by ER OKell
Sexual Ambivalence: Androgyny and Hermaphroditism in Graeco-. Roman Antiquity ... applying Greek and Roman terminology indiscriminately to sources from either culture ... e.g. 'Psychology and Alchemy' in Collected Works 12 (Monday, July 20, 2020
The Hermetic Λόγος: Reading the Corpus Hermeticum as a Reflection of Graeco-Egyptian Mentality
Dissertation zur Erlangung der Würde eines Doktors der Ägyptologie
Vorgelegt der Philosophisch-Historischen Fakultät der Universität Basel
Von Gurgel Pereira,
Ronaldo Guilherme Von Rio de Janeiro - RJ, Brasilien
Abstract:
This study analyses Hermetic literature and focuses on the seventeen treatises of the so called Corpus Hermeticum. It takes as its starting point the assumption that what are nowadays known as the Philosophical Hermetica emerged as a product of a Graeco Egyptian process of self-perception. As will be demonstrated, Hermetic literature helps our understanding of how reformulations of symbolic universes led to a specific Graeco-Egyptian mentality. The Hermetica will be treated as the result of cross-cultural exchange between Greek and Egyptian symbolic universes. Hermetic literature will
therefore be analysed according to its historical context, i.e. as part of a Greek-Egyptian dialogue
If you desire to read writings, come to me and I will have you taken to the place where that book is that Thoth wrote with his own hand, when he came down following the other gods.
―Setne Khamwas and Neferkaptah‖ (Setne I) – Pap. Cairo 30646 = M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature III. (Los Angeles: 2006), p.128
Acknowledgements
Egyptology is not a subject traditionally taught at university in Brazil. Only few choose to study
ancient Egypt and even fewer are actual Egyptologists. In most cases the enthusiasts for the land
of the Nile are Historians, Anthropologists, journalists and alike. I have to admit that I was no
better off when I arrived in Basle; I held a bachelor and a master‘s degree in History and had
done research that focused on the Greeks‘ perception of and relations with Egypt in the
Classical/Hellenistic period.
The project of writing my dissertation began to take shape in 2005. I had only recently
received my M.A. and commenced correspondence with Prof. Dr. Antonio Loprieno from the
University of Basle. He later kindly introduced me to my advisor, Prof. Dr. Susanne Bickel,
who reviewed my project and interviewed me in August 2006. I would like to express my
gratitude to Prof. Bickel for the guidance and advice she offered me at meetings and debates. I
regard it as one of my greatest achievements of the past four years to have been able to win her
favour for my project.
I also wish to thank all my lecturers, in particular the people who taught me some ancient
Egyptian languages. I received help with Demotic from Dr. Andreas Stauder and Dr. Jullie
Porchet-Stauder. Prof. PD Dr. Hanna Jenni introduced me to Classic Middle Egyptian, Prof. Dr.
Matthias Müller taught me Coptic.
Thanks are also due to Dr. Undine Stabrey for her encouragement and support. From Berlin I
thank Dr. Sybille Schmidt, Dr. Barbara Janisch and my colleagues of the colloquium.
I am also grateful to my colleagues, who patiently supported me and helped me prepare for
seminars and presentations. Learning Egyptian languages and having Egyptological debates was
a unique experience I will not forget. By the same token I will always remember the struggles I
went through while I tried to come to terms with the German language (I look back with a mix
of joy and shame to the days I spent trying to figure out when exactly the obscure ‗Egyptian
queen‘ ―Nebeneffekt‖ lived).
I owe a special debt to the canton of Basel Stadt that supported me with a full scholarship.
This dissertation would have never existed had it not been for the Stipendienkommission für
Nachwuchskäfte aus Entwicklungsländern.
I would like to take this opportunity to express the admiration and respect I have come to feel
for Switzerland and its people during the four years of my stay. I grew up in a country where
human life is considered to be of little worth. Dignity and justice are treated as mere
commodities. Having this background and viewing Switzerland with my Brazilian eyes makes
me realise how hard it would be to explain the respect people here have for another to my
compatriots. Thus I would like to thank the Swiss for the ‗culture shock‘ they offered me which
broadened my horizon. Basle and Switzerland have certainly taught me much more than just
Egyptology. I will always carry these experiences with me.
A special thank you goes to my German teacher Hellena Brinner, her mother Ekaterina,
priest Dimitrios Korakas and the Hellenic-Swiss community of the Greek Orthodox Church at
Münchenstein. I thank them for their hospitality and friendship.
Last but certainly not least, I would like to thank my friends Sabine and Sandro de Gruttola,
who kindly welcomed me in Switzerland and helped me at the beginning of my stay. My
gratitude also goes to my father Airton Pereira, who financially supported me. Furthermore, I
would like to thank my wife, Daniela Gurgel, for her unrelenting support and encouragement
whenever I needed it.
I would like to thank God for helping me with my dissertation. He guided my hands and
heart until the very end of this chapter of my life.
O God, thy arm was here;
And not to us, but to thy arm alone,
Ascribe we all!
(William Shakespeare, Henry V, act 4, scene viii)
Dissertation zur Erlangung der Würde eines Doktors der Ägyptologie
Vorgelegt der Philosophisch-Historischen Fakultät der Universität Basel
Von Gurgel Pereira,
Ronaldo Guilherme Von Rio de Janeiro - RJ, Brasilien
Abstract:
This study analyses Hermetic literature and focuses on the seventeen treatises of the so called Corpus Hermeticum. It takes as its starting point the assumption that what are nowadays known as the Philosophical Hermetica emerged as a product of a Graeco Egyptian process of self-perception. As will be demonstrated, Hermetic literature helps our understanding of how reformulations of symbolic universes led to a specific Graeco-Egyptian mentality. The Hermetica will be treated as the result of cross-cultural exchange between Greek and Egyptian symbolic universes. Hermetic literature will
therefore be analysed according to its historical context, i.e. as part of a Greek-Egyptian dialogue
If you desire to read writings, come to me and I will have you taken to the place where that book is that Thoth wrote with his own hand, when he came down following the other gods.
―Setne Khamwas and Neferkaptah‖ (Setne I) – Pap. Cairo 30646 = M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature III. (Los Angeles: 2006), p.128
Acknowledgements
Egyptology is not a subject traditionally taught at university in Brazil. Only few choose to study
ancient Egypt and even fewer are actual Egyptologists. In most cases the enthusiasts for the land
of the Nile are Historians, Anthropologists, journalists and alike. I have to admit that I was no
better off when I arrived in Basle; I held a bachelor and a master‘s degree in History and had
done research that focused on the Greeks‘ perception of and relations with Egypt in the
Classical/Hellenistic period.
The project of writing my dissertation began to take shape in 2005. I had only recently
received my M.A. and commenced correspondence with Prof. Dr. Antonio Loprieno from the
University of Basle. He later kindly introduced me to my advisor, Prof. Dr. Susanne Bickel,
who reviewed my project and interviewed me in August 2006. I would like to express my
gratitude to Prof. Bickel for the guidance and advice she offered me at meetings and debates. I
regard it as one of my greatest achievements of the past four years to have been able to win her
favour for my project.
I also wish to thank all my lecturers, in particular the people who taught me some ancient
Egyptian languages. I received help with Demotic from Dr. Andreas Stauder and Dr. Jullie
Porchet-Stauder. Prof. PD Dr. Hanna Jenni introduced me to Classic Middle Egyptian, Prof. Dr.
Matthias Müller taught me Coptic.
Thanks are also due to Dr. Undine Stabrey for her encouragement and support. From Berlin I
thank Dr. Sybille Schmidt, Dr. Barbara Janisch and my colleagues of the colloquium.
I am also grateful to my colleagues, who patiently supported me and helped me prepare for
seminars and presentations. Learning Egyptian languages and having Egyptological debates was
a unique experience I will not forget. By the same token I will always remember the struggles I
went through while I tried to come to terms with the German language (I look back with a mix
of joy and shame to the days I spent trying to figure out when exactly the obscure ‗Egyptian
queen‘ ―Nebeneffekt‖ lived).
I owe a special debt to the canton of Basel Stadt that supported me with a full scholarship.
This dissertation would have never existed had it not been for the Stipendienkommission für
Nachwuchskäfte aus Entwicklungsländern.
I would like to take this opportunity to express the admiration and respect I have come to feel
for Switzerland and its people during the four years of my stay. I grew up in a country where
human life is considered to be of little worth. Dignity and justice are treated as mere
commodities. Having this background and viewing Switzerland with my Brazilian eyes makes
me realise how hard it would be to explain the respect people here have for another to my
compatriots. Thus I would like to thank the Swiss for the ‗culture shock‘ they offered me which
broadened my horizon. Basle and Switzerland have certainly taught me much more than just
Egyptology. I will always carry these experiences with me.
A special thank you goes to my German teacher Hellena Brinner, her mother Ekaterina,
priest Dimitrios Korakas and the Hellenic-Swiss community of the Greek Orthodox Church at
Münchenstein. I thank them for their hospitality and friendship.
Last but certainly not least, I would like to thank my friends Sabine and Sandro de Gruttola,
who kindly welcomed me in Switzerland and helped me at the beginning of my stay. My
gratitude also goes to my father Airton Pereira, who financially supported me. Furthermore, I
would like to thank my wife, Daniela Gurgel, for her unrelenting support and encouragement
whenever I needed it.
I would like to thank God for helping me with my dissertation. He guided my hands and
heart until the very end of this chapter of my life.
