It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
Sunday, October 25, 2020
By Reuters Staff
DOLE, France (Reuters) - Growing global demand for food is putting a squeeze on available land and one French startup says it has the answer: indoor insect farming.
Ynsect raised $224 million from investors including Hollywood star Robert Downey Jr.’s Footprint Coalition this month to build a second insect farm in Amiens in northern France.
The company breeds mealworms that produce proteins for livestock, pet food and fertilisers, and will use the funds to build what it says will be the world’s largest insect farm.
Due to open in early 2022, it will produce 100,000 tonnes of insect products such as flour and oil annually and conserve land use while creating 500 jobs.
The 40-metre-tall plant spread over 40,000 square metres, will be “the highest vertical farm in the world and the first carbon-negative vertical farm in the world,” Ynsect CEO and co-founder Antoine Hubert told Reuters.
He spoke at the company’s first factory, which it opened in Dole, eastern France in 2016, where conveyor belts carried trays with millions of squirming mealworms.
“It’s important to develop insect sectors today because the world needs more proteins, more food, more feed to feed the animals that will make eventually meat and fish...But beyond this, obviously, human food is a market,” Hubert said.
Saturday, October 24, 2020
By DAILY MAIL CITY & FINANCE REPORTER
PUBLISHED: 23 October 2020
The British former boss of drugs group Indivior has been sentenced to six months in a US jail.
Shaun Thaxter, 53, pleaded guilty in July to a criminal charge related to how the firm marketed best-selling opioid addiction treatment, suboxone. He will also pay £460,000 in fines and forfeitures.
The case was brought by the US government, which accused Indivior of fraudulently marketing the drug.
Jailed: Shaun Thaxter pleaded guilty in July to a criminal charge related to how the firm marketed best-selling opioid addiction treatment, suboxone
It is one of the few corporate prosecutions related to an epidemic blamed for hundreds of thousands of overdose deaths.
Prosecutors claim Indivior made misleading safety claims about the film form of its flagship drug – which could be placed under the tongue and dissolved – to win endorsement from doctors and protect its share of the lucrative market.
Suboxone is used by recovering addicts to ease withdrawal symptoms. But it is a powerful and addictive opioid.
Thaxter led Indivior from 2009 until July 2020, when he left abruptly with a £2.3million exit package and admitted the charge the next day.
He was said to be the person in charge of efforts to get suboxone added to the medicines that could be prescribed under the state of Massachusetts' Medicaid programme in 2012.
Indivior argued the film was safer than tablets because it was less likely to be abused and harder for children to accidentally use but it 'lacked any scientific evidence' to support this, prosecutors said.
The claims led to the drug being prescribed to some patients who had children under six years old. Thaxter's lawyer emphasised that he had no idea that the alleged false claims had been made.
But prosecutors said he 'oversaw and encouraged' the marketing efforts.
Daniel Bubar, first assistant US attorney of the Western District of Virginia, said: 'He was in a position to ensure that doctors, patients, and insurers were dealt with honestly.
Instead, Thaxter failed to prevent efforts to build profits through misleading safety claims, which led to millions of dollars in ill-gotten gains.'
Indivior denies all wrongdoing and said Thaxter's sentencing is not related to the company. In July it agreed to pay £470million over the scandal.
Consumer goods giant Reckitt Benckiser, which used to own Indivior until 2014, has not admitted wrongdoing, but paid £1.1billion to settle claims.
By Reuters Staff
FILE PHOTO: World Health Organization (WHO) Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus attends a news conference in Geneva Switzerland July 3, 2020. Fabrice Coffrini/Pool via REUTERS/File Photo
GENEVA (Reuters) - The world is now at a critical juncture in the COVID-19 pandemic and some countries are on a dangerous path, facing the prospect of health services collapsing under the strain, the head of the World Health Organization said on Friday.
“We are at a critical juncture in the COVID-19 pandemic, particularly in the Northern hemisphere,” WHO Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus told a news conference. “The next few months are going to be very tough and some countries are on a dangerous track.”
“We urge leaders to take immediate action, to prevent further unnecessary deaths, essential health services from collapsing and schools shutting again. As I said it in February and I’m repeating it today: This is not a drill.”
Tedros said too many countries were now seeing an exponential increase in infections, “and that is now leading to hospitals and intensive care units running close or above capacity -- and we’re still only in October”.
He said countries should take action to limit the spread of the virus quickly. Improving testing, tracing of contacts of those infected and isolation of those at risk of spreading the virus would enable countries to avoid mandatory lockdowns.
Writing by Peter Graff; Editing by Kevin Liffey
By Matthew Tostevin, Patpicha Tanakasempipat, Chayut Setboonsarng, Panu Wongcha-um
BANGKOK (Reuters) - A defining moment in Thailand’s growing protest movement started with the unannounced arrival of a champagne-coloured Rolls Royce stretch limousine on a Bangkok street.
When Queen Suthida’s motorcade slowed as it encountered a few dozen protesters jeering outside Bangkok’s Government House on Oct. 14, royalists denounced it as unforgivable harassment in a kingdom whose constitution demands reverence for the monarchy.
The government, led by a former army chief who was the initial target of months of protests, responded swiftly.
It banned protests and made dozens of arrests. But that spurred more demonstrations – and much greater criticism of a monarchy that protesters say has helped to enable decades of military domination.
At a time when King Maha Vajiralongkorn has faced unprecedented scrutiny, many Thais have questioned why the queen was on that road at that time, and have challenged the severity of the reaction - which also included three arrests on little-used charges that could carry the death penalty.
The opposition Move Forward party said on Thursday it planned a parliamentary motion “to study the mistakes made over the motorcade”, complaining this had led to severe action being taken, specifically citing the use of Article 110 charges of violence or attempted violence against the queen.
“It shows a failure in the setting of the royal motorcade route,” said party spokesman Wiroj Lakkhanaadisorn.
Other people noted the route was not the shortest between the Dusit Palace, where the king and queen reside, and the temple where Suthida was going.
They also asked why the motorcade had moved so slowly, even at points where there was no evident obstruction. Royal vehicles usually move much faster.
(GRAPHIC: Turning point in Thailand - )
Some Thais have raised questions whether the encounter was used to justify a crackdown. Reuters has no evidence to confirm this.
The Palace declined comment, as it has since the start of three months of protests that at first called for the removal of Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, a former army chief, but then broke a decades-old taboo by demanding royal reform.
Government spokesman Anucha Burapachaisri told Reuters that securing royal motorcade routes was the police’s responsibility.
“The emergency declaration was necessary to prevent other incidents and conflicts,” he said, rejecting protesters’ accusations that it was a provocation to justify harsh measures.
Police did not respond to repeated Reuters requests for comment.
Reuters has reviewed nine videos supplied by the people who shot them and taken from different angles in addition to other video on social media, well over 100 still pictures with accompanying metadata and interviewed eight eyewitnesses to reconstruct how events unfolded.
There are gaps. Reuters was unable to establish the full route of the motorcade before and after the incident, why it was taken, why there had been no advance notice of the route or why the royal convoy travelled much more slowly than usual.
The incident started when Queen Suthida reached the protesters at around 5:22 pm on Oct. 14.
Suthida was on a rare visit from Europe, where she and the king had spent nearly the entire year before arriving in Bangkok on Oct. 10.
Dressed in a light blue silk dress with a gold sash, she was travelling on royal duties with the king’s 15-year-old son, and potential heir, Dipangkorn Rasmijoti, who wore his white dress uniform, replete with gold braid.
The protesters were outside Prayuth’s office at Government House. Prayuth seized power in a 2014 coup and protesters accuse him of engineering an election last year to keep his hold - an accusation he denies.
Most of tens of thousands of protesters were behind police blockades nearly a kilometre away, but a few dozen had made it to the gates and were milling around, outnumbered by police, who were lined up 20 abreast on the road.
Usually, police close roads in advance for royal motorcades, but this time it was only the appearance of the lead car and motorcycle outriders that heralded what was coming - minutes before it did.
“There was no announcement,” said Pravit Rojanaphruk, a reporter from Khaosod English, who was interviewing protesters at the time. Video footage supports the assertion the usual warning was not given.
Protesters scrambled as motorcycle outriders arrived. Recognising a royal car, arms shot up to give the three-finger pro-democracy salute taken from “The Hunger Games.” Others raised phones to take pictures.
A chant developed of “Our taxes,” a reference to accusations of royal profligacy. Some chanted “Nation, Religion, People” - adapting the traditional pillars of Thai society: “Nation, Religion, Monarchy.”
The queen’s limousine slowed to a stop as police pushed back protesters at both sides. It took nearly a minute, as some were dragged off. Pictures show them clinging to the legs of police officers as they tumble down near the Chamai Maru-chet bridge.
Protesters were held behind several lines of police. At some points, they appeared to get within metres of the car, though always behind police and none appeared to be trying to reach it.
The queen, who holds the rank of general and is a deputy commander of the Royal Security Command, can be seen smiling and waving to people.
“Some pictures made it look like we harassed them, when it was them that drove right into our gathering,” said one protester who gave her name only as Vitita.
A royalist group, the Center for the Protection of the Monarchy, said its members helped police keep control.
“We risked 20 lives to prevent the mob that surrounded the royal motorcade with all our strength and shouted ‘Long live the King’ to muffle the mob,” the group said in a statement.
Some yellow-shirted royalists can be seen with police in the video, but Reuters could not confirm the group’s claims.
About 280 metres on from the bridge, another group of protesters stood behind police and royalists.
Video shows someone throwing what appears to be a bottle from deep in the crowd. It is unclear if it hit the car as police jogged on either side. Moving at about 7 km (4 miles) an hour, the convoy passed the last protesters at around 5.27 p.m.
That evening, the daily royal news programme showed the queen arriving at the Wat Ratcha Orasaram Ratchaworawihan temple at 5.51 p.m. presenting saffron robes to monks. Later, she was shown handing out awards to kneeling subjects.
But three sources, who did not want to be named because of the sensitivity, said the Palace was angered by the fracas - that was something unheard of in decades.
Just after 4 a.m. the next day, state television announced emergency measures citing illegal public assemblies and said people had “acted to affect the royal motorcade and committed severe actions that affected national security.”
All political meetings of five or more people were banned. So was news that could affect national security.
Within minutes of the announcement riot police rushed protesters outside the prime minister’s office. At least 20 people were arrested - including lawyer Arnon Nampa, the first person to have openly called for royal reform on Aug. 3. Arnon could not be reached for comment as he remained in prison.
The response from protesters on social media was immediate. The top trending hashtag on Twitter in Thailand, used more than 1.1 million times, translates as #KingSlandersPeople - as people said they thought the incident was being used unfairly to justify harsh measures against protesters.
ARRESTS
At least 81 arrests have been made since the emergency decree, police said. Protests happened daily, some drawing tens of thousands of people, before emergency measures were lifted on Oct. 22.
On Oct. 16, two activists were arrested on charges of violence against the queen, which can carry a death sentence if the queen’s life is thought to have been endangered.
Both Bunkueanun ‘Francis’ Paothong and Ekachai Hongkangwan can be seen in videos taken at the scene just before the queen’s car arrived and among protesters pushed back by police.
Now out on bail, Bunkueanun, 20, told Reuters: “Everything went very quickly in a matter of minutes. Protesters started to push in to form a wall. Then the police moved at us to clear the road.”
He said when he realised a royal motorcade was coming, he used a small megaphone to tell people to stand clear. He said he flashed the salute, but then pulled back from the crowd as he suddenly felt unwell. “I could not breathe properly and I almost fainted.”
In a video posted on Facebook by Ekachai, 45, before his arrest, he can be heard saying: “It’s a royal motorcade. Show three fingers.” But the video did not show him attempt to get closer to the car.
Sareewat Sriyoha, a lawyer for Ekachai, quoted the activist as saying that protesters had not seen the motorcade when large numbers of police pushed them back. They had thought police were trying to prevent their planned protest at Government House.
He said that once Ekachai realised what was going on, he had shouted to police: “Oh, its a royal motorcade, why didn’t you tell us so we wouldn’t block it.”
Sareewat said Ekachai told him that he stood back once he knew it was a royal motorcade. Ekachai previously served two years in jail on a royal insult conviction for selling copies of a foreign documentary about the royal family.
Both Bunkueanun and Ekachai denied the charges under Article 110, which outlaws violence or attempted violence “against the queen or her liberty” and is even tougher than royal insult laws.
A third activist, Suranat Paenprasert, was arrested on Oct. 21 on the same charges. He has so far been denied bail. His lawyer, Poonsuk Poonsukcharoen, said he was accused of persuading other protesters to block the motorcade, but that none of them had realised what was going on.
“No one knew that there was a royal motorcade coming,” she said. “Those blocking the road were mainly the police officers.”
Writing by Matthew Tostevin; Editing by Simon Cameron-Moore
Thai king's praise for loyalist stirs passions amid protests
By Jiraporn Kuhakan, Orathai Sriring
BANGKOK (Reuters) - Thai King Maha Vajiralongkorn’s praise for a “very brave” man who held up a royal portrait at an anti-establishment rally has won acclaim from monarchists but scorn from demonstrators in a nation convulsed by three months of protests.
Thailand's King Maha Vajiralongkorn and Queen Suthida greet their royalists as they leave a religious ceremony to commemorate the death of King Chulalongkorn, known as King Rama V, at The Grand Palace in Bangkok, Thailand October 23, 2020. REUTERS/Athit Perawongmetha
The king has made no public comment on the protests seeking the resignation of the prime minister and also increasingly targeting royal powers.
But on Friday, as he greeted thousands of people who had come to the Grand Palace to express devotion, he lauded a man introduced by Queen Suthida as the person who raised a picture of his late father, King Bhumibol Adulyadej, at a protest last week.
“Very brave, very brave, very good, thank you,” the king said in a video circulated widely on social media.
The man, Thitiwat Tanagaroon, told Reuters he had waited from 2 p.m. until 9 p.m. to see the king, which was the highlight of his life.
“The king tapped his hand on my shoulder very hard when he said thank you ... I will put the shirt I wore in a frame,” restaurant manager Thitiwat, 49, said by phone.
Support for the monarchy was not political because the institution was above the fray, he said. “The king cares about all people, no matter how rich or poor.”
The incident drew a big response across Thailand.
‘VERY TOUCHED’
Leader of the royalist Thai Pakdee (Loyal Thai) group, Warong Dechgitvigrom, said it demonstrated the monarchy’s closeness to the people. “We are very touched,” he posted on social media.
But demonstrators said the king’s comment had clarified his opposition to them, with the #23OctEyesOpened hashtag tweeted over half a million times.
“Very brave, very brave, very good for such a clear expression,” commented sarcastically one protest leader Tattep Ruangprapaikitseree, who has put less emphasis than others on the need for royal reform.
“The king has not been above political problems but always sits at the heart of the problems,” commented another protest leader, Piyarat Chongthep.
The Royal Palace and government spokesman declined to comment.
Protesters seek the removal of Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, a former junta leader they accuse of engineering an election last year to keep power. He denies the accusation.
The protests also seek changes to the constitution and to reduce the powers of the monarchy, which they say has helped enable decades of military domination.
Under Thailand’s constitution, the monarchy is “enthroned in a position of revered worship” but in principle it does not engage in politics - a point the king underlined during elections last year.
James Buchanan, a lecturer at Bangkok’s Mahidol University International College, said the king’s comments marked his clearest intervention so far in Thailand’s crisis. “I interpret it as signalling that the king acknowledges the challenge to his authority by the protests, but will not back down,” he said.
Additional reporting by Patpicha Tanakasempipat and Panu Wongcha-Um; Writing by Matthew Tostevin; Editing by Andrew Cawthorne
FILE PHOTO: A robot delivers a birthday cake at Robotazia restaurant as the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) outbreak continues in Milton Keynes, Britain, October 2, 2020. REUTERS/Andrew Boyers/File Photo
ZURICH (Reuters) - Robots will destroy 85 million jobs at mid-sized to large businesses over the next five years as the COVID-19 pandemic accelerates changes in the workplace likely to exaggerate inequalities, a World Economic Forum (WEF) study has found.
Surveys of nearly 300 global companies found four out of five business executives were accelerating plans to digitise work and deploy new technologies, undoing employment gains made since the financial crisis of 2007-8.
“COVID-19 has accelerated the arrival of the future of work,” WEF Managing Director Saadia Zahidi said.
For workers set to remain in their roles in the next five years, nearly half would need to learn new skills, and by 2025, employers will divide work between humans and machines equally, the study found.
Overall, job creation is slowing and job destruction is accelerating as companies around the world use technology rather than people for data entry, accounting and administration duties.
The good news is that more than 97 million jobs will emerge across the care economy, in tech industries like artificial intelligence (AI), and in content creation, the Geneva-based WEF said.
“The tasks where humans are set to retain their comparative advantage include managing, advising, decision-making, reasoning, communicating and interacting,” it said.
Demand would rise for workers who can fill green economy jobs, cutting-edge data and AI functions, and new roles in engineering, cloud computing and product development.
Around 43% of businesses surveyed were set to reduce their workforce due to technology integration, 41% planned to expand their use of contractors, and 34% envisioned expanding their workforce due to technology integration, the survey found.
Reporting by Michael Shields; editing by Barbara Lewis
The Chilean term “facho” evokes the image of Chile’s fascist past—but also of present-day tenacity that thumbs its nose at institutional power.
BY KELLY KIMBALL, AUGUSTA SARAIVA | OCTOBER 24, 2020, 2:02 PM
MAURO ANDRÉS FOR FOREIGN POLICY
It was the image that would define a movement: protesters clinging atop the graffiti-ridden statue of a Chilean general in the heart of Santiago, proudly waving the Chilean and Mapuche flags as a plume of burgundy-colored smoke rose around them. They looked over more than 1 million protesters filling the capital’s main artery as far as the eye could see, like a Eugène Delacroix painting come to life.
The scene in question took place in Plaza Italia (since renamed Plaza Dignidad, or Dignity Plaza, by demonstrators) in October 2019, at the height of what would later be known as the estallido social, or social explosion. A hike in metro fares sparked a revolt, with youth hopping turnstiles and boycotting public transit, and then blew up into much more: a nationwide eruption among Chileans of all walks of life denouncing issues including school privatization, income inequality, and political corruption. Demonstrators chanted, “It’s not 30 pesos—it’s 30 years,” to underscore that the metro fare increase was simply the straw that broke the camel’s back amid injustices that had bedeviled the country since the end of Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet’s reign in 1990.
The largest and most effective protest in the country’s modern history, the estallido social prompted Chilean President Sebastián Piñera to launch a state of emergency, a curfew, and a fleet of military personnel in the capital’s streets—and to call a referendum on a new constitution. This weekend, Chileans will vote on whether—and how—to ditch the Pinochet-era constitution that has ruled them ever since.
But nothing has fully explained the nuance of last year’s social upheaval more than one uniquely Chilean word: facho.
“#PlazaDignidad es del pueblo, no del facho,” as one Facebook page implored in the local slang: “Plaza Dignidad is for the people, not for fascists.”
Despite literally translating as “fascist,” the term “facho” conjures up a kaleidoscopic “rage against the system” disposition. It implies a multitude of images—the same way Americans use “redneck” or “aristotrash” to land a critique of far-right social beliefs or of establishment politics that offer power to some over others. At its core, the term is meant to evoke the 1973 coup that resulted in the death of Socialist President Salvador Allende and made way for the controversial rule of Pinochet and his military junta. It also evokes the memory of the country’s 1988 national plebiscite, which resulted in a two-year transition to democracy. In reflecting these events, the term underscores a spate of simmering political grievances, the legacy of human rights abuses by the dictatorship, and resistance to accept that things have to be the way they are because that’s the way things have always been.
During a Twitter feud last year, prominent Sen. José Miguel Insulza, who served as foreign minister in the 1990s and led the Organization of American States for a decade, wrote to a former presidential candidate that in addition to being a facho, he was a liar. The Chilean broadcast journalist MatÃas del RÃo, who was criticized for his tepid interview with Piñera in March, confessed in an interview on the prominent YouTube show Domingos Dominicales that he had been harangued by critics as a “facho” ever since. And as inequality and class struggle have persisted in the country, Chileans have witnessed the emergence of the expression “facho pobre” (poor fascist), a reference to middle- and working-class people who support the Chilean right.
Francisco Javier DÃaz, the co-author of Dictionary of Chilean Politics, recalls that the word “facho” was even banned on television during the dictatorship. That itself has contributed to making it so powerful among those who resisted Pinochet—and those who are leading the charge during protests today.
“Words are also political instruments,” DÃaz said. Lately, facho and related terms have made a comeback to shed light on the government and Pinochet sympathizers’ use of language to deny Chile’s legacy of political and social injustice. “[They] don’t call the 1973 coup a coup. They call it a pronunciamiento,” or military uprising, he said.
Three decades after democracy came back to Chile, the scars left by the Pinochet regime remain palpable. Nearly 40,000 people suffered human rights abuses during the dictatorship, and 3,000 died or disappeared. Another 200,000 Chileans escaped the horrors in their home country by going into exile. Yet those who benefited from the regime’s orthodox economic policies and the controversial rule of law imposed by the military inherited a fond nostalgia for those years. When Pinochet died in 2006, more than 60,000 Chileans paid tribute at his funeral. And as of 2015, 1 in 5 Chileans still supported the military regime.
If the darker aspects of the Pinochet years struggle to break through into historical memory, it’s partly by design. Much of the world was simply unaware of the extent of the regime’s human rights violations until the end of Pinochet’s dictatorship, contends Loreto Urqueta, a legal advisor at Amnesty International Chile. (Although Pinochet was later arrested in London and endured a 16-month legal battle in the House of Lords, he ultimately dodged a slew of charges and died without having been convicted of any crimes.)
READ MORE
Chile’s Protesters Have Won a Path to a New Constitution
Here’s why they want to replace the dictatorship-era document.
DISPATCH | JOHN BARTLETT
Pinochet Still Looms Large in Chilean Politics
And the ongoing protests prove it.
ARGUMENT | MICHAEL ALBERTUS, MARK DEMING
“After the dictatorship, Chile still sold—internally and externally—this image of a successful, prosperous country,” Urqueta said.
But an intense political bitterness was brewing beneath the surface. Chileans on both ends of the political spectrum still struggle to reconcile with their homeland’s facho past. Around 75 percent say the country is yet to achieve reconciliation, and 85 percent believe the military has pacts of silence to protect those involved in human rights violations. That was abundantly clear during the estallido social last fall.
An Amnesty International report published this month called on the Chilean Attorney General’s Office to open criminal investigations against commanders of the police force for their role in human rights violations during last year’s protests, citing that militarized officers injured 1,938 people with tear gas bombs and metal bullets encased in rubber. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights cited sexual violence, torture, and degrading treatment of arrested protesters, in addition to condemning the excessive use of force as a violation of international protocol.
“This is a consequence of the dictatorship. The police have remained the same, and their approach towards demonstrations has remained the same,” said Urqueta, who contributed to the Amnesty report.
As in two-thirds of the 50-odd countries that have undergone a democratic transition since World War II, Chile’s current constitution was a going-away present from the outgoing authoritarian government. Its lack of social protections has continued to push minorities to the periphery and has pushed inequality to levels similar to those during the dictatorship. This weekend’s vote will determine if a new constitution will be drafted and whether it will be done by a constitutional convention of elected officials or a combination of civilians and politicians.
In a moment when the world is watching a rise in populism and authoritarianism, the Chilean plebiscite—whichever way it ultimately breaks—is just the latest and loudest demand for citizen democracy, something that might allow Chile to finally shed its facho past.
Kelly Kimball is the social media editor at Foreign Policy.
Augusta Saraiva is an intern at Foreign Policy.
The country has been heading for a reckoning for a while—here’s why anger is boiling over now.
BY KATHRYN SALAM | OCTOBER 23, 2020,
People walk with their hands over their heads as they pass through security checkpoints in Lagos, Nigeria, on Oct. 23. SOPHIE BOUILLON/AFP/GETTY IMAGES
On Thursday night, after days of protest in Nigeria over police abuse, President Muhammadu Buhari finally addressed the nation. Tensions had been running high since a high-level military unit, the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), shot and killed at least 12 demonstrators earlier in the week. But Buhari failed to mention those deaths in his remarks, instead warning government critics against “undermining national security.”
As observers wait to see whether anger will bubble over into a new wave of protests this weekend, Foreign Policy has gathered together its best reads on Nigeria from the past few years.
Trending Article
Buhari, who was a military dictator in the 1980s, was elected president in 2015. In his first term, according to Matt Mossman, a political risk analyst, he continued to rule more like a dictator than “the head of a modern democracy.” But Buhari did at least prove his ability to go after corrupt elites, recovering billions of dollars for the state. By the time of the 2019 presidential election, voters rewarded him “with a victory that looks decisive by the numbers but feels far less so. A smaller number of people than in previous rounds opted to vote, and the new mandate sounds more like ‘OK, but do better this time’ than it does ‘thanks and keep at it.’”
Since that vote, the news out of Nigeria has been a mix of good and bad. In mid-2019, the country—one of the last three in the world with endemic polio—declared itself polio-free, reported FP’s Jefcoate O’Donnell. The success came, O’Donnell reported, thanks to “the concerted efforts of an array of vaccine advocates, including northern Nigeria’s traditional and religious leaders, a network of 20,000 women who have stepped up to take the oral form of the vaccine door to door, and polio survivors themselves.”
The same year, Buhari declared the defeat of the insurgent Islamist group Boko Haram, although its attacks have continued. Nigeria would never move past the conflict, wrote Audu Bulama Bukarti, an analyst with the Tony Blair Institute for Global Change, until it came up with better plans for assisting the children—mostly boys—drafted into the conflict on both sides. “Regardless of whether boys have been forced to take up arms for Boko Haram or against it by vigilante groups, Nigeria needs to offer the space and resources for them, and others, to heal.”
Meanwhile, explained the journalist Patrick Egwu, “Nigeria is still deeply divided along ethnic and religious lines. … Marginalization, unequal political appointments, and ethnic and religious tensions are still brewing division.” The south, Egwu noted, has criticized Buhari for favoring the north, and a movement for an independent Biafra, the breakaway state with which Nigeria fought a civil war between 1967 and 1970, is once again gaining momentum.
“Insecurity still remains one of Nigeria’s biggest challenges,” affirmed Egwu in another article. And across the country, “millions of Christians are living in fear because of the growing attacks by armed men or cattle herders from the Fulani ethnic group.” The “herders are Muslims who make regular journeys with their cattle to pastures down south—an area mostly dominated by Christians,” he continued. The raids, Egwu warned, were increasing the chances of major conflict on yet another dimension: religion.
Especially in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic and lockdowns, rising violence against women has also reached a crisis point, leading to the declaration of a state of emergency on the issue by the Nigerian governors’ forum, which also promised to set up a sex offenders registry, according to Egwu. The move came after days of marches in which protesters “defied the lockdown restrictions to voice their anger over the recent wave of rape and murder of women and girls in the country.”
Those marches may have been a sign of what was to come this month: further protests, this time over police brutality. “During the first two weeks after lockdown began on March 30, 18 people were killed extrajudicially by the police, according to the National Human Rights Commission,” Egwu reported. “This is not a new phenomenