brings us to this moment of the climate crisis.”

But, she added: “I worry that the way that that loss and damage fund will be set up will actually be done to [undermine] what is actually required and what is being demanded by the countries that are pushing for a loss and damage framework.

“So the danger here is that we’ll see what we’ve seen in the past, a gain is made and then that gain becomes a site for a doubling down on the mechanisms that actually keep us trapped in the problem, rather than moving us forward.”

Such groups are already suffering the brunt of climate breakdown and environmental harms, she said. Now they have been left the passive recipients of whatever solutions have been decided on by leaders from the global north.

“In consultations with Indigenous groups, and also with racially and ethnically marginalised groups, they talk about how they are takers rather than makers of the environmental and climate policies that affect their day to day,” Achiume said.
Female Activists’ Use of Images in Protests Against Oppression in Iran

Published on 12/28/2022 By Parichehr Kazemi

Images of unveiled Iranian women and adolescent girls standing atop police cars or flipping off the ayatollah’s picture have become signature demonstrations of dissent in the past few months of protest in Iran.

In fact, among the Iranian protest photos selected for inclusion in Time magazine’s list of the “Top 100 Photos of 2022” are one of women running from military police brigades and another of an unveiled woman standing on a car with hands raised.

As a scholar studying the use of images in political movements, I find Iranian protest photos powerful and engaging because they play on several elements of defiance. They draw on a longer history of Iranian women taking and sharing photos and videos of actions considered illegal, such as singing and dancing to protest gender oppression.



Pictures in past Iranian movements

Iranian women did not stage mass public demonstrations against restrictions on their freedoms for nearly three decades following the 1979 Islamic Revolution, when protests against compulsory hijab laws were brutally crushed by the Islamic regime.

In the 2009 Iranian Green Movement against election fraud, however, women played a major role. Images of one young female protester, Neda Agha-Soltan, who was fatally shot by security forces during the protest, went viral, catalyzing millions of Iranians to join the protests.

In subsequent protests, visuals have been at the heart of women’s efforts to mobilize against the Islamic Republic. In 2014, women began recording themselves walking, cycling, dancing and singing in public unveiled, under the banner of the “My Stealthy Freedom” movement. Started by Masih Alinejad, an Iranian-born journalist based in New York, the movement protested the forced wearing of the hijab and other restrictive laws by showing women breaking them.

Walking in busy city streets unveiled, riding a bike in parks where such activities are banned for women and joining dance circles in town squares were among the ways in which Iranian women protested oppressive laws and practices.

Four years later, what came to be known as the “Girls of Revolution Street,” protests started with one woman, Vida Movahed, standing atop a utility box on Tehran’s Revolution Street to wave her headscarf on a stick like a flag. Soon, others joined Movahed by repeating her action in other public spaces in Iran.

Images showing dozens of people protesting mandatory veiling in this way were widely shared on social media and later picked up by global news networks, bringing international attention to women’s resistance efforts in Iran.


The use of images by protesters has been a central practice of resistance in other protests around the world as well. During the Arab Spring, a series of protests against the ruling regimes that spread across the Middle East and North Africa in the early 2010s, images played an important role in mobilizing people into joining the movement.

A photo of a woman dragged by government forces in the streets of Egypt with her body exposed persuaded many to protest against what was a clear example of state violence in the Egyptian uprising. These images challenged the regime interpretations of protesters as “troublemakers” and helped bypass the state-controlled news networks to show the world what was happening on the ground.




What such a resistance means


Iranian women have been protesting the Islamic Republic’s sexist policies and showing the world what freedom and gender identity mean to them through their bodily expressions.

Images of women freely riding a bike or sitting with a member of the opposite sex while unveiled are ways of protesting through the everyday acts that women are barred from under the Islamic Republic. Through their widespread participation in these actions, women have shown a solidarity.

As it is difficult for the Islamic Republic to suppress this kind of protest, it often responds by arresting key activists who can be identified and imprisoning them for several years. In 2019, one activist associated with this form of protest, Yasaman Aryani, was sentenced to a 16-year jail term after a video surfaced of her handing out flowers in the Tehran metro unveiled.

Images of Iranian women engaged in defiant acts make their daily oppression visible. Scholar Mona Lilja describes these protests in terms of “resisting bodies” that speak in ways that are not always apparent at the outset of a demonstration or public act of defiance. Emotions, symbolic actions and women’s engagements with the spaces in which they protest combine to form the meaning of resistance we associate with these pictures.

Today’s protest pictures build on past resistance efforts and build on a tradition of resisting the Iranian government.


This article by Parichehr Kazemi, originally appeared on The Conversation, a Social Science Space partner site, under the title “How female Iranian activists use powerful images to protest oppressive policies.”


Parichehr Kazemi  is a 5th-year PhD Candidate in political science at the University of Oregon. Her research focuses on the intersection of social movements and revolutions, with a focus on women's rights issues and resistance in authoritarian contexts.

Deadly bomb cyclone transforms NORTH  AMERICA  into stunning, savage landscape

US Workers Are Standing Up Against Railway Unions’ Raw Deal

Biden forced railway workers to accept an agreement that lacked paid sick days; now rallies against the deal have spread across the country.



BY SHUVU BHATTARAI
DECEMBER 15, 2022

Shuvu Bhattarai
A Railroad Workers United member speaks at the rally outside Grand Central Terminal in New York City.

On December 7, outside of New York City’s Grand Central Terminal, a crowd of more than 100 Metro-North Railroad workers, airline pilots, construction workers, teachers, and activists held a solidarity rally in support of railway unions.

The rally is the latest in a string of protests that have taken place across the country after President Joe Biden and the U.S. Congress imposed a tentative agreement on Class I freight rail workers, an agreement that had been voted down the membership of four rail unions representing a total of around 60,000 workers. The agreement grants only one additional day of paid sick leave, which was a major concern for the rail workers, many of whom are on call virtually 24/7.

Five days before the Grand Central rally, on December 2, about 200 protesters held a demonstration outside of Boston’s JFK Museum, while Biden was visiting. They called the President a “scab” and a “strikebreaker,” chanting “striking is a human right,” and demanding sick leave for all. On December 5, around 30 people demonstrated outside of the Brooklyn home of Democratic Senator Chuck Schumer. Schumer had voted for the tentative agreement.

On December 6, a small protest was held at the University of California, Berkeley, where striking UC Grad Workers spoke about how their struggle was connected to that of the rail workers. The next day, a group of twenty-five union members and activists in Baltimore, Maryland, gathered with similar demands.

At the Grand Central rally, which was partly coordinated by the December 12th Movement, a Black human rights organization based in New York City, organizer Omowale Clay echoed the feeling of betrayal by the Democratic establishment that’s been driving these outpourings of solidarity: “To take away the right of our brothers and sisters to strike is a violation of their human rights. To take away their right to be sick so that they can speed up and exploit us more is a violation of their human rights.”

Justine Medina, a worker organizing with the Amazon Labor Union added, “We won our election on April 1, eight months ago, and the bosses refused to recognize Amazon Labor Union, refused to come to the table to negotiate a contract, just like the railroad workers.”

Similar messages of support were echoed by teachers, construction workers, and others during the protest. A member of Railroad Workers United, a cross-union solidarity caucus of railroad workers, spoke of how the conditions in the job deteriorated especially over the past few years.

Recognizing that anger is running high among the workforce and the general public, the rail unions SMART-TD and BLET announced on December 9 that they would be hosting rallies across the country. That same day, Senator Bernie Sanders, Independent of Vermont, and Congressmember Jamaal Bowman, Democrat of New York, alongside seventy other lawmakers presented a letter to Biden calling for executive action to guarantee seven days of paid sick leave to rail workers.

On December 13, twelve rallies were held around the country, with the main protest in Washington, D.C. There was a crowd of roughly 100 people at the D.C. gathering. Among those in attendance were several Congressmembers such as Senators Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, Democrat of Massachusetts, and Democratic Representatives Ilhan Omar of Minnesota, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and Jamaal Bowman of New York, Cori Bush of Missouri, and Rashida Tlaib of Michigan.

Among the crowd were also workers and staff from a variety of unions including the railroad unions SMART and BMWED. Other unions, such as the American Postal Workers Union, the International Union of Painters and Allied Trades, and the National Association of Letter Carriers, also showed up in support.

Speakers at the protest conveyed a general message against “corporate greed.” As Sanders said in a speech addressed to railroad workers, “What you have shown the country is how outrageous this level of corporate greed, and how we have got to in the rail industry and other industries, to tell the people who own this country that we will put an end to their corporate greed.”