O God, thy arm was here;
And not to us, but to thy arm alone,
Ascribe we all!
(William Shakespeare, Henry V, act 4, scene viii)
The Last Priests of Philae
Who were these priests? In this chapter, we will examine who the last priests of Philae
were, what functions they had, and how they dramatically disappeared from the scene.
As these priests dedicated most of the Late Antique inscriptions, they provide us with
a lively picture of the ritual practices and festivals they performed. However, the
inscriptions commemorating them end abruptly in 456/457, and we will try to find an
explanation for this sudden end to the inscriptional evidence.
https://www.rug.nl/research/portal/files/2921159/c4.pdf
Priests and Workmen
Almost a century ago, Walter Otto (1878-1941) published a comprehensive book on
priests and temples in Graeco-Roman Egypt.297 Unfortunately, his standard work has
never been followed up regarding the subject of priests.298 Although detailed studies on
specialised topics abound, a systematic, coherent and up-to-date account of this aspect
of Egyptian religion in the Graeco-Roman period is still a desideratum.299 To take the
case of Philae, although the material discussed thus far demonstrates that the
combination of Greek and demotic inscriptions can add considerably to our
understanding of priesthood, many texts from Philae, spanning the whole GraecoRoman period, still remain to be studied. It is therefore necessary to pay some
attention to priesthood in the Graeco-Roman period before we concentrate on the
priests of fourth and fifth-century Philae.
Otto divides Egyptian priests of the Graeco-Roman period into two groups
according to Greek terminology by comparing famous bilingual or trilingual
documents like the Ptolemaic Rosetta stone and the decree of Canopus. He subdivides
the higher priest class (flere›w) into five subclasses (fula¤). The ‘high priests’
(érxiere›w) come first, then the ‘prophets’ (prof∞tai), followed by the stolistai
(stolista¤), and finally the pterophorai (pterofÒrai; singular pterofÒraw) and
hierogrammateis (flerogrammate›w), who are more or less equal in status.
Unfortunately, Otto’s approach is one-sided and analyses from a Greek perspective.
Consequently, he does not take into account the many different nuances in Egyptian
terminology which exclude a one-to-one equivalence of Greek and Egyptian titles.
Moreover, one priest could have several titles, both administrative and religious, and
these titles varied from time to time and place to place.
The complexity of the Egyptian priesthood can be illustrated by listing the
several functions of the different kinds of priests. High priests and prophets were in
charge of the rituals of the temple. The stolistai were concerned with the garments of
the deity, but also with various other aspects of the temple cult, such as prayers,
hymns, inspection of sacrificial animals and offerings. The hierogrammateus had to
find and inspect holy animals, take part in synods of priests and temple
administration, compose priestly decrees and, finally, to test potential priests on cultic
purity and writing skills. His titles are in hieroglyphs rx-xt, ‘savant’, or Ty(?) pr-anx,
‘member of the House of Life’, and in demotic sX pr-anx, ‘scribe of the House of Life’.
Although the exact difference with a hierogrammateus is still open to debate, it is
generally accepted that a pterophoras designates a priest whose main concern was
writing. His title is in hieroglyphic sšw mDA.t-nTr, and in demotic sX mD-nTr, ‘scribe of the divine book’.300 In general, we can say that the higher priests were divided into Hm-nTr (‘prophets’) and wab (‘priests’). According to Greek terminology, the ‘high priests’, ‘prophets’ and stolistai belonged to the ‘prophets’ (Hm-nTr), but the pterophorai and hierogrammate is to the ‘priests’ (wab). The Greek term ‘prophet’ (profÆthw) could therefore denote both a specific function and a general designation of the highest priestly offices (Egyptian Hm-nTr). Moreover, in addition to being a designation of the priestly offices lower than the ‘prophets’ (Egyptian wab), the Greek term ‘priest’ (flereÊw) was also a general term for higher priests (both Hm-nTr and wab). In addition to the priests who were paid by the temple, other people also worked in the temple, earning a living from private consultation, who were not strictly regarded as ‘priests’ (flere›w) by the Egyptians themselves. However, as we generally refer to Egyptian temple personnel as ‘priests’, we will call them ‘lower priests’ to discriminate them from the ‘higher priests’.301 The most important of these ‘priestly’ people were the pastophoroi (Greek pastofÒroi, Egyptian wn) whose precise functions remain as yet obscure.302 What we do know is that they were responsible for guarding the temple area, and that they interpreted dreams.303 Besides these lower priests, there were a number of workmen (§rgãtai) involved in the temple cult.3
Who were these priests? In this chapter, we will examine who the last priests of Philae
were, what functions they had, and how they dramatically disappeared from the scene.
As these priests dedicated most of the Late Antique inscriptions, they provide us with
a lively picture of the ritual practices and festivals they performed. However, the
inscriptions commemorating them end abruptly in 456/457, and we will try to find an
explanation for this sudden end to the inscriptional evidence.
https://www.rug.nl/research/portal/files/2921159/c4.pdf
Priests and Workmen
Almost a century ago, Walter Otto (1878-1941) published a comprehensive book on
priests and temples in Graeco-Roman Egypt.297 Unfortunately, his standard work has
never been followed up regarding the subject of priests.298 Although detailed studies on
specialised topics abound, a systematic, coherent and up-to-date account of this aspect
of Egyptian religion in the Graeco-Roman period is still a desideratum.299 To take the
case of Philae, although the material discussed thus far demonstrates that the
combination of Greek and demotic inscriptions can add considerably to our
understanding of priesthood, many texts from Philae, spanning the whole GraecoRoman period, still remain to be studied. It is therefore necessary to pay some
attention to priesthood in the Graeco-Roman period before we concentrate on the
priests of fourth and fifth-century Philae.
Otto divides Egyptian priests of the Graeco-Roman period into two groups
according to Greek terminology by comparing famous bilingual or trilingual
documents like the Ptolemaic Rosetta stone and the decree of Canopus. He subdivides
the higher priest class (flere›w) into five subclasses (fula¤). The ‘high priests’
(érxiere›w) come first, then the ‘prophets’ (prof∞tai), followed by the stolistai
(stolista¤), and finally the pterophorai (pterofÒrai; singular pterofÒraw) and
hierogrammateis (flerogrammate›w), who are more or less equal in status.
Unfortunately, Otto’s approach is one-sided and analyses from a Greek perspective.
Consequently, he does not take into account the many different nuances in Egyptian
terminology which exclude a one-to-one equivalence of Greek and Egyptian titles.
Moreover, one priest could have several titles, both administrative and religious, and
these titles varied from time to time and place to place.
The complexity of the Egyptian priesthood can be illustrated by listing the
several functions of the different kinds of priests. High priests and prophets were in
charge of the rituals of the temple. The stolistai were concerned with the garments of
the deity, but also with various other aspects of the temple cult, such as prayers,
hymns, inspection of sacrificial animals and offerings. The hierogrammateus had to
find and inspect holy animals, take part in synods of priests and temple
administration, compose priestly decrees and, finally, to test potential priests on cultic
purity and writing skills. His titles are in hieroglyphs rx-xt, ‘savant’, or Ty(?) pr-anx,
‘member of the House of Life’, and in demotic sX pr-anx, ‘scribe of the House of Life’.
