Tuesday, April 21, 2020
Amazon warehouse workers plan nationwide protest this week to demand coronavirus protections
Annie Palmer CNBC APRIL 21, 2020
Amazon warehouse workers are planning a "mass call out" this week to call attention to what they call a lack of protections for employees who continue to come to work amid the coronavirus outbreak.
© Provided by CNBC Amazon workers at Amazon's Staten Island warehouse strike in demand that the facility be shut down and cleaned after one staffer tested positive for the coronavirus on March 30, 2020 in New York.
More than 300 Amazon workers across at least 50 facilities have signed up to take part in the protest, according to United for Respect, a worker rights group. To participate in the protest, workers will call out of work "en masse across the country" starting tomorrow and throughout the week. The protest is taking place across several days because workers are scheduled to report to their shifts on different days and at various times.
The workers are calling for Amazon to "immediately close down" any facilities that report positive cases and to provide testing and two weeks of pay for workers during that time. They're also calling for Amazon to provide paid sick leave, guarantee healthcare for all Amazon associates, eliminate rate-based quotas "that make hand-washing and sanitizing impossible" and commit not to retaliate against associates who speak out, among other demands.
The company's labor practices drew further criticism after Amazon fired a Staten Island warehouse worker who organized a strike to demand greater protections for employees amid the coronavirus outbreak. Chris Smalls, a management assistant at the facility, said he was fired for organizing the strike, but Amazon said it fired Smalls because he violated social distancing rules while he was supposed to be under quarantine after being exposed to a coworker who tested positive for the coronavirus.
Amazon declined to comment on the walkout plans for this week. But in the past, the company has downplayed the walkouts, saying only a small percentage of workers at the facilities participated in the protests and there was no disruption to operations.
A spokesperson from Amazon previously highlighted the number of steps the company has taken to protect warehouse workers during the pandemic. Amazon increased the frequency and intensity of cleaning at all of its sites and requires that employees sanitize and clean their work stations at the start and end of shifts. It has also started taking employees' temperatures when they report to work and has supplied them with face masks.
Despite this, warehouse workers say Amazon isn't doing enough to protect them from catching the virus while they're on the job. Monica Moody, a packer at an Amazon facility in Charlotte, North Carolina, said it's one of the reasons why she plans to participate in the "mass call out" tomorrow.
"I just want better treatment," said Moody, who is also a member of United for Respect. "I would feel a whole lot safer if they would just close down facilities for two weeks and clean them. I would go back to work, no problem."
Annie Palmer CNBC APRIL 21, 2020
Amazon warehouse workers are planning a "mass call out" this week to call attention to what they call a lack of protections for employees who continue to come to work amid the coronavirus outbreak.
More than 300 Amazon workers across at least 50 facilities have signed up to take part in the protest, according to United for Respect, a worker rights group. To participate in the protest, workers will call out of work "en masse across the country" starting tomorrow and throughout the week. The protest is taking place across several days because workers are scheduled to report to their shifts on different days and at various times.
The workers are calling for Amazon to "immediately close down" any facilities that report positive cases and to provide testing and two weeks of pay for workers during that time. They're also calling for Amazon to provide paid sick leave, guarantee healthcare for all Amazon associates, eliminate rate-based quotas "that make hand-washing and sanitizing impossible" and commit not to retaliate against associates who speak out, among other demands.
The protest marks the first nationwide effort by warehouse workers to demand coronavirus safety protections, after workers staged walkouts at Amazon facilities in Staten Island, New York; Detroit and Illinois in recent weeks. Their calls have also sparked action from some of Amazon's corporate employees, who are hosting a "virtual sick out" on April 24 to demand that the company reinstate fired workers and to protest its treatment of warehouse workers.
The company's labor practices drew further criticism after Amazon fired a Staten Island warehouse worker who organized a strike to demand greater protections for employees amid the coronavirus outbreak. Chris Smalls, a management assistant at the facility, said he was fired for organizing the strike, but Amazon said it fired Smalls because he violated social distancing rules while he was supposed to be under quarantine after being exposed to a coworker who tested positive for the coronavirus.
Amazon declined to comment on the walkout plans for this week. But in the past, the company has downplayed the walkouts, saying only a small percentage of workers at the facilities participated in the protests and there was no disruption to operations.
A spokesperson from Amazon previously highlighted the number of steps the company has taken to protect warehouse workers during the pandemic. Amazon increased the frequency and intensity of cleaning at all of its sites and requires that employees sanitize and clean their work stations at the start and end of shifts. It has also started taking employees' temperatures when they report to work and has supplied them with face masks.
Despite this, warehouse workers say Amazon isn't doing enough to protect them from catching the virus while they're on the job. Monica Moody, a packer at an Amazon facility in Charlotte, North Carolina, said it's one of the reasons why she plans to participate in the "mass call out" tomorrow.
"I just want better treatment," said Moody, who is also a member of United for Respect. "I would feel a whole lot safer if they would just close down facilities for two weeks and clean them. I would go back to work, no problem."
JEHOVAH WITNESSES APOCALYPSE NOW
'People Would Be So Receptive Right Now, and We Can't Knock on Doors.'
ANOTHER 19TH CENTURY AMERICAN CREATED END TIMES RELIGION (CULT)THAT DOES NOT BELIEVE IN THE CHRISTIAN TRINITY; FATHER, SON, HOLY GHOST. IT WAS THE BEST OF TIMES, IT WAS THE WORST OF TIMES, IT WAS THE END TIMES HALLELUJAH
'People Would Be So Receptive Right Now, and We Can't Knock on Doors.'
ANOTHER 19TH CENTURY AMERICAN CREATED END TIMES RELIGION (CULT)THAT DOES NOT BELIEVE IN THE CHRISTIAN TRINITY; FATHER, SON, HOLY GHOST. IT WAS THE BEST OF TIMES, IT WAS THE WORST OF TIMES, IT WAS THE END TIMES HALLELUJAH
Dionne Searcey, The New York Times•April 20, 2020
Brenda Francis, a Jehovah's Witness, at her home in
Calhoun, Ga., April 13, 2020. (Audra Melton/The New York Times)
Brenda Francis settled into the Kingdom Hall in Calhoun, Georgia, in mid-March, surrounded by dozens of familiar faces. Signs cautioning against shaking hands and hugging were posted around the room. It felt weird to her but was certainly understandable with the threat of an outbreak looming. She herself already had stocked up on some masks and gloves.
When it came time for members to comment on the Bible readings, Francis noticed the microphones typically passed around the room were now attached to the end of long poles.
That was the moment Francis, a 69-year-old widow living in a small, semirural community in the South, realized just how dramatically the coronavirus pandemic was about to reshape her spiritual life, more than anything ever had in the 47 years since she was baptized as a Jehovah’s Witness.
A few days after the boom mics came out in the Kingdom Hall, word came down from the group’s headquarters that, in the interest of safety, Jehovah’s Witnesses should stop witnessing, its practice of in-person attempts at converting people to the group.
“People would be so receptive right now,” she said of her ministry, “and we can’t knock on doors.”
Across the country, most religious groups have stopped coming together in large numbers to pray and hold services, in keeping with stay-at-home orders. They have improvised with online preaching and even drive-in services as the faithful sit in cars. Mormons have stopped going door to door in the United States and called home many missionaries working abroad.
Jehovah’s Witnesses — with 1.3 million U.S. members who hand out brochures on sidewalks and subway platforms and ring doorbells — are one of the most visible religious groups in the nation. Members are called on to share Scriptures in person with nonmembers, warning of an imminent Armageddon and hoping to baptize them with the prospect of living forever.
The decision to stop their ministries was the first of its kind in the nearly 150 years of the group’s existence. It followed anguished discussions at Watchtower headquarters, with leaders deciding March 20 that knocking on doors would leave the impression that members were disregarding the safety of those they hoped to convert.
“This was not an easy decision for anybody,” said Robert Hendriks, the group’s U.S. spokesman. “As you know, our ministry is our life.”
It was for Francis, who became a Jehovah’s Witness when she was in her 20s with a newborn and a member knocked on her door in Tennessee and persuaded her to attend a Kingdom Hall meeting. She converted. Her family was angry that she no longer came to holiday gatherings; the group doesn’t believe in celebrating holidays or birthdays. Jehovah’s Witnesses became her new family.
The more she studied the Bible, the more she came to believe it led to eternal life. She needed to spread the word.
Showing up cold on someone’s doorstep didn’t come naturally. She was so shy that once, she recalled, her high school principal — “this huge Goliath guy” — stood on her foot in a crowded hallway; she didn’t say a word but waited in pain for him to move. She had considered a career going door to door as a Mason Shoes saleswoman, but after receiving a catalog, she never mustered the courage to even try to make a sale.
To her, witnessing was different. Her faith had helped her stop smoking. It gave her meaning. She had seen people clean up their lives after attending meetings at Kingdom Hall.
“By the time I did go to doors, I was so convinced this was the right thing to do that I had no nervousness,” Francis said.
Through the years, she learned to build her pitch around a theme — a Bible verse or a current event — and tried not to sound rehearsed.
“You don’t want to sound like a robot,” she said. “You work from the heart. You want enthusiasm.”
Early this year, Francis had been seeing reports on Facebook about the virus sweeping through Wuhan, China. The host of a show she watched on YouTube, Peak Prosperity, had been warning that the outbreak could spread internationally.
She bought masks and face shields, just in case. She started using plastic grocery bags to cover the gas pump handle when she filled up her tank.
By early March, the virus still hadn’t hit Gordon County, where Francis lives. But the possibility was weighing on her mind. The message on her favorite YouTube show was getting more dire as the host, Chris Martenson, a financial guru-turned-pandemic early warner, ratcheted up his pleadings for viewers to prepare themselves.
Francis’ 27-year-old granddaughter has a compromised immune system. As a senior citizen, she herself was vulnerable. She did what she always has done and channeled her own feelings into her door-knocking ministry. Do you think, she would ask people as she carpooled with other members to canvass the county, that the virus is a sign of the end of the world?
“No one was paying much attention,” she said.
Elsewhere, in places like New York where infections were starting to climb, Jehovah’s Witnesses members were feeling the pinch on their ministries.
One of them, Joe Babsky, had been easing into conversations with members of his Planet Fitness gym in the Bronx for weeks. He knew them by first name only: Jerry, who had lost more than 100 pounds; Jason, who seemed to spend an hour on each body part; Bernie, a 78-year-old who was more fit than men half his age. Babsky had shown a few of them Bible verses and had made progress recently with Bernie discussing the logic behind the existence of an intelligent creator.
Then the gym closed.
“All those conversations and others were cut short,” Babsky said.
Life continued as normal in Francis’ town of Calhoun. She was convinced things were about to change, but she was too embarrassed to wear a mask — until an encounter in Costco when a passing shopper coughed without covering her mouth.
In mid-March, her Kingdom Hall meetings went virtual. Members logged into Zoom to share Bible Scriptures. Francis settled on one that she thought would resonate as she knocked on doors in her neighborhood across the county, which had by then registered a handful of COVID-19 cases.
At the doorstep, Francis would start her pitch by asking people if they could make one thing in the world go away, what would it be? If the answer had to do with the pandemic, she would recite a couple of verses from the book of Luke:
“There will be great earthquakes, and in one place after another food shortages and pestilences; and there will be fearful sights and from heaven great signs.”
All the signs were clear, she would announce. Armageddon was near. Her message finally seemed to be resonating with people.
And then she got word to stop knocking on doors.
“This has been so much a part of our lives, so it was like, wow,” she said. “I have often envisioned in paradise where going door to door would not be a thing because everyone knows God.”
This was not paradise.
But Francis was convinced that the end of the world was not far away. There were just too many signs, she said. And so she and many other Jehovah’s Witnesses members were more compelled than ever to witness any way they could. Many began writing letters or making phone calls to anyone whose numbers they had managed to collect before the pandemic hit.
Masked and gloved, Francis hands out pamphlets and cards with her phone number on them to fellow shoppers at the grocery store.
Last week, she sent a text to a woman in Hawkinsville, Georgia, a few miles away, whom she had been contacting from time to time. The woman said her restaurant had to close because of the pandemic and her brother-in-law was sick with the virus. A couple of days later he died.
Francis texted Scriptures to the woman and told her that soon all the sickness on Earth would be over; all sins would be forgiven; paradise was near.
The next day she received a written response: “Thank you so much for the information. It was such a comfort.”
This article originally appeared in The New York Times.
© 2020 The New York Times Company
Brenda Francis settled into the Kingdom Hall in Calhoun, Georgia, in mid-March, surrounded by dozens of familiar faces. Signs cautioning against shaking hands and hugging were posted around the room. It felt weird to her but was certainly understandable with the threat of an outbreak looming. She herself already had stocked up on some masks and gloves.
When it came time for members to comment on the Bible readings, Francis noticed the microphones typically passed around the room were now attached to the end of long poles.
That was the moment Francis, a 69-year-old widow living in a small, semirural community in the South, realized just how dramatically the coronavirus pandemic was about to reshape her spiritual life, more than anything ever had in the 47 years since she was baptized as a Jehovah’s Witness.
A few days after the boom mics came out in the Kingdom Hall, word came down from the group’s headquarters that, in the interest of safety, Jehovah’s Witnesses should stop witnessing, its practice of in-person attempts at converting people to the group.
“People would be so receptive right now,” she said of her ministry, “and we can’t knock on doors.”
Across the country, most religious groups have stopped coming together in large numbers to pray and hold services, in keeping with stay-at-home orders. They have improvised with online preaching and even drive-in services as the faithful sit in cars. Mormons have stopped going door to door in the United States and called home many missionaries working abroad.
Jehovah’s Witnesses — with 1.3 million U.S. members who hand out brochures on sidewalks and subway platforms and ring doorbells — are one of the most visible religious groups in the nation. Members are called on to share Scriptures in person with nonmembers, warning of an imminent Armageddon and hoping to baptize them with the prospect of living forever.
The decision to stop their ministries was the first of its kind in the nearly 150 years of the group’s existence. It followed anguished discussions at Watchtower headquarters, with leaders deciding March 20 that knocking on doors would leave the impression that members were disregarding the safety of those they hoped to convert.
“This was not an easy decision for anybody,” said Robert Hendriks, the group’s U.S. spokesman. “As you know, our ministry is our life.”
It was for Francis, who became a Jehovah’s Witness when she was in her 20s with a newborn and a member knocked on her door in Tennessee and persuaded her to attend a Kingdom Hall meeting. She converted. Her family was angry that she no longer came to holiday gatherings; the group doesn’t believe in celebrating holidays or birthdays. Jehovah’s Witnesses became her new family.
The more she studied the Bible, the more she came to believe it led to eternal life. She needed to spread the word.
Showing up cold on someone’s doorstep didn’t come naturally. She was so shy that once, she recalled, her high school principal — “this huge Goliath guy” — stood on her foot in a crowded hallway; she didn’t say a word but waited in pain for him to move. She had considered a career going door to door as a Mason Shoes saleswoman, but after receiving a catalog, she never mustered the courage to even try to make a sale.
To her, witnessing was different. Her faith had helped her stop smoking. It gave her meaning. She had seen people clean up their lives after attending meetings at Kingdom Hall.
“By the time I did go to doors, I was so convinced this was the right thing to do that I had no nervousness,” Francis said.
Through the years, she learned to build her pitch around a theme — a Bible verse or a current event — and tried not to sound rehearsed.
“You don’t want to sound like a robot,” she said. “You work from the heart. You want enthusiasm.”
Early this year, Francis had been seeing reports on Facebook about the virus sweeping through Wuhan, China. The host of a show she watched on YouTube, Peak Prosperity, had been warning that the outbreak could spread internationally.
She bought masks and face shields, just in case. She started using plastic grocery bags to cover the gas pump handle when she filled up her tank.
By early March, the virus still hadn’t hit Gordon County, where Francis lives. But the possibility was weighing on her mind. The message on her favorite YouTube show was getting more dire as the host, Chris Martenson, a financial guru-turned-pandemic early warner, ratcheted up his pleadings for viewers to prepare themselves.
Francis’ 27-year-old granddaughter has a compromised immune system. As a senior citizen, she herself was vulnerable. She did what she always has done and channeled her own feelings into her door-knocking ministry. Do you think, she would ask people as she carpooled with other members to canvass the county, that the virus is a sign of the end of the world?
“No one was paying much attention,” she said.
Elsewhere, in places like New York where infections were starting to climb, Jehovah’s Witnesses members were feeling the pinch on their ministries.
One of them, Joe Babsky, had been easing into conversations with members of his Planet Fitness gym in the Bronx for weeks. He knew them by first name only: Jerry, who had lost more than 100 pounds; Jason, who seemed to spend an hour on each body part; Bernie, a 78-year-old who was more fit than men half his age. Babsky had shown a few of them Bible verses and had made progress recently with Bernie discussing the logic behind the existence of an intelligent creator.
Then the gym closed.
“All those conversations and others were cut short,” Babsky said.
Life continued as normal in Francis’ town of Calhoun. She was convinced things were about to change, but she was too embarrassed to wear a mask — until an encounter in Costco when a passing shopper coughed without covering her mouth.
In mid-March, her Kingdom Hall meetings went virtual. Members logged into Zoom to share Bible Scriptures. Francis settled on one that she thought would resonate as she knocked on doors in her neighborhood across the county, which had by then registered a handful of COVID-19 cases.
At the doorstep, Francis would start her pitch by asking people if they could make one thing in the world go away, what would it be? If the answer had to do with the pandemic, she would recite a couple of verses from the book of Luke:
“There will be great earthquakes, and in one place after another food shortages and pestilences; and there will be fearful sights and from heaven great signs.”
All the signs were clear, she would announce. Armageddon was near. Her message finally seemed to be resonating with people.
And then she got word to stop knocking on doors.
“This has been so much a part of our lives, so it was like, wow,” she said. “I have often envisioned in paradise where going door to door would not be a thing because everyone knows God.”
This was not paradise.
But Francis was convinced that the end of the world was not far away. There were just too many signs, she said. And so she and many other Jehovah’s Witnesses members were more compelled than ever to witness any way they could. Many began writing letters or making phone calls to anyone whose numbers they had managed to collect before the pandemic hit.
Masked and gloved, Francis hands out pamphlets and cards with her phone number on them to fellow shoppers at the grocery store.
Last week, she sent a text to a woman in Hawkinsville, Georgia, a few miles away, whom she had been contacting from time to time. The woman said her restaurant had to close because of the pandemic and her brother-in-law was sick with the virus. A couple of days later he died.
Francis texted Scriptures to the woman and told her that soon all the sickness on Earth would be over; all sins would be forgiven; paradise was near.
The next day she received a written response: “Thank you so much for the information. It was such a comfort.”
This article originally appeared in The New York Times.
© 2020 The New York Times Company
CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY
US appeals order to give detained migrants beds in ArizonaASTRID GALVAN,Associated Press•April 20, 2020
US Border Patrol-Freezing Cells
FILE - In this Thursday Aug. 9, 2012, file photo, persons are detained for being in the country illegally and are moved out of the holding area after being processed at the Tucson Sector of the U.S. Border Patrol's headquarters in Tucson, Ariz. The federal government is appealing an order by a U.S. District Court judge requiring the Border Patrol to provide beds, blankets, showers and medical evaluations to migrants held in its Tucson Sector facilities for over 48 hours. (AP Photo/Ross D. Franklin, File)
PHOENIX (AP) — The Trump administration on Monday appealed a federal court order requiring the U.S. Border Patrol to provide beds, blankets, showers, quality food and medical evaluations to migrants held in many Arizona facilities longer than 48 hours.
In February, U.S. District Judge David C. Bury ruled in favor of migrants who sued nearly five years ago over what they called dangerously crowded and inhumane conditions in Arizona’s Tucson Sector, which covers most of the state.
Bury wrote that the Border Patrol and its parent agencies, including Customs and Border Protection, “administer a detention system that deprives detainees, who are held in CBP stations, Tucson Sector, longer than 48 hours, of conditions of confinement that meet basic human needs.”
The judge issued the final order last week, calling on the government to provide actual beds, not sleeping mats, and washable blankets, not the thin, foil-type ones provided now. It also requires that immigrants detained longer than two days get meals approved by a nutritionist and assessed by a doctor, nurse or other medical professional.
Migrants have long decried conditions in Border Patrol facilities, now infamously known as hieleras, or iceboxes, filing the lawsuit in June 2015. Video shown during the January trial showed a man walking over body after body in an attempt to reach a bathroom. His cell was so crowded, migrants were sleeping in the bathrooms, too.
The government has long said that the facilities are meant for short-term stays and that immigrants only remain for extended periods when other agencies don't have the capacity to take them in.
President Donald Trump's administration didn't list a reason for its appeal. But government attorneys argued in court that no constitutional violations had been proven and that the Border Patrol has taken steps to reduce time in custody. An attorney also said at trial that there wasn't funding to build facilities with beds.
The order applies only to the Tucson Sector, which includes eight facilities where migrants are held before they are deported or transferred to Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
US Border Patrol-Freezing Cells
FILE - In this Thursday Aug. 9, 2012, file photo, persons are detained for being in the country illegally and are moved out of the holding area after being processed at the Tucson Sector of the U.S. Border Patrol's headquarters in Tucson, Ariz. The federal government is appealing an order by a U.S. District Court judge requiring the Border Patrol to provide beds, blankets, showers and medical evaluations to migrants held in its Tucson Sector facilities for over 48 hours. (AP Photo/Ross D. Franklin, File)
PHOENIX (AP) — The Trump administration on Monday appealed a federal court order requiring the U.S. Border Patrol to provide beds, blankets, showers, quality food and medical evaluations to migrants held in many Arizona facilities longer than 48 hours.
In February, U.S. District Judge David C. Bury ruled in favor of migrants who sued nearly five years ago over what they called dangerously crowded and inhumane conditions in Arizona’s Tucson Sector, which covers most of the state.
Bury wrote that the Border Patrol and its parent agencies, including Customs and Border Protection, “administer a detention system that deprives detainees, who are held in CBP stations, Tucson Sector, longer than 48 hours, of conditions of confinement that meet basic human needs.”
The judge issued the final order last week, calling on the government to provide actual beds, not sleeping mats, and washable blankets, not the thin, foil-type ones provided now. It also requires that immigrants detained longer than two days get meals approved by a nutritionist and assessed by a doctor, nurse or other medical professional.
Migrants have long decried conditions in Border Patrol facilities, now infamously known as hieleras, or iceboxes, filing the lawsuit in June 2015. Video shown during the January trial showed a man walking over body after body in an attempt to reach a bathroom. His cell was so crowded, migrants were sleeping in the bathrooms, too.
The government has long said that the facilities are meant for short-term stays and that immigrants only remain for extended periods when other agencies don't have the capacity to take them in.
President Donald Trump's administration didn't list a reason for its appeal. But government attorneys argued in court that no constitutional violations had been proven and that the Border Patrol has taken steps to reduce time in custody. An attorney also said at trial that there wasn't funding to build facilities with beds.
The order applies only to the Tucson Sector, which includes eight facilities where migrants are held before they are deported or transferred to Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
Coronavirus threatens to trigger new round of global food crisis: China official
ALL REVOLUTIONS BEGIN WITH A FOOD CRISIS
By Hallie Gu and Emily Chow, Reuters•April 19, 2020
FILE PHOTO: Chinese Vice Agriculture Minister Yu Kangzhen speaks at a news conference in Beijing
BEIJING/SHANGHAI (Reuters) - The global coronavirus pandemic threatens to cause a huge shock to international food trade and trigger a new food crisis, a top agriculture official in China said on Monday.
The comments came as coronavirus outbreaks roiled global agriculture supply chains and upended trade, and after some countries restricted exports of main grains and increased procurement for reserves.
"The fast spreading global epidemic has brought huge uncertainty on international agriculture trade and markets," said Yu Kangzhen, China's deputy agriculture minister.
"If the epidemic continues to spread and escalate, the impact on international food trade and production will definitely worsen, and might trigger a new round of food crisis," Yu said during a video conference on the country's agriculture outlook.
The pandemic and measures some countries took to secure domestic supplies have inhibited normal trade and supplies, and caused some major price fluctuations, Yu added.
The coronavirus pandemic, which started in the central Chinese city of Wuhan late last year, has infected 2.3 million people and killed 159,000 people worldwide.
Strict lockdowns and quarantines to control the coronavirus outbreaks have disrupted China's supply chains and made it difficult for many industries to find enough workers, delayed poultry and pig production in the world's top meats market.
Though China has sufficient grains to meet domestic demand, some other import-reliant farm products like soybeans and edible oils may be impacted by the global pandemic, Yu said.
China's exports of aquaculture, vegetables, and tea will be affected due to the disease, Yu added.
Speaking at the same conference, Agriculture Minister Han Changfu ruled out a food crisis in China, saying it had the confidence and ability to secure supplies of grain and other major agricultural products.
While the pace of domestic virus transmissions has slowed, China is focusing on infections from overseas arrivals as it guards against a major resurgence and monitors the spread in northeastern Heilongjiang province.
"The risk of imported coronavirus is still huge and will put considerable pressure on livestock production," Yu said.
China is also fighting with the deadly African swine fever, which has slashed its pig herd by at least 40% and is still spreading. The country has reported 13 new cases of African swine fever since March.
"African swine fever risks have significantly increased, as pig production recovery accelerates and more piglets and breeders get transported," Yu said.
China's farmers, lured by good profits and a series of government policies, have sped up efforts to rebuild pig herd.
Pests, drought and floods also present harsher threats than usual to output this year, Yu added.
(Interactive graphic tracking global spread of coronavirus: open https://tmsnrt.rs/3aIRuz7
ALL REVOLUTIONS BEGIN WITH A FOOD CRISIS
By Hallie Gu and Emily Chow, Reuters•April 19, 2020
FILE PHOTO: Chinese Vice Agriculture Minister Yu Kangzhen speaks at a news conference in Beijing
BEIJING/SHANGHAI (Reuters) - The global coronavirus pandemic threatens to cause a huge shock to international food trade and trigger a new food crisis, a top agriculture official in China said on Monday.
The comments came as coronavirus outbreaks roiled global agriculture supply chains and upended trade, and after some countries restricted exports of main grains and increased procurement for reserves.
"The fast spreading global epidemic has brought huge uncertainty on international agriculture trade and markets," said Yu Kangzhen, China's deputy agriculture minister.
"If the epidemic continues to spread and escalate, the impact on international food trade and production will definitely worsen, and might trigger a new round of food crisis," Yu said during a video conference on the country's agriculture outlook.
The pandemic and measures some countries took to secure domestic supplies have inhibited normal trade and supplies, and caused some major price fluctuations, Yu added.
The coronavirus pandemic, which started in the central Chinese city of Wuhan late last year, has infected 2.3 million people and killed 159,000 people worldwide.
Strict lockdowns and quarantines to control the coronavirus outbreaks have disrupted China's supply chains and made it difficult for many industries to find enough workers, delayed poultry and pig production in the world's top meats market.
Though China has sufficient grains to meet domestic demand, some other import-reliant farm products like soybeans and edible oils may be impacted by the global pandemic, Yu said.
China's exports of aquaculture, vegetables, and tea will be affected due to the disease, Yu added.
Speaking at the same conference, Agriculture Minister Han Changfu ruled out a food crisis in China, saying it had the confidence and ability to secure supplies of grain and other major agricultural products.
While the pace of domestic virus transmissions has slowed, China is focusing on infections from overseas arrivals as it guards against a major resurgence and monitors the spread in northeastern Heilongjiang province.
"The risk of imported coronavirus is still huge and will put considerable pressure on livestock production," Yu said.
China is also fighting with the deadly African swine fever, which has slashed its pig herd by at least 40% and is still spreading. The country has reported 13 new cases of African swine fever since March.
"African swine fever risks have significantly increased, as pig production recovery accelerates and more piglets and breeders get transported," Yu said.
China's farmers, lured by good profits and a series of government policies, have sped up efforts to rebuild pig herd.
Pests, drought and floods also present harsher threats than usual to output this year, Yu added.
(Interactive graphic tracking global spread of coronavirus: open https://tmsnrt.rs/3aIRuz7
in an external browser.)
(Reporting by Hallie Gu and Emily Chow; Editing by Christian Schmollinger, Clarence Fernandez and Michael Perry)
(Reporting by Hallie Gu and Emily Chow; Editing by Christian Schmollinger, Clarence Fernandez and Michael Perry)
Monday, April 20, 2020
Ethiopia and Eritrea: A wedding, birth and baptism at the borderBBC•April 20, 2020
ETHIOPIA IS EDEN, IT IS THE ORIGIN OF ALL THE ABRAHAMIC RELIGIONS OF THE BOOK, JUDAISM, CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAMISM
A peace deal between neighbours Ethiopia and Eritrea ending two decades of tension has transformed the border areas, reports the BBC's Rob Wilson.
Sat in a ground-floor flat in the city of Adigrat, northern Ethiopia, Zefer Sultan is having her hair braided ready for the baptism of her first child.
Playing on the TV in the corner of the room is her wedding video from a year before, which is keeping them entertained.
"Our wedding was almost at the same time as when the border was opened. It was a double happiness," she explains.
Late 2018 was a time of jubilation for many living close to the Ethiopia-Eritrea border.
A new peace deal between the previously warring countries had been agreed, and movement across the border permitted for the first time in 20 years.
Families who had been separated for this time were reunited, and events such as Zefer's wedding brought friends and relatives together to celebrate once again.
"Now I hope our son's baptism will be even better. I hope lots of family from both Eritrea and Ethiopia will come," Zefer adds.
Celebrations broke out at the Ethiopia-Eritrea border when it reopened in 2018
The ceremony is set to take place in Zalambessa, where the families of Zefer and her husband Zeray come from. It is situated just on the Ethiopian side of the border.
The town saw heavy fighting during the 1998-2000 war and suffered from economic stagnation for the following 18 years as the border was closed and heavily militarised on both sides.
Everyone in the town has a story of separation.
'We had to watch the funeral from a distance'
Important family events such as baptisms and weddings were missed by many. In some cases, people were not able to say goodbye to their loved ones as they were taking their final breaths.
Abrahaley Gebremariam, a local Ethiopian photographer, was unable to reach his ailing grandmother in Eritrea.
"We had to watch the funeral and remembrance services from a distance, we had no choice but to grieve her death from here," he says, pointing out her village just across the border.
"But we were with her in spirit."
Abrahaley has been able to cross the border twice since 2018 to celebrate religious festivals and visit his family.
"I am the flesh and blood of both people," he says.
This sentiment oozes through the borderlands.
It would be easy to imagine there might be animosity between Ethiopians and Eritreans in the area; as many as 100,000 people were killed during the conflict and many more were forced from their homes.
But the social and cultural ties have proved to be deeper, and have endured the forced separation that followed the war.
Gebrehiwet Kahsay, the grandfather of Zefer's new-born baby, explains why.
"The people were not in conflict, the problem was the leaders," he says.
"The people never betrayed each other."
Borders open - and then close
Zalambessa started to go through a transformation when the checkpoints opened again in 2018. Unrestricted movement brought about a business boom as trade and travel multiplied. Local businesses reaped the benefits.
"It became a bustling trade hub with hundreds of vehicles travelling back and forth. Peace and reconciliation enabled me to work in both countries as a cameraman," Abrahaley recalls.
The ceremony is set to take place in Zalambessa, where the families of Zefer and her husband Zeray come from. It is situated just on the Ethiopian side of the border.
The town saw heavy fighting during the 1998-2000 war and suffered from economic stagnation for the following 18 years as the border was closed and heavily militarised on both sides.
Everyone in the town has a story of separation.
'We had to watch the funeral from a distance'
Important family events such as baptisms and weddings were missed by many. In some cases, people were not able to say goodbye to their loved ones as they were taking their final breaths.
Abrahaley Gebremariam, a local Ethiopian photographer, was unable to reach his ailing grandmother in Eritrea.
"We had to watch the funeral and remembrance services from a distance, we had no choice but to grieve her death from here," he says, pointing out her village just across the border.
"But we were with her in spirit."
Abrahaley has been able to cross the border twice since 2018 to celebrate religious festivals and visit his family.
"I am the flesh and blood of both people," he says.
This sentiment oozes through the borderlands.
It would be easy to imagine there might be animosity between Ethiopians and Eritreans in the area; as many as 100,000 people were killed during the conflict and many more were forced from their homes.
But the social and cultural ties have proved to be deeper, and have endured the forced separation that followed the war.
Gebrehiwet Kahsay, the grandfather of Zefer's new-born baby, explains why.
"The people were not in conflict, the problem was the leaders," he says.
"The people never betrayed each other."
Borders open - and then close
Zalambessa started to go through a transformation when the checkpoints opened again in 2018. Unrestricted movement brought about a business boom as trade and travel multiplied. Local businesses reaped the benefits.
"It became a bustling trade hub with hundreds of vehicles travelling back and forth. Peace and reconciliation enabled me to work in both countries as a cameraman," Abrahaley recalls.
Map
But just months after the border opened up, the official checkpoints began to close once again.
No official reason was given at the time, and almost all of the checkpoints are still closed to all trade and traffic.
While Ethiopia and Eritrea both say they are trying to resolve the situation, no formal agreement has been reached.
Nonetheless there has been a fundamental and lasting change. The border itself has been demilitarised and is not patrolled as it was before, so informal movement on foot continues in a way unimaginable just two years ago.
You may also be interested in:
Father reunited with long-lost daughters
Ethiopia's Ambo city: 'From freedom to repression under Abiy Ahmed'
Inside the mind of Ethiopia's Abiy Ahmed
Has Nobel winner brought peace to East Africa?
The bustling Saturday market in Zalambessa is one place where this is apparent.
It has been given a new lease of life since the peace agreement, when Eritreans started coming to buy goods.
And now while vehicles are restricted at the checkpoint, shoppers continue to walk across, carrying what they can in their arms.
For one Eritrean woman this meant tying a large wooden table to her back and walking three hours to get home. But she was not downhearted.
Before the border opened, she says she had to travel five hours to get to the nearest market in Eritrea.
Cross-border contraception
At Zalambessa Health Centre, the border opening saw a surge in people coming across from Eritrea to receive services.
While the numbers have fallen since the border checkpoints closed again, some still make the difficult journey on foot.
Everyone who comes to the clinic is treated equally.
"We have no reasons to treat Eritreans any differently than we do Ethiopians. We provide medical care to anyone first and foremost because they are humans," says acting director Dr Samrawit Berhane.
Patients tell the staff that in many cases it is closer than the nearest clinic in Eritrea, and some say they receive better treatment too.
Samrawit explains that they have also noticed a number of women coming specifically for family planning services and contraceptives.
But just months after the border opened up, the official checkpoints began to close once again.
No official reason was given at the time, and almost all of the checkpoints are still closed to all trade and traffic.
While Ethiopia and Eritrea both say they are trying to resolve the situation, no formal agreement has been reached.
Nonetheless there has been a fundamental and lasting change. The border itself has been demilitarised and is not patrolled as it was before, so informal movement on foot continues in a way unimaginable just two years ago.
You may also be interested in:
Father reunited with long-lost daughters
Ethiopia's Ambo city: 'From freedom to repression under Abiy Ahmed'
Inside the mind of Ethiopia's Abiy Ahmed
Has Nobel winner brought peace to East Africa?
The bustling Saturday market in Zalambessa is one place where this is apparent.
It has been given a new lease of life since the peace agreement, when Eritreans started coming to buy goods.
And now while vehicles are restricted at the checkpoint, shoppers continue to walk across, carrying what they can in their arms.
For one Eritrean woman this meant tying a large wooden table to her back and walking three hours to get home. But she was not downhearted.
Before the border opened, she says she had to travel five hours to get to the nearest market in Eritrea.
Cross-border contraception
At Zalambessa Health Centre, the border opening saw a surge in people coming across from Eritrea to receive services.
While the numbers have fallen since the border checkpoints closed again, some still make the difficult journey on foot.
Everyone who comes to the clinic is treated equally.
"We have no reasons to treat Eritreans any differently than we do Ethiopians. We provide medical care to anyone first and foremost because they are humans," says acting director Dr Samrawit Berhane.
Patients tell the staff that in many cases it is closer than the nearest clinic in Eritrea, and some say they receive better treatment too.
Samrawit explains that they have also noticed a number of women coming specifically for family planning services and contraceptives.
Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict. [ Began in 1998 over the exact location of the common border ],[ Tens of thousands killed in the conflict ],[ Algiers peace deal agreed in 2000 but never fully implemented ],[ Abiy Ahmed became Ethiopia's prime minister in 2018 ],[ Pledged to restore peaceful relations between the neighbours ],[ Eritrea's President Isaias Afwerki and Mr Abiy declared war over in July 2018 ], Source: Source: BBC, Image: Soldiers in the mountains
They say that in Eritrea, their husbands must grant permission for such services, and collections of contraceptives must be made together.
"Many women tell us they prefer to come here so that they can avoid these restrictions," says Samrawit.
They say that in Eritrea, their husbands must grant permission for such services, and collections of contraceptives must be made together.
"Many women tell us they prefer to come here so that they can avoid these restrictions," says Samrawit.
'We are brothers and inseparable'
As you drive north towards Zalambessa, the vast and rocky landscape is awe-inspiring. But just as striking is the amount of construction work under way.
Peppered all along the road are half-built houses and blocks of flats, huge piles of gravel and sand, wooden scaffolding reaching up to the sky.
When the border opened in 2018, entrepreneurs came from all over the country to invest along the road.
Among them was Fisehaye Hailu, a self-assured and straight-talking Eritrean man who left his country after being detained as a political prisoner for 13 years. He has the look of a man who knows a hard day's work.
"It felt like things had brightened up overnight and I didn't waste any time before buying a plot of land," he says.
Fisehaye knows Zalambessa well, having been born just across the border.
Now his business venture is a three-storey hotel in the town.
"After it is finished, the name of my hotel will be an expression of my desire for the two people to be together. So I plan to name it The Two Brothers' Hotel," he explains.
"It's to say we are brothers and we are inseparable."
The baptism ceremony
The day of Zefer's son's baptism starts at 03:00 as they make their way up to the cliff-top church overlooking the borderlands between Ethiopia and Eritrea.
As the ceremony begins, relatives from both sides of the border gather at the house belonging to the parents of her husband at the bottom of the hill.
Zeray is keen to introduce one guest in particular, one of his cousins who has come from Massawa in Eritrea, as she did when he married in 2018.
"The fact that she has been with me from my wedding until now shows you love, culture and unity," he says.
Although she did not want to disclose her name, she explains how the 2018 peace deal has changed her life.
"Before, we had no news of who was dead and who was alive. But now we have learned about our dead and we are happy to meet those who are still alive," she says.
"It's a massive difference. It's like the difference between the earth and the sky."
Despite many sharing similar feelings about the new-found, but unofficial, freedom of movement, the closure of border checkpoints continues to affect all areas of life.
Zefer explains that there were actually fewer Eritreans at the baptism than at their wedding. Many chose not to come because they were not sure whether they would be allowed to cross the border.
"It's worrying," she adds. "If the checkpoints are closed, we can't move forward."
You can find out more by watching Rob Wilson's full report:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rZuDMg-QlPE
Or listen to his radio documentary Rebirth at the Border from the BBC World Service
AMERICA PANICS
QUICK GET BACK TO NORMAL
BRING BACK YESTERDAY'S ECONOMY
BEFORE 'THEY' CAN CHANGE THE SYSTEM
THEM, THE CONSUMERS, WHO ARE THE PRODUCERS,
WHO ARE THE WAGE EARNERS, WHO ARE SALARIED,
WHO ARE CAPITALISM BY OUR CONSUMPTION
WE ARE NOW IN A PANDEMIC INDUCED GENERAL STRIKE AGAINST CAPITALISM
AS IT IS AND AS IT WAS
QUICK GET BACK TO NORMAL
BRING BACK YESTERDAY'S ECONOMY
BEFORE 'THEY' CAN CHANGE THE SYSTEM
THEM, THE CONSUMERS, WHO ARE THE PRODUCERS,
WHO ARE THE WAGE EARNERS, WHO ARE SALARIED,
WHO ARE CAPITALISM BY OUR CONSUMPTION
WE ARE NOW IN A PANDEMIC INDUCED GENERAL STRIKE AGAINST CAPITALISM
AS IT IS AND AS IT WAS
Chronicles of Insurrection: Tronti, Negri and the Subject of Antagonism
Goldsmiths, University of London
Abstract:
This article seeks to trace the origins of contemporary ‘post-workerism’ in the formulation of concepts of political subjectivity, antagonism and insurrection in Tronti and Negri. In particular, it tries to excavate the seemingly paradoxical position which postulates the increasing immanence of struggles, as based on the Marxian thesis of real subsumption, together with the intensification of the political autonomy or separation of the working class. In order to grasp the political and theoretical proposals of Italian workerism and autonomism, Toscano concentrates on the thesis of a historical transformation of capitalism into an increasingly parasitical and politically violent social relation, a thesis which is grounded in an interpretation of Marx’s notion of ‘tendency’ and which serves as the background to the exploration, especially in Negri, of increasingly uncompromising forms of antagonism. The article focuses especially on Tronti’s so-called ‘Copernican revolution’—giving workers’ struggles primacy in the understanding of capitalism—and critically inquires into the effect of this workerist axiom on Negri’s writings on proletarian sabotage and insurrection in the 1970s. By way of a conclusion, it notes the difficulties in prolonging the workerist gambit in light of capital’s continued effort, as Tronti would put it, to emancipate itself from the working class.
Keywords: Antagonism; Capitalism; Class Composition; Communism; Insurrection; Measure; Marx; Negri; Subsumption; Tendency; Tronti; Workerism
Cosmos and History: The Journal of Natural and Social Philosophy
Cosmos and History: The Journal of Natural and Social Philosophy is a peer-reviewed, open-access journal of natural and social philosophy. It serves those who see philosophy's vocation in questioning and challenging prevailing assumptions about ourselves and our place in the world, developing new ways of thinking about physical existence, life, humanity and society, so helping to create the future insofar as thought affects the issue. Philosophy so conceived is not exclusively identified with the work of professional philosophers, and the journal welcomes contributions from philosophically oriented thinkers from all disciplines.
‘Cosmos’ and ‘History’ are both Greek words. ‘Cosmos’, which originally meant ‘order’, came to mean ‘the ordered structure of the universe’. ‘History’, which originally meant ‘investigation’, came to mean an account of human actions and the causes of conflicts. Systematic speculation on the cosmos and the effort to produce objective histories emerged together in a society where, perhaps for the first time, people reflected impartially on themselves and their world and took responsibility for the future. Yet a tension emerged between Greek cosmology and Greek history. With the Pythagoreans who argued that the order in nature is mathematical, the notion of cosmos as a timeless structure, crystallized. History, being concerned with human actions and the rise and fall of individuals and cities, was clearly about that which is not permanent. The tension between cosmology, conceiving the cosmos as an immutable, timeless order, and history, concerned with actions, intentions, conflicts and the rise and fall of individuals and communities, has been at the core of virtually all intellectual and political oppositions throughout the history of European civilization. What is required is a combination of natural and social philosophy, transcending all disciplinary boundaries, concerned with the fundamental issues of understanding the cosmos and our place within it as historical agents. Cosmos and History: The Journal of Natural and Social Philosophy, provides a forum for advancing this understanding. It provides a focus to revive that unlimited interrogation of our cultural heritage introduced by the Ancient Greeks required for us to create the future. The journal encourages contributions from philosophically oriented thinkers from all disciplines.
Re-visiting the Political Context of Manfredo Tafuri’s
“Toward a Critique of Architectural Ideology”:
“Toward a Critique of Architectural Ideology”:
‘Having Corpses in our Mouths’
A thesis submitted in fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Architecture
Emre Özyetiş
B.Arch.
School of Architecture and Design
Design and Social Context Portfolio
RMIT University
March 2013
In this thesis I
revisit Manfredo Tafuri’s 1969 article “Per una critica dell’ideologia
architettonica” (Toward a Critique of Architectural Ideology) within the
political context ofItaly in the 1960s. I address the research question: what
is the contemporary relevance of the essay read in this context?
I suggest that
testing the arguments in Tafuri’s 1969 essay against his complete oeuvre and
his subsequent career as a critic or a historian obfuscates and misconstrues
the context
and the essay.
I argue that the
essay was published in a moment when operaisti protagonists were processing the
implications of the operaisti discourse they constructed in relation to the
intensification of
the social
conflict in Italy in the late 1960s and the 1970s.
This provides a
convincing context for Tafuri’s application of this discourse as a total
rejection of the possibility of the existence of an architectural profession
outside participation in capitalist
development.
I conclude that, located with precision within
the context of the journal Contropiano, where his essay was first
published,“Toward a Critique of Architectural Ideology” is more likely to
agitate intellectuals and architects than it has previously.
It is important
for the generation who has not yet acquired professional autonomy, such as
architectural students or interns, to be reminded of Tafuri’s critique within
its context as they assume their social vocation.
Thus this is my target readership for this
thesis. It is particularly important to revisit Tafuri and his 1969 essay at a
time when there is a growing discussion around a social vocation or discourse
on sustainability, participatory design, radical architecture and such.
The social agenda
still makes the art and the profession of architecture resilient to
transforming political, economic and social structures. In this light, it is
not only necessary but also relevant to revisit the nature of the social
vocation of architects as it had been criticized in Tafuri’s 1969 essay within
the intellectual debates Italian operaisti project initiated.
Intellectuals and
architects writing following Tafuri’s death point to the past misinterpretation
of the radical threads they attribute to Tafuri in Progetto e utopia. Since
then, and predominantly in the twenty-first century, a group of writers such as
Asor Rosa, Ghirardo, Day, Aureli and Leach identify this admission of past
misappropriation of Tafuri’s project. Among these architectural historians and
theoreticians, Asor Rosa, Day and Ghirardo have shown that Tafuri’s arguments
have frequently been too hastily dismissed for being too apocalyptic and/or too
nihilistic: an interpretation that they do not accept.
I argue that to counter this interpretation
they have also obfuscated the arguments in Tafuri’s essay by making reference
to his other works in order to prove that he was not really attacking
architectural practice and theory. Similar to works that overlook the political
context of Tafuri’s essay, the recent attempts to include it also fail to
confront the arguments raised in the essay.
In twenty-first
century architectural discourse, Aureli and Day are arguably the authors who
pay most attention to the political framework for Tafuri’s essay. They look for
the relevance of the political projects initiated by operaismo and autonomia to
contemporary architectural discourse. They return to the context for one of two
objectives. Aureli returns to the historical political context in order to
dismiss the relevance of the autonomist arguments to today. Day returns to the
context to neutralize both the context and the arguments by writing a defense
from the perspective of the intellectual and the architect who is criticized in
Tafuri’s article.
These contemporary attempts that do re-visit
Tafuri within the economic, political and social context of 1960s and 1970s
Italy fail to move beyond certain post-1960s rhetoric that justifies the apathy
of intellectuals and an impasse in relation to social conflicts. This is
encapsulated in the mood: “If you can’t beat them, join them.” The arguments
present in the 1969 essay were expanded and elaborated by Tafuri in 1973.The
affinity between the 1969 essay and the 1973 volume in which the impact of the
1968 political agenda was less extreme, eases architects, intellectuals and
Tafuri scholars into a position where they do not need to confront the
implications of the essay and its political framework.
In response to
the research question I address, I conclude that if we can approach “Toward a
Critique of Architectural Ideology” in the precise moment it occupies within
the context of Italy in the 1960s and the ongoing debates amongst operaisti –
affiliated intellectuals, we can embrace
the essay as a
critique of the limits of intellectuals and professionals in social conflicts, that is indeed nihilistic
and apocalyptic for those who insist on their role as architects or academics.
I find this a relevant and important gesture as it may make us more open to be
agitated, for us to question our own participation in capitalist development in
order to confront the post 1960s as well as contemporary architectural
discourse and practice.
RUPTURING THE DIALECTIC
The Struggle against Work, Money, and Financialization
Harry Cleaver
PDF
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface 1
Introduction 15
PART I:
On the Usefulness of Marx’s Labor Theory of Value 29
Why and How Economists Got Rid of the Labor Theory of Value 31
Why and How Some Marxists Abandoned the Labor Theory of Value 39
The Substance of Value: Abstract Labor or Work as Social Control 71
Can Value be Measured? 87
Exchange and Money as the Form of Value 107
PART II:
Decoding Finance, Financial Crisis, and Financialization 143
Decoding Finance and Financial Crisis 145
Decoding Financialization 181
PART III:
Potential Strategies and Tactics for Rupturing the Dialectics of Money 227
Reforms and Revolution 235
Our Use of Money 243
Restricting the Need for Money 255
Conclusion 265
Bibliography 291
Index 309
The Struggle against Work, Money, and Financialization
Harry Cleaver
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface 1
Introduction 15
PART I:
On the Usefulness of Marx’s Labor Theory of Value 29
Why and How Economists Got Rid of the Labor Theory of Value 31
Why and How Some Marxists Abandoned the Labor Theory of Value 39
The Substance of Value: Abstract Labor or Work as Social Control 71
Can Value be Measured? 87
Exchange and Money as the Form of Value 107
PART II:
Decoding Finance, Financial Crisis, and Financialization 143
Decoding Finance and Financial Crisis 145
Decoding Financialization 181
PART III:
Potential Strategies and Tactics for Rupturing the Dialectics of Money 227
Reforms and Revolution 235
Our Use of Money 243
Restricting the Need for Money 255
Conclusion 265
Bibliography 291
Index 309
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