Although the exact difference with a hierogrammateus is still open to debate, it is
generally accepted that a pterophoras designates a priest whose main concern was
writing. His title is in hieroglyphic sšw mDA.t-nTr, and in demotic sX mD-nTr, ‘scribe of the divine book’.300 In general, we can say that the higher priests were divided into Hm-nTr (‘prophets’) and wab (‘priests’). According to Greek terminology, the ‘high priests’, ‘prophets’ and stolistai belonged to the ‘prophets’ (Hm-nTr), but the pterophorai and hierogrammate is to the ‘priests’ (wab). The Greek term ‘prophet’ (profÆthw) could therefore denote both a specific function and a general designation of the highest priestly offices (Egyptian Hm-nTr). Moreover, in addition to being a designation of the priestly offices lower than the ‘prophets’ (Egyptian wab), the Greek term ‘priest’ (flereÊw) was also a general term for higher priests (both Hm-nTr and wab). In addition to the priests who were paid by the temple, other people also worked in the temple, earning a living from private consultation, who were not strictly regarded as ‘priests’ (flere›w) by the Egyptians themselves. However, as we generally refer to Egyptian temple personnel as ‘priests’, we will call them ‘lower priests’ to discriminate them from the ‘higher priests’.301 The most important of these ‘priestly’ people were the pastophoroi (Greek pastofÒroi, Egyptian wn) whose precise functions remain as yet obscure.302 What we do know is that they were responsible for guarding the temple area, and that they interpreted dreams.303 Besides these lower priests, there were a number of workmen (§rgãtai) involved in the temple cult.3
HEALTH AND MEDICINE IN ANCIENT EGYPT: MAGIC AND SCIENCE
Paula Alexandra da Silva Veiga
https://vtechworks.lib.vt.edu/bitstream/handle/10919/71526/477_1.pdf?sequence=1
Introduction…………………………………………......10
1.State of the art…..…………………………………...12
2.The investigation of pathology patterns through
mummified human remains and art depictions from
ancient Egypt…………………………………………..19
3.Specific existing bibliography – some important
examples……………..………………………………...24
1. Chapter: Sources of Information; Medical and Magical
Papyri…………………………………………………..31
1.1. Kahun UC 32057…………………………..33
1.2. Edwin Smith………………..........................34
1.3. Ebers……………………………………….35
1.4. Hearst………………………………………37
1.5. London Papyrus BM 10059……..................38
1.6. Berlin 13602; Berlin 3027; Berlin
3038……………………………………………………38
1.7. Chester Beatty……………………………...39
1.8. Carlsberg VIII……………..........................40
1.9. Brooklyn 47218-2, 47218.138, 47218.48 e
47218.85……………………………………………….40
1.10. Other papyri.……………………………...41
Ramesseum III, IV e V e VIII a XVI
Insinger
Berlin 3033 (Westcar)
IFAO Deir el-Medina 1, Cairo
Leiden I 343-I 345
Schøyen MS 2634/3
Tebtunis
Yale CtYBR 2081
Louvre
Rubensohn (Berlin 10456)
Vindob 3873
Vindob 6257 (Crocodilópolis)
Turin 54003
Anonymus Londinensis
Louvre E 4864
Borgia
IFAO Coptic Chassinat
Greek Papyri
2.Ostraca……………………….………………………50
3.Mummies…………………………………………….51
3.1. Origin of the word and analysis formula;
«mummy powder» as medicine………………………..52
3.2. Ancient Egyptian words related to
mummification…………………………………………55
3.3. Process of mummification summarily
described……………………………………………….56
3.4. Example cases of analyzed Egyptian
mummies …………………............................................61
2.Chapter: Heka – «the art of the magical written
word»…………………………………………..72
2.1. The performance: priests, exorcists, doctorsmagicians………………………………………………79
2.2. Written magic……………………………100
2.3. Amulets…………………………………..106
2.4. Human substances used as ingredients…115
3.Chapter: Pathologies’ types………………………..118
3.1. Parasitical..………………………………118
3.1.1. Plagues/Infestations…..……….……....121
3.2. Dermatological.………………………….124
3.3. Diabetes…………………………………126
3.4. Tuberculosis
3.5. Leprosy
……………………………………128
3.6. Achondroplasia (Dwarfism) ……………130
3.7 Vascular diseases... ……………………...131
3.8. Oftalmological ………………………….132
3.9. Trauma ………………………………….133
3.10. Oncological ……………………………136
3.11. Dentists, teeth and dentistry ………......139
3.12. Gastroenterological/ hepatic ………….142
3.13. Urinary/Renal ……………….................146
3.14. Psychiatric …………………………......152
3.15. Genetic ………………………………...153
3.16. Respiratory …………………………….153
4.Chapter: Medical-magical prescriptions and used
ingredients.....................................................................156
4.1. Ingredients……………………………....157
4.1.1. Vegetable……………………………...157
4.1.2. Animal………………………………..157
4.1.3. Mineral……………………………….161
Conclusions…………………………………………..163
Bibliography………………………………………….168
Annex I – Egyptian Flora with medicinal-magicalreligious properties.......................................................206
Paula Alexandra da Silva Veiga
https://vtechworks.lib.vt.edu/bitstream/handle/10919/71526/477_1.pdf?sequence=1
Introduction…………………………………………......10
1.State of the art…..…………………………………...12
2.The investigation of pathology patterns through
mummified human remains and art depictions from
ancient Egypt…………………………………………..19
3.Specific existing bibliography – some important
examples……………..………………………………...24
1. Chapter: Sources of Information; Medical and Magical
Papyri…………………………………………………..31
1.1. Kahun UC 32057…………………………..33
1.2. Edwin Smith………………..........................34
1.3. Ebers……………………………………….35
1.4. Hearst………………………………………37
1.5. London Papyrus BM 10059……..................38
1.6. Berlin 13602; Berlin 3027; Berlin
3038……………………………………………………38
1.7. Chester Beatty……………………………...39
1.8. Carlsberg VIII……………..........................40
1.9. Brooklyn 47218-2, 47218.138, 47218.48 e
47218.85……………………………………………….40
1.10. Other papyri.……………………………...41
Ramesseum III, IV e V e VIII a XVI
Insinger
Berlin 3033 (Westcar)
IFAO Deir el-Medina 1, Cairo
Leiden I 343-I 345
Schøyen MS 2634/3
Tebtunis
Yale CtYBR 2081
Louvre
Rubensohn (Berlin 10456)
Vindob 3873
Vindob 6257 (Crocodilópolis)
Turin 54003
Anonymus Londinensis
Louvre E 4864
Borgia
IFAO Coptic Chassinat
Greek Papyri
2.Ostraca……………………….………………………50
3.Mummies…………………………………………….51
3.1. Origin of the word and analysis formula;
«mummy powder» as medicine………………………..52
3.2. Ancient Egyptian words related to
mummification…………………………………………55
3.3. Process of mummification summarily
described……………………………………………….56
3.4. Example cases of analyzed Egyptian
mummies …………………............................................61
2.Chapter: Heka – «the art of the magical written
word»…………………………………………..72
2.1. The performance: priests, exorcists, doctorsmagicians………………………………………………79
2.2. Written magic……………………………100
2.3. Amulets…………………………………..106
2.4. Human substances used as ingredients…115
3.Chapter: Pathologies’ types………………………..118
3.1. Parasitical..………………………………118
3.1.1. Plagues/Infestations…..……….……....121
3.2. Dermatological.………………………….124
3.3. Diabetes…………………………………126
3.4. Tuberculosis
3.5. Leprosy
……………………………………128
3.6. Achondroplasia (Dwarfism) ……………130
3.7 Vascular diseases... ……………………...131
3.8. Oftalmological ………………………….132
3.9. Trauma ………………………………….133
3.10. Oncological ……………………………136
3.11. Dentists, teeth and dentistry ………......139
3.12. Gastroenterological/ hepatic ………….142
3.13. Urinary/Renal ……………….................146
3.14. Psychiatric …………………………......152
3.15. Genetic ………………………………...153
3.16. Respiratory …………………………….153
4.Chapter: Medical-magical prescriptions and used
ingredients.....................................................................156
4.1. Ingredients……………………………....157
4.1.1. Vegetable……………………………...157
4.1.2. Animal………………………………..157
4.1.3. Mineral……………………………….161
Conclusions…………………………………………..163
Bibliography………………………………………….168
Annex I – Egyptian Flora with medicinal-magicalreligious properties.......................................................206
ESOTERIC KNOWLEDGE IN ANTIQUITY
TOPOI – Dahlem Seminar for the History of Ancient Sciences Vol. II
Klaus Geus and Mark Geller (eds.)
2014
Esoteric Knowledge in Antiquity– SOME THOUGHTS
Mark Geller & Klaus Geus
Freie Universität Berlin
One benefit of an interdisciplinary approach is the surprising result which can follow from the
confrontation of the same idea between disciplines. A case in point is the concept of ‘esoteric
knowledge’, to which the present collection of articles is devoted, which will trace the framework of esoteric knowledge from Babylonia to Greece and into Christian thought, highlighting similarities and differences within each episteme. The journey is rather crooked and full of potholes.
Moreover, the expression ‘esoteric’ is used today rather indiscriminately. Within the
category of ‘esoteric knowledge’ one understands a variety of related expressions, such as
‘mystical’ or ‘occult’, as well as the more concrete ‘absolute’ or ‘elevated’ knowledge, which
can also be considered as ‘hidden’, ‘secret’, or ‘inaccessible’, and even ‘fanciful’ or carried
away. The confused pattern of such definitions advocates a look at the historical development
this concept.
The term ‘esoteric’ originates from the Greek for ‘inner’, not however with the sense
of ‘psychic’, ‘spiritual’, or ‘mystical’, but with a purely local meaning of being ‘further within’ something. The antonym is ‘exoteric’, namely ‘external’. There is no corresponding terminology in Babylonia, although the concept of knowledge exclusively reserved for scholars
increasingly appeared in colophons of cuneiform tablets emanating from the scribal academies and royal libraries, such as that of Assurbanipal of Nineveh (mid 7th century BCE).
These colophons make the matter quite explicit: revealing the contents of a particular academic tablet to someone uninitiated (literally ‘not knowledgeable’) is a taboo of a god. But what
kind of composition contains such hidden (or esoteric) knowledge?
This question is not easy to answer. On one hand there are neither terms for or any textual evidence for ‘esoteric’ versus ‘exoteric’ knowledge, since neither category is defined, although there is an implicit assumption of ‘insiders’ (lit. mudû ‘learned’) and ‘outsiders’ (lit. la
mudû, ‘not learned’) among possible readers of the tablets. Beyond this crude distinction in
colophons, there are references to secret knowledge or lore often associated with divination,
such as niširti bārûti, ‘secrets of the art of the haruspex’, and such secrets were occasionally
associated with a particular location, namely the bīt mummi. This place was originally the
secluded workshop in a temple where idols were either repaired or manufactured, accessible
only by priests skilled in this type of sensitive work, and even if only a metaphor, the bīt
mummi clearly distinguishes between insiders and outsiders.
In fact, it was likely that all disciplines maintained this distinction between those who
were mudû and la mudû, between initiated and uninitiated, in a particular discipline. What is
not clear is whether these terms could refer to other scribes or scholars not trained in a specific discipline (e.g. astronomy/ astrology, medicine, liturgy), or whether the phrase was simply meant to exclude anyone who was generally thought to be unschooled. We have little information about any serious rivalry or competition between scribal academies, either in different cities or temples, or even between scribes who were experts in specific areas of knowledge. Academically animosities probably existed then as it does now, but clear statements of such are hard to find.
There are Sumerian and Akkadian compositions from scribal academies which appear
to reflect esoteric or mystical knowledge, on a par with later Kabbalistic writings, and these
are obvious candidates for defining a category of esoteric texts; they remain virtually impossible to comprehend, but they refer to themes such as the Chariot of Marduk which remarkably reflect something of the Merkavah Mysticism of medieval Jewish texts. Such texts are
exceptional and do not represent the full range of academic compositions most often prohibited to the uninitiated. As is so often the case in Mesopotamia, we are not guided by any ancient secondary literature or philosophical treatises, which would help pave the way for us to
comprehend ancient Sumerian and Akkadian scholarly writings; the commentary texts which
we have (also ‘esoteric’) are themselves frustratingly cryptic and abbreviated.
Nevertheless, the contrast between Babylonian and Greek concepts of what constitutes
such knowledge is rather revealing. The Greek expressions for esoteric and exoteric were
mostly employed in reference to ancient mystery cults, such as the Eleusinian mysteries or
Mithra-cults, in which one must first be ‘consecrated’ in a special ceremony and afterwards is
prohibited to reveal any of the knowledge acquired during the initiation, under pain of death.
This constitutes ‘secret knowledge’ in a real way.
From ancient mystery cults, the concepts of esoteric and exoteric knowledge spread to
Greek philosophical schools. Exactly in the same way that initiation was instituted among
these cults which mandated a special, secret kind of knowledge, so Greek philosophical
schools of Pythagoras and Plato conveyed special kinds of knowledge and teachings among
their closest disciples which were not to be communicated to others. These privileged students
Esoteric Knowledge in Antiquity were known as ‘Esotericists’, while all those beyond the immediate circle of the initiated were known as ‘Exotericists’; Pythagoreans also recognised the esoteric categories of mathematics and acousmatics.
Modern usage has reversed these relationships, at least as far as the value of knowledge is concerned, since in contemporary language ‘esoteric’ almost exclusively reflects fanciful and speculative knowledge. We must therefore distinguish between original ancient concepts in which ‘esoteric’ implies higher, deeper, and even better knowledge, in contrast to today’s understanding of esoteric as secret, marginal, and relatively worthless knowledge.
These concepts of esoteric and exoteric have undergone a profound change of perspective in
the course of the history of these terms.
Science per se is perceived as a set of rules derived from abstract propositions. Beginning with empirical observation, carried out under specific conditions, scientists propose
causal relationships, e.g. if someone does A, then B will result. These kinds of causal relationships may also offered by priests and shamans, by sticking needles into a voodoo doll or tossing fingernails into a fire in order to cause harm to one’s enemies or rivals, or alternatively if
an astrologer associates events in a person’s life with the sun’s progress through the Zodiac.
On the other hand, a Christian believer might see miracles in a similar light, as expressions of
some higher or divinely inspired knowledge, which would allow healing to take place at the
mere touch or presence of a famous personage or saint, such as Simeon Stylites.
The question is how to balance such claims within the various frameworks of ancient thought. Here distinctions can be made between different types of healing or magical events, such as healing
through technical rituals, recitations of incantations, or therapeutic prescriptions (all esoteric
knowledge of sorts), verses the direct inspirational healing of a famous wonderworker, such
as Apollonius of Tyana.
How, in such cases, can we distinguish between esoteric and exoteric knowledge? One criterion would be simply to ask how well informed we are about those ancient techniques which could be considered esoteric. One good example, black magic (mentioned above), is clearly a type of illicit knowledge not shared by everyone except those trained in it, and in fact few textbooks of black magic are known from antiquity; mostly we know how to defend against witchcraft rather than actually employ it. Within the pagan world, the boundaries between the various kinds of esoteric and exoteric knowledge remain somewhat confused.
In the same way that Babylonian divination was labelled as niṣirti bārûti, ‘secrets of
the art of the haruspex’ (see above), the art of dream interpretation was a widely known and
practiced secret techne in the ancient world, best known through the writings of Artemidorus.
It is difficult to know how this knowledge actually operated and whether dreams reflected
actual realities or were limited to flights of imagination. It seems clear, however, that dreams
were firmly rooted in the geography of everyday life and reflected the normal landscapes of
human life, although within a theoretical mantic framework aimed at predicting the future.
Nevertheless, the associations between visions and dreams and their interpretations constitute
another grey area of esoteric knowledge, in which the associative thought processes which
produce the predictions are never actually expounded or even discussed in ancient texts, but
are assumed to be the private knowledge of professional dream interpreters.
With the advent of Christianity, the situation changes, since to some extent the distinction between religious and secular knowledge becomes sharper; the former is based upon faith
and belief, while the latter is perceived as being more scientific and rational. This brings us
back to schooling and the tensions between studies of rhetoric, philosophy, and logic within
the secular curriculum contrasted with religious training, which emphasised acceptance of
dogma and homilies, and faith-based teachings. Without doubt, however, is the picture of insiders and outsiders, ie. those who either accept or fail to accept Christian faith as part of their
world view and approach to ‘true’ knowledge.
This brings us into the murky world of the Hermetica and Gnostic wisdom, which contrasts with the philosophical views of philosophers devoted to discovering the laws of nature.
The boundaries are not always as clear as one might think, since certain kinds of questions
(eg. the composition and mortality of the soul) could be debated universally among all brands
of scholarship. There is also little doubt that Platonic-style philosophy and Aristotelian logic
was also applied to Gnostic wisdom, which itself was dedicated to the kind of secret knowledge which would lead to salvation and reward in the afterlife. Nevertheless, a basic difference between philosophy and gnostic thought was the element of secrecy and whether relevant ideas could be openly discussed and debated, or were these ideas only available to an inner circle of subscribers and co-believers. It is this characteristic of secrecy, of Geheimwissen, which probably reflects the most profound differences between esoteric and exoteric knowledge.
CONTENT
Chapter 1: Esoteric Knowledge in Antiquity – Some Thoughts
Mark Geller & Klaus Geus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Chapter 2: Secret of Extispicy Revealed
Netanel Anor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Chapter 3: Scenes with Two Bes Figures from Nimrudand the Second Step of Bes
Toward Globalisation
Adrienn Orosz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Chapter 4: Near Eastern origins of Graeco-Egyptian Alchemy
Matteo Martelli / Maddalena Rumor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Chapter 5: Traum und Raum in den Onesikritika des Artemidoros von Daldis
Gregor Weber . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
Chapter 6: On the Use and Abuse of Philosophy for Life: John Chrysostom’s
Paradoxical View of Knowledge
Jan R. Stenger . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
Chapter 7: Esoterisches Wissen im Platonismus und in der christlichen Gnosis
Christoph Markschies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
Chapter 8: Priesterliches Kultwissen in den philensischen Graffiti des 4. und 5.
Jahrhunderts n. Chr.
Jan Moje . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
Chapter 9: Ein syrischer Hermes? Anmerkungen zu esoterischen Traditionen im
syrischen Medizinbuch
Stefanie Rudolf . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149
Chapter 10: Self-Knowledge, Illumination and Natural Magic: Some Notes on Pico
della Mirandola’s Esotericism and Its Ancient Sources
Adrian Pirtea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
About the Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199
TOPOI – Dahlem Seminar for the History of Ancient Sciences
The Dahlem Seminar for the History of Ancient Sciences is an initiative resulting from
cooperation between the Max Planck Institute for the History of Science, Berlin, and the Topoi
Excellence Cluster. Future events are intended to foster stronger links between scholars at the
Max Planck Institute, Freie Universität and Humboldt Universität, under the overall aegis of
the Topoi Excellence Cluster. The Dahlem Seminar for the History of Ancient Sciences, under
the direction of Klaus Geus and Mark Geller, organises an annual colloquium series on various
innovative themes in ancient scholarship and knowledge transfer.
TOPOI – Dahlem Seminar for the History of Ancient Sciences Vol. II
Klaus Geus and Mark Geller (eds.)
2014
Esoteric Knowledge in Antiquity– SOME THOUGHTS
Mark Geller & Klaus Geus
Freie Universität Berlin
confrontation of the same idea between disciplines. A case in point is the concept of ‘esoteric
knowledge’, to which the present collection of articles is devoted, which will trace the framework of esoteric knowledge from Babylonia to Greece and into Christian thought, highlighting similarities and differences within each episteme. The journey is rather crooked and full of potholes.
Moreover, the expression ‘esoteric’ is used today rather indiscriminately. Within the
category of ‘esoteric knowledge’ one understands a variety of related expressions, such as
‘mystical’ or ‘occult’, as well as the more concrete ‘absolute’ or ‘elevated’ knowledge, which
can also be considered as ‘hidden’, ‘secret’, or ‘inaccessible’, and even ‘fanciful’ or carried
away. The confused pattern of such definitions advocates a look at the historical development
this concept.
The term ‘esoteric’ originates from the Greek for ‘inner’, not however with the sense
of ‘psychic’, ‘spiritual’, or ‘mystical’, but with a purely local meaning of being ‘further within’ something. The antonym is ‘exoteric’, namely ‘external’. There is no corresponding terminology in Babylonia, although the concept of knowledge exclusively reserved for scholars
increasingly appeared in colophons of cuneiform tablets emanating from the scribal academies and royal libraries, such as that of Assurbanipal of Nineveh (mid 7th century BCE).
These colophons make the matter quite explicit: revealing the contents of a particular academic tablet to someone uninitiated (literally ‘not knowledgeable’) is a taboo of a god. But what
kind of composition contains such hidden (or esoteric) knowledge?
This question is not easy to answer. On one hand there are neither terms for or any textual evidence for ‘esoteric’ versus ‘exoteric’ knowledge, since neither category is defined, although there is an implicit assumption of ‘insiders’ (lit. mudû ‘learned’) and ‘outsiders’ (lit. la
mudû, ‘not learned’) among possible readers of the tablets. Beyond this crude distinction in
colophons, there are references to secret knowledge or lore often associated with divination,
such as niširti bārûti, ‘secrets of the art of the haruspex’, and such secrets were occasionally
associated with a particular location, namely the bīt mummi. This place was originally the
secluded workshop in a temple where idols were either repaired or manufactured, accessible
only by priests skilled in this type of sensitive work, and even if only a metaphor, the bīt
mummi clearly distinguishes between insiders and outsiders.
In fact, it was likely that all disciplines maintained this distinction between those who
were mudû and la mudû, between initiated and uninitiated, in a particular discipline. What is
not clear is whether these terms could refer to other scribes or scholars not trained in a specific discipline (e.g. astronomy/ astrology, medicine, liturgy), or whether the phrase was simply meant to exclude anyone who was generally thought to be unschooled. We have little information about any serious rivalry or competition between scribal academies, either in different cities or temples, or even between scribes who were experts in specific areas of knowledge. Academically animosities probably existed then as it does now, but clear statements of such are hard to find.
There are Sumerian and Akkadian compositions from scribal academies which appear
to reflect esoteric or mystical knowledge, on a par with later Kabbalistic writings, and these
are obvious candidates for defining a category of esoteric texts; they remain virtually impossible to comprehend, but they refer to themes such as the Chariot of Marduk which remarkably reflect something of the Merkavah Mysticism of medieval Jewish texts. Such texts are
exceptional and do not represent the full range of academic compositions most often prohibited to the uninitiated. As is so often the case in Mesopotamia, we are not guided by any ancient secondary literature or philosophical treatises, which would help pave the way for us to
comprehend ancient Sumerian and Akkadian scholarly writings; the commentary texts which
we have (also ‘esoteric’) are themselves frustratingly cryptic and abbreviated.
Nevertheless, the contrast between Babylonian and Greek concepts of what constitutes
such knowledge is rather revealing. The Greek expressions for esoteric and exoteric were
mostly employed in reference to ancient mystery cults, such as the Eleusinian mysteries or
Mithra-cults, in which one must first be ‘consecrated’ in a special ceremony and afterwards is
prohibited to reveal any of the knowledge acquired during the initiation, under pain of death.
This constitutes ‘secret knowledge’ in a real way.
From ancient mystery cults, the concepts of esoteric and exoteric knowledge spread to
Greek philosophical schools. Exactly in the same way that initiation was instituted among
these cults which mandated a special, secret kind of knowledge, so Greek philosophical
schools of Pythagoras and Plato conveyed special kinds of knowledge and teachings among
their closest disciples which were not to be communicated to others. These privileged students
Esoteric Knowledge in Antiquity were known as ‘Esotericists’, while all those beyond the immediate circle of the initiated were known as ‘Exotericists’; Pythagoreans also recognised the esoteric categories of mathematics and acousmatics.
Modern usage has reversed these relationships, at least as far as the value of knowledge is concerned, since in contemporary language ‘esoteric’ almost exclusively reflects fanciful and speculative knowledge. We must therefore distinguish between original ancient concepts in which ‘esoteric’ implies higher, deeper, and even better knowledge, in contrast to today’s understanding of esoteric as secret, marginal, and relatively worthless knowledge.
These concepts of esoteric and exoteric have undergone a profound change of perspective in
the course of the history of these terms.
Science per se is perceived as a set of rules derived from abstract propositions. Beginning with empirical observation, carried out under specific conditions, scientists propose
causal relationships, e.g. if someone does A, then B will result. These kinds of causal relationships may also offered by priests and shamans, by sticking needles into a voodoo doll or tossing fingernails into a fire in order to cause harm to one’s enemies or rivals, or alternatively if
an astrologer associates events in a person’s life with the sun’s progress through the Zodiac.
On the other hand, a Christian believer might see miracles in a similar light, as expressions of
some higher or divinely inspired knowledge, which would allow healing to take place at the
mere touch or presence of a famous personage or saint, such as Simeon Stylites.
The question is how to balance such claims within the various frameworks of ancient thought. Here distinctions can be made between different types of healing or magical events, such as healing
through technical rituals, recitations of incantations, or therapeutic prescriptions (all esoteric
knowledge of sorts), verses the direct inspirational healing of a famous wonderworker, such
as Apollonius of Tyana.
How, in such cases, can we distinguish between esoteric and exoteric knowledge? One criterion would be simply to ask how well informed we are about those ancient techniques which could be considered esoteric. One good example, black magic (mentioned above), is clearly a type of illicit knowledge not shared by everyone except those trained in it, and in fact few textbooks of black magic are known from antiquity; mostly we know how to defend against witchcraft rather than actually employ it. Within the pagan world, the boundaries between the various kinds of esoteric and exoteric knowledge remain somewhat confused.
In the same way that Babylonian divination was labelled as niṣirti bārûti, ‘secrets of
the art of the haruspex’ (see above), the art of dream interpretation was a widely known and
practiced secret techne in the ancient world, best known through the writings of Artemidorus.
It is difficult to know how this knowledge actually operated and whether dreams reflected
actual realities or were limited to flights of imagination. It seems clear, however, that dreams
were firmly rooted in the geography of everyday life and reflected the normal landscapes of
human life, although within a theoretical mantic framework aimed at predicting the future.
Nevertheless, the associations between visions and dreams and their interpretations constitute
another grey area of esoteric knowledge, in which the associative thought processes which
produce the predictions are never actually expounded or even discussed in ancient texts, but
are assumed to be the private knowledge of professional dream interpreters.
With the advent of Christianity, the situation changes, since to some extent the distinction between religious and secular knowledge becomes sharper; the former is based upon faith
and belief, while the latter is perceived as being more scientific and rational. This brings us
back to schooling and the tensions between studies of rhetoric, philosophy, and logic within
the secular curriculum contrasted with religious training, which emphasised acceptance of
dogma and homilies, and faith-based teachings. Without doubt, however, is the picture of insiders and outsiders, ie. those who either accept or fail to accept Christian faith as part of their
world view and approach to ‘true’ knowledge.
This brings us into the murky world of the Hermetica and Gnostic wisdom, which contrasts with the philosophical views of philosophers devoted to discovering the laws of nature.
The boundaries are not always as clear as one might think, since certain kinds of questions
(eg. the composition and mortality of the soul) could be debated universally among all brands
of scholarship. There is also little doubt that Platonic-style philosophy and Aristotelian logic
was also applied to Gnostic wisdom, which itself was dedicated to the kind of secret knowledge which would lead to salvation and reward in the afterlife. Nevertheless, a basic difference between philosophy and gnostic thought was the element of secrecy and whether relevant ideas could be openly discussed and debated, or were these ideas only available to an inner circle of subscribers and co-believers. It is this characteristic of secrecy, of Geheimwissen, which probably reflects the most profound differences between esoteric and exoteric knowledge.
CONTENT
Chapter 1: Esoteric Knowledge in Antiquity – Some Thoughts
Mark Geller & Klaus Geus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Chapter 2: Secret of Extispicy Revealed
Netanel Anor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Chapter 3: Scenes with Two Bes Figures from Nimrudand the Second Step of Bes
Toward Globalisation
Adrienn Orosz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Chapter 4: Near Eastern origins of Graeco-Egyptian Alchemy
Matteo Martelli / Maddalena Rumor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Chapter 5: Traum und Raum in den Onesikritika des Artemidoros von Daldis
Gregor Weber . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
Chapter 6: On the Use and Abuse of Philosophy for Life: John Chrysostom’s
Paradoxical View of Knowledge
Jan R. Stenger . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
Chapter 7: Esoterisches Wissen im Platonismus und in der christlichen Gnosis
Christoph Markschies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
Chapter 8: Priesterliches Kultwissen in den philensischen Graffiti des 4. und 5.
Jahrhunderts n. Chr.
Jan Moje . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
Chapter 9: Ein syrischer Hermes? Anmerkungen zu esoterischen Traditionen im
syrischen Medizinbuch
Stefanie Rudolf . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149
Chapter 10: Self-Knowledge, Illumination and Natural Magic: Some Notes on Pico
della Mirandola’s Esotericism and Its Ancient Sources
Adrian Pirtea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
About the Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199
TOPOI – Dahlem Seminar for the History of Ancient Sciences
The Dahlem Seminar for the History of Ancient Sciences is an initiative resulting from
cooperation between the Max Planck Institute for the History of Science, Berlin, and the Topoi
Excellence Cluster. Future events are intended to foster stronger links between scholars at the
Max Planck Institute, Freie Universität and Humboldt Universität, under the overall aegis of
the Topoi Excellence Cluster. The Dahlem Seminar for the History of Ancient Sciences, under
the direction of Klaus Geus and Mark Geller, organises an annual colloquium series on various
innovative themes in ancient scholarship and knowledge transfer.
ALCHEMISTS OR DYERS? THE ART OF DYEING IN THE GRECO-ROMAN EGYPT
Maria Julia Martinez Garcia
2019, TEXTILES AND DYES IN THE MEDITERRANEAN ECONOMY AND SOCIETY,
PV VI
27 Pages
1 File ▾
https://www.academia.edu/38656397/ALCHEMISTS_OR_DYERS_THE_ART_OF_DYEING_IN_THE_GRECO-ROMAN_EGYPT
Abstract: Egyptian papyri from the Greco-Roman period and the Greek Alchemists Corpus, dated approximately to the 3rd and 4th centuries AD, contain interesting recipes for the preparation of dyes and colourants for textiles, as well as other materials, such as stone, glass and metal. The professional dyers of Greco-Roman Egypt (infectores, offectores and the collective of crafts- men in general) practiced rituals or magic incantations, which specified the best time to open their workshops, or to protect their inventions. Craftsmen operated in workshops equipped with sets of specific instruments, similar to those described in treatises on alchemy. These similarities raise the question: what was the connection between the dyers of these specialised workshops and alchemists? What interests motivated these two groups to engage with each other? Did the Greek dyers and alchemists exchange raw materials or ideas? This paper reviews the possible links between the dyers and the alchemists who knew the formulas de- scribed in the Greek papyri and other texts. This relationship was likely linked to the demand for clothes and cloths dyed with colours that imitated the precious shellfish purple dye, by a growing, wealthy “middle class”.
Keywords: Greek papyri, Ancient alchemy, Craftsmen, Dyers, Alchemists
Résumé: Les papyrus de l’Égypte gréco-romaine et le Corpus des Alchimistes Grecs, datés du IIIe au IVe siècles, contiennent des recettes intéressantes pour la préparation de teintures et de pigments pour les matières textiles, ainsi que d’autres matériaux tels que la pierre, le verre ou le métal. Nous savons que des teinturiers professionnels de l’Égypte gréco-romaine (infectores et offec- tores et collectif des artisans en général) connaissaient et pratiquaient des rituels ou des incantations magiques qui précisaient le meilleur moment pour ouvrir son atelier ou pour protéger leurs inventions. Du même, les artisans ont travaillé dans des ateliers équipés de leurs instruments spécifiques, semblables à ceux décrits dans les traités sur l’alchimie. C’est à cause de ce fait que l’on pourrait se demander: ces teinturiers, qui travaillent dans des ateliers spécialisés, quels étaient les liens qu’ils maintenaient avec ceux des alchimistes? Quels sont les intérêts qui ont motivé ces deux groupes à s’engager dans ces relations? Il y avait l’écha … View full abstract
MAGIC AND MAGICIANS IN THE GRECO-ROMAN WORLD
CONTENTS
Preface v
Abbreviations vi
Introduction 1
1 The formation and nature of the Greek concept of magic 18
2 Sorcerers in the fifth and fourth centuries BC 46
3 Sorceresses in the Athens of the fifth and fourth centuries BC 77
4 Sorcerers in the Greek world of the Hellenistic period (300–1BC) 93
5 Magic as a distinctive category in Roman thought 120
6 Constraints on magicians in the Late Roman Republic and under the Empire 137
7 Sorcerers and sorceresses in Rome in the Middle and Late Republic and under the Early Empire 156
8 Witches and magicians in the provinces of the Roman Empire until the time
Matthew W.Dickie
MAGIC AND MAGICIANS IN THE GRECO ROMAN WORLD
This absorbing work assembles an extraordinary range of evidence for the
existence of sorcerers and sorceresses in the ancient world, and addresses the
question of their identities and social origins.
From Greece in the fifth century BC, through Rome and Italy, to the Christian
Roman Empire as far as the late seventh century AD, Professor Dickie shows the
development of the concept of magic and the social and legal constraints placed
on those seen as magicians.
The book provides a fascinating insight into the inaccessible margins of GrecoRoman life, exploring a world of wandering holy men and women, conjurors and
wonder-workers, prostitutes, procuresses, charioteers and theatrical performers.
Compelling for its clarity and detail, this study is an indispensable resource for
the study of ancient magic and society.
Matthew W.Dickie teaches at the University of Illinois at Chicago. He has
written on envy and the Evil Eye, on the learned magician, on ancient erotic
magic, and on the interpretation of ancient magical texts
ROUTLEDGE 2003
CONTENTS
Preface v
Abbreviations vi
Introduction 1
1 The formation and nature of the Greek concept of magic 18
2 Sorcerers in the fifth and fourth centuries BC 46
3 Sorceresses in the Athens of the fifth and fourth centuries BC 77
4 Sorcerers in the Greek world of the Hellenistic period (300–1BC) 93
5 Magic as a distinctive category in Roman thought 120
6 Constraints on magicians in the Late Roman Republic and under the Empire 137
7 Sorcerers and sorceresses in Rome in the Middle and Late Republic and under the Early Empire 156
8 Witches and magicians in the provinces of the Roman Empire until the time
of Constantine 195
9 Constraints on magicians under a Christian Empire 242
10 Sorcerers and sorceresses from Constantine to the end of the seventh century AD 263
Notes 310
Bibliography 355
Index 365
9 Constraints on magicians under a Christian Empire 242
10 Sorcerers and sorceresses from Constantine to the end of the seventh century AD 263
Notes 310
Bibliography 355
Index 365
Sunday, July 19, 2020
[PDF] The role of gold in alchemy. Part I
GB Kauffman - Gold bulletin, 1985 - Springer
Since ancient times and in every culture, gold has been valued for its beauty as well as for
its unique physical and chemical properties. Hence it is not surprising that the
pseudoscience of alchemy arose almost everywhere from earliest times in an attempt to …
Since ancient times and in every culture, gold has been valued for its beauty as well as for
its unique physical and chemical properties. Hence it is not surprising that the
pseudoscience of alchemy arose almost everywhere from earliest times in an attempt to …
GB Kauffman - Gold bulletin, 1985 - Springer
The search for the philosopher's stone, the agent for transmuting base metals into gold, laid
the groundwork for modern chemistry. The origin, both in time and place, of the stone, which
was known by innumerable fanciful names, is obscure. Writers disagree in describing its …
The search for the philosopher's stone, the agent for transmuting base metals into gold, laid
the groundwork for modern chemistry. The origin, both in time and place, of the stone, which
was known by innumerable fanciful names, is obscure. Writers disagree in describing its …
GB Kauffman - Gold bulletin, 1985 - Springer
Through the centuries gold-making has been alternately encouraged and banned by rulers
and clergy, and the number of alleged transmutations is considerable. Undoubtedly,
deliberate fraud or deception was involved although often it cannot be proved from the …
Through the centuries gold-making has been alternately encouraged and banned by rulers
and clergy, and the number of alleged transmutations is considerable. Undoubtedly,
deliberate fraud or deception was involved although often it cannot be proved from the …
APPROACHES TO HEALING IN ROMAN EGYPT
JANE LOUISE DRAYCOTT
BA (HoDs), MA, MSc.
Thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
DECEMBER 2011
http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/13064/1/556119.pdf
Abstract
This thesis examines the healing strategies utilised by the inhabitants of Egypt
during the Roman period (from the late first century Be to the fourth century AD)
in order to investigate how Egyptian, Greek and Roman customs and traditions
interacted within the province. It explores the symbiotic relationship between
'professional' and 'amateur' medical practice within Egypt, and examines the
ways in which three particularly well-attested health problems - eye complaints,
febrile conditions and the injuries inflicted by wild animals - were approached,
evaluated and treated. By considering a range of literary, papyrological,
archaeological, and anthropological sources, this thesis argues that healing
strategies were developed in response to a variety of historical, cultural and social
factors, and were intimately connected to the region's climate, geography and
natural resources. This thesis, then, presents a fresh and nuanced approach to
understanding healing strategies in Roman provincial culture, identifies diagnostic
features of healing in material culture and offers an integrated reading of ancient
medical literary and documentary papyri, and archaeological evidence. By
encompassing the full spectrum of healing strategies available to the inhabitants
of the province, and by incorporating elements of medical, surgical, magical and
religious healing, it offers a comprehensive and wide-ranging perspective on
healing in Roman Egypt, and investigates new approaches to the study of
medicine in the Roman world.
Part ONE
1. Introduction ..................................................................................................... 2
2. Egyptian Contexts ........................................................................................... 7
2.1. Medical Practice in Pharaonic and Hellenistic Egypt ............................... 7
2.2. The Geography of Egypt.. ....................................................................... 12
2.3. Social and Political Structures, Administration and Interaction ............. 15
2.4. Demography ............................................................................................ 16
3. Scholarly Contexts ........................................................................................ 22
3.1. Roman Egypt ........................................................................................... 23
3.2. Black Athena ........................................................................................... 28
3.3. Ancient Medicine .................................................................................... 31
4. Source Material ............................................................................................. 36
4.1. Literary Evidence .................................................................................... 37
4.2. Documentary Evidence ........................................................................... 40
4.3. Archaeological Evidence ........................................................................ 43
4.4. Evidence from Forensic Anthropology ................................................... 45
5. Research Aims and Methodology ................................................................. 46
6. Thesis Structure ............................................................................................. 48
Chapter One: Identifying Medical Practitioners in Roman Egypt
1. Introduction ................................................................................................... 53
1.1. Categorisation and Classification ............................................................ 55
1.2. Medical Practitioners in Roman Alexandria ........................................... 57
1.3. Categories of Physician and the Medical Hierarchy in Roman Egypt.. .. 60
1.3.1. Archiatroi .......................................................................................... 61
1.3.2. Demosioi Iatroi ................................................................................. 64
1.3.3. Army Physicians ............................................................................... 67
1.4. Conclusion .............................................................................................. 72
2. Reconstructing the iatros / medicus .............................................................. 73
2.1. Diagnostic Features ................................................................................. 73
2.1.1. Medical Premises and Surgeries ....................................................... 74
2.1.2. Medical Equipment ........................................................................... 75
2.1.3. Medical Literature ............................................................................. 87
3. Medical Practitioners in Temple Complexes ................................................. 92
3.1. Religious Medical Practitioners .............................................................. 92
3.2. Case Study A: The Temples of Sara pis and Isis at Canopus ................... 97
3.3. Case Study B: The Temple of Soknebtunis at Tebtunis ........................ 101
3.3.1. Medical Literature from Tebtunis ................................................... 102
Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 108
111
Chapter Two: Alternative Healing Strategies in Roman Egypt
1. Introduction ................................................................................................. 11 1
2. Possible Reasons for Avoiding 'Professional' Medical Practitioners ......... 117
2.1. Fear ........................................................................................................ 117
2.2. Lack of Availability .............................................................................. 122
2.3. Cost ....................................................................................................... 125
3. Domestic / Folk Medicine in Roman Egypt.. .............................................. 128
3.1. The Natural Environment of Roman Egypt .......................................... 133
3.2. Aspects of the Natural Environment: The Nile ..................................... 135
3.3. The Built and Cultivated Environment of Roman Egypt.. .................... 137
4. Domestic Medicine and Self Help in Roman Egypt.. .................................. 141
4.1. Pregnancy and Childbirth ...................................................................... 142
4.2. Case Study: Kellis, Dakhleh Oasis, Western Desert ............................. 149
4.3. Case Study: Oxyrhynchus, Nile Valley ................................................. 153
4.4. Case Study: Mons Claudianus, Eastern Desert ..................................... 158
4.5. Case Study: Berenike, Eastern Desert, Red Sea Coast.. ........................ 162
Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 165
Part Two
Case Studies ........................................................................................................ 170
Chapter Three: Eye Complaints
1. Introduction ................................................................................................. 173
2. Life with an Eye Complaint in Roman Egypt ............................................. 179
2.1. Tryphon from Oxyrhynchus .................................................................. 179
2.2. Gemellus Horion from Karanis ............................................................. 181
2.3. Discussion ............................................................................................. 185
3. Medical and Surgical Healing ..................................................................... 186
4. Magical Healing .......................................................................................... 193
5. Religious Healing ........................................................................................ 195
Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 199
Chapter Four: Fever
1. Introduction ................................................................................................. 202
2. Malarial Fever ............................................................................................. 204
3. Fevers caused by Bacterial Infection ........................................................... 211
4. Puerperal Fever ............................................................................................ 213
5. Medical Healing .......................................................................................... 216
6. Magical Healing .......................................................................................... 218
7. Religious Healing ........................................................................................ 224
Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 226
Chapter Five: Wild Animals
1. Introduction ................................................................................................. 230
2. Wild Animals in Roman Egypt ................................................................... 232
2.1. Snakes ................................................................................................... 235
2.2. Scorpions ............................................................................................... 241
2.3. Crocodiles ............................................................................................. 246
2.4. Lions ...................................................................................................... 248
3. Wild Animals in Materia Medica, Aphrodisiacs and Cosmetics ................ 251
4. Wild Animals and Ancient Egyptian, Greek and Roman Deities ............... 257
Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 263
IV
Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 266
Bibliography ...... ................................................................................................. 280
JANE LOUISE DRAYCOTT
BA (HoDs), MA, MSc.
Thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
DECEMBER 2011
http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/13064/1/556119.pdf
Abstract
This thesis examines the healing strategies utilised by the inhabitants of Egypt
during the Roman period (from the late first century Be to the fourth century AD)
in order to investigate how Egyptian, Greek and Roman customs and traditions
interacted within the province. It explores the symbiotic relationship between
'professional' and 'amateur' medical practice within Egypt, and examines the
ways in which three particularly well-attested health problems - eye complaints,
febrile conditions and the injuries inflicted by wild animals - were approached,
evaluated and treated. By considering a range of literary, papyrological,
archaeological, and anthropological sources, this thesis argues that healing
strategies were developed in response to a variety of historical, cultural and social
factors, and were intimately connected to the region's climate, geography and
natural resources. This thesis, then, presents a fresh and nuanced approach to
understanding healing strategies in Roman provincial culture, identifies diagnostic
features of healing in material culture and offers an integrated reading of ancient
medical literary and documentary papyri, and archaeological evidence. By
encompassing the full spectrum of healing strategies available to the inhabitants
of the province, and by incorporating elements of medical, surgical, magical and
religious healing, it offers a comprehensive and wide-ranging perspective on
healing in Roman Egypt, and investigates new approaches to the study of
medicine in the Roman world.
Part ONE
1. Introduction ..................................................................................................... 2
2. Egyptian Contexts ........................................................................................... 7
2.1. Medical Practice in Pharaonic and Hellenistic Egypt ............................... 7
2.2. The Geography of Egypt.. ....................................................................... 12
2.3. Social and Political Structures, Administration and Interaction ............. 15
2.4. Demography ............................................................................................ 16
3. Scholarly Contexts ........................................................................................ 22
3.1. Roman Egypt ........................................................................................... 23
3.2. Black Athena ........................................................................................... 28
3.3. Ancient Medicine .................................................................................... 31
4. Source Material ............................................................................................. 36
4.1. Literary Evidence .................................................................................... 37
4.2. Documentary Evidence ........................................................................... 40
4.3. Archaeological Evidence ........................................................................ 43
4.4. Evidence from Forensic Anthropology ................................................... 45
5. Research Aims and Methodology ................................................................. 46
6. Thesis Structure ............................................................................................. 48
Chapter One: Identifying Medical Practitioners in Roman Egypt
1. Introduction ................................................................................................... 53
1.1. Categorisation and Classification ............................................................ 55
1.2. Medical Practitioners in Roman Alexandria ........................................... 57
1.3. Categories of Physician and the Medical Hierarchy in Roman Egypt.. .. 60
1.3.1. Archiatroi .......................................................................................... 61
1.3.2. Demosioi Iatroi ................................................................................. 64
1.3.3. Army Physicians ............................................................................... 67
1.4. Conclusion .............................................................................................. 72
2. Reconstructing the iatros / medicus .............................................................. 73
2.1. Diagnostic Features ................................................................................. 73
2.1.1. Medical Premises and Surgeries ....................................................... 74
2.1.2. Medical Equipment ........................................................................... 75
2.1.3. Medical Literature ............................................................................. 87
3. Medical Practitioners in Temple Complexes ................................................. 92
3.1. Religious Medical Practitioners .............................................................. 92
3.2. Case Study A: The Temples of Sara pis and Isis at Canopus ................... 97
3.3. Case Study B: The Temple of Soknebtunis at Tebtunis ........................ 101
3.3.1. Medical Literature from Tebtunis ................................................... 102
Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 108
111
Chapter Two: Alternative Healing Strategies in Roman Egypt
1. Introduction ................................................................................................. 11 1
2. Possible Reasons for Avoiding 'Professional' Medical Practitioners ......... 117
2.1. Fear ........................................................................................................ 117
2.2. Lack of Availability .............................................................................. 122
2.3. Cost ....................................................................................................... 125
3. Domestic / Folk Medicine in Roman Egypt.. .............................................. 128
3.1. The Natural Environment of Roman Egypt .......................................... 133
3.2. Aspects of the Natural Environment: The Nile ..................................... 135
3.3. The Built and Cultivated Environment of Roman Egypt.. .................... 137
4. Domestic Medicine and Self Help in Roman Egypt.. .................................. 141
4.1. Pregnancy and Childbirth ...................................................................... 142
4.2. Case Study: Kellis, Dakhleh Oasis, Western Desert ............................. 149
4.3. Case Study: Oxyrhynchus, Nile Valley ................................................. 153
4.4. Case Study: Mons Claudianus, Eastern Desert ..................................... 158
4.5. Case Study: Berenike, Eastern Desert, Red Sea Coast.. ........................ 162
Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 165
Part Two
Case Studies ........................................................................................................ 170
Chapter Three: Eye Complaints
1. Introduction ................................................................................................. 173
2. Life with an Eye Complaint in Roman Egypt ............................................. 179
2.1. Tryphon from Oxyrhynchus .................................................................. 179
2.2. Gemellus Horion from Karanis ............................................................. 181
2.3. Discussion ............................................................................................. 185
3. Medical and Surgical Healing ..................................................................... 186
4. Magical Healing .......................................................................................... 193
5. Religious Healing ........................................................................................ 195
Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 199
Chapter Four: Fever
1. Introduction ................................................................................................. 202
2. Malarial Fever ............................................................................................. 204
3. Fevers caused by Bacterial Infection ........................................................... 211
4. Puerperal Fever ............................................................................................ 213
5. Medical Healing .......................................................................................... 216
6. Magical Healing .......................................................................................... 218
7. Religious Healing ........................................................................................ 224
Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 226
Chapter Five: Wild Animals
1. Introduction ................................................................................................. 230
2. Wild Animals in Roman Egypt ................................................................... 232
2.1. Snakes ................................................................................................... 235
2.2. Scorpions ............................................................................................... 241
2.3. Crocodiles ............................................................................................. 246
2.4. Lions ...................................................................................................... 248
3. Wild Animals in Materia Medica, Aphrodisiacs and Cosmetics ................ 251
4. Wild Animals and Ancient Egyptian, Greek and Roman Deities ............... 257
Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 263
IV
Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 266
Bibliography ...... ................................................................................................. 280
Excerpt
Contents
1. Introduction
2. Alchemy
2.1. Origin and contents
2.2. Fundamental Concepts of Alchemy
2.3. Frankenstein as an Alchemical Novel
2.3.1. Form
2.3.2. Content
2.1. Origin and contents
2.2. Fundamental Concepts of Alchemy
2.3. Frankenstein as an Alchemical Novel
2.3.1. Form
2.3.2. Content
3. The Golem
3.1. What is a Golem?
3.2 Features of the Golem in Frankenstein
3.1. What is a Golem?
3.2 Features of the Golem in Frankenstein
4. Vampirism
4.1 Origin and Character
4.2. Vampirism in “Frankenstein”
4.1 Origin and Character
4.2. Vampirism in “Frankenstein”
5. Conclusion
1. Introduction
Life is a Dream. At least for the authors of the Romantic period including Mary Shelley. Inspired by a nightmare, she composed Frankenstein, representing the typical Gothic Novel of the Romantic Period, from a variety of sources ranging from the ancient Greeks to 19th century Europe. Three very important sources are Alchemy or Hermetic Philosophy, the Golem Legends and Vampirism. Since it is a product of Romanticism, the novel contains various topics of this period, i.e. the image of the Universal Man which is closely connected with the Greek legend of the god Prometheus who stole the fire from the Olympus to bring light to man and was therefore seriously punished. Other typical topics of Romanticism are Nature and the Exotic. A third feature is the supernatural or the “other side”[1].Myths and Legends have always been the most important means to express and interpret human fears and longings, in the Romantic period often taken up in relation to Industrialization and social development and the fear of a mechanistic society. Myth and Legend are two of the oldest genres of literature (including non-written literature as well). Especially Alchemy resembles various kinds of Myth. One is the cosmogonic Myth that describes the genesis of the entire world. A second kind of Myth is the Myth of cultural heroes. Although in Frankenstein the end is tragic because the heroic act of creation turns into a catastrophe, it is indeed a story that tells of a person who makes an invention originally expected to be profitable. Other myths also show up in Alchemy as well as in the concepts of the Golem and the Vampire, for example the Myths of birth and rebirth or the foundation Myths[2].The supernatural, the universal together with a sceptic attitude towards mechanical inventions is what connects the three important sources of influence on Frankenstein: Alchemy, the Golem and the Vampire, unifying nature and the supernatural, the ordinary and the exotic, this side and the other side, represent the search for universal knowledge and its consequences.
2. Alchemy
2.1. Origin and contents
Alchemy or Hermetic Philosophy as an all-embracing field of scientific study has various origins: Greek natural philosophy, Greek mythology, the Bible and the old Arabic sciences.[3] As a method of scientific study it was accepted up to the 18th century Alchemy was practised in two manners. The first is the true or hermetic mode, following the principles of imitating nature reasonably in the name of God and refraining from instrumentalizing magic arbitrarily for evil and selfish purposes as the second false or vulgar mode is described.[4] Alchemy rather aimed at synthesis, not at destruction. Chemical processes were mostly the main subject of study, including the experimental work in the laboratory as well as recording the work and its results. This was often done by ciphered letters that could only be understood by other alchemists for alchemy was a secret science. To avoid misuse the secrets were not to be revealed to everybody but only to the pupil or other alchemists.
2.2. Fundamental Concepts of Alchemy
Proceeding from the Aristotelian Doctrine that all things tend to reach perfection, hermetic philosophy is based upon the theory of seven hermetic principles.[5] The “Principle of Spirituality” contains the idea that there is an all-embracing spirit from which everything derived and which is to be found more or less easily in everything. Another idea is that everything is in motion, nothing stands still. This idea is anchored in the “Principle of Vibration”. Another principle is the “Principle of Polarity” which says, in the widest sense, that everything in the world has its counterpart. Vibration and polarity together bring forth another principle, the “Principle of Rhythm”. Every movement happens rhythmically in (at least) two directions. Therefore nothing can happen by accident. Everything happens within a chain of causations. This is called the “Principle of Cause and Effect”. The last principle is the “Principle of Gender”. It says that both male and female features can be found in everything. If these features are united universality is reached. It is the all-embracing spirit that represents the ultimate union. With these principles as a basis alchemical thought brings forth a certain imagery, that occurs again and again in Romanticism and especially in Frankenstein. This kind of philosophy, which stretches throughout the whole text, in mind and adding alchemical imagery one can conclude that Frankenstein is an “alchemical novel” in both, form and content.[6]
2.3. Frankenstein as an Alchemical Novel
2.3.1. FORM
The first allusion to alchemy appears within the title. The name Frankenstein alludes to the ultimate goal, the former scientists were trying to reach: The discovery of the Philosopher’s Stone. It was said to be the medicine for any kind of illness and to give universal knowledge to him who is in possession of it. Its various functions are marked through a strong symbolism. It is referred to by several names, for example Tree, Child or Homunculus, Quintessence and Hermaphrodite. It is also said to be a kind of Eternal Light.[7] According to Greek mythology, the god who once brought light to man was Prometheus. In this context light can be interpreted as knowledge. Frankenstein who is named “The Modern Prometheus” in the subtitle, is obsessed with gaining knowledge and thus becoming god-like. A second kind of Promethean Myth , the Myth of Prometheus Plasticator who created a human being is also embedded in the novel.[8] Though imperfect Frankenstein discovered a way to create a human being not unlike the alchemical image of the homunculus. He gained knowledge. For it was forbidden knowledge he, like Prometheus, was punished for stealing the divine light and for creating a human being. Playing creator is only possible within certain borders and the result is imperfect.
The structure of the novel is also “alchemical”. Since alchemy aimed at observing, imitating and improving nature and not at destructing it, experiments were done in a certain mode, following the principle of Solve et Coagula[9]. It says that the alchemist gains knowledge while he observes the dissolving of a solid into a fluid substance (body into spirit). Afterwards the process is reversed. The substance is coagulated again. This process was repeated frequently, for the alchemist resumed that the more often a process is repeated, the purer the substance becomes. It is an imitation of the eternal circle of life and death. It also represents the hermetic principle of Gender. A metal is dissolved and coagulated frequently. Its male and female features are separated, purified and united again until the process results in the universal oneness of both, until it becomes gold. It is an imitation of creation. This analogy of man and creator, art and nature is theoretically possible but actually forbidden or at least not reachable totally and dangerous. The concept of Solve et Coagula is one of the main images of alchemy. In a wider sense Mary Shelley did the same. She observed and interpreted, dissolved and coagulated all her material into a novel which has proved to be universal in the sense of being an independent work fitting every point of history. She synthesized her material into a tale within a tale within a tale.[10] The story of the monster’s experiences is embedded in the narration of Frankenstein, which is itself embedded in the frame build by Walton’s letters to his cousin, in which he tells the story as the main narrator. This tale within a tale within a tale structure gives the story its synthetic character.
Hence follows a third point of reference to alchemy. It is the master-pupil-relationship in alchemical tradition. Like the alchemist, who only passed his knowledge on only to other members of this elite, Frankenstein tells his story to Walton. Likewise, the monster told Frankenstein his. As already mentioned Walton tells everything again to his cousin in letter-form. The letter was an important means of recording alchemical study. Usually ciphered, alchemical writings themselves merged into a form of literary genre[11]. Frankenstein therefore is as well a piece of literature that is influenced by alchemy as an alchemical text itself. However, the important reason in the conception of story-telling in the novel is the shift from the oral (Frankenstein and the monster), to the written tradition. This shift originally happened during old English times. It is used as a symbol for the changes of society around Mary Shelley’s time and for the repetitions in the everlasting circle of life. Besides Walton, Victor is also a representative of these changes. J.M. Smith shows this with the help of “Thomas Kuhn’s concept of paradigm shifts in scientific knowledge”[12].Kuhn defines a paradigm as a “model from which spring particular coherent traditions of scientific research”. In “Frankenstein” the paradigm shift is the change from the old sciences, including the “electricians” to the modern form of physics and chemistry. Frankenstein is a figure that marks this paradigm shift. He represents both, the old and the new sciences. Therefore Smith concludes that the paradigm shift is incomplete. Because of that the novel rather marks a turning point in history than a dystopia.
In contrast to the allusions to alchemy in the form of the novel, the direct influences of alchemy on its content are more obvious.
[...]
[1] „“Romanticism“, Microsoft® Encarta
[2] „Mythology“, Microsoft Encarta
[3] Gebelein, s.99 ff
[4] Gebelein, p.12ff
[5] Gebelein, p.41ff
[6] Gebelein, p.222
[7] Abraham, p.145ff
[8] Smith
[9] Abraham, p. 186f
[10] Brooks, p.81
[11] Gebelein, p.221
[12] Smith
Excerpt out of 17 pages
- Quote paper
- Bettina Klohs (Author), 2000, Being afraid of the Machine? Alchemy, the Golem and Vampirism as Sources for Mary Shelley's "Frankenstein", Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/25939
- SEE MY GOTHIC CAPITALISM
- https://archive.org/details/TheHorrorOfAccumulationAndTheCommodificationOfHumanity/page/n13/mode/2up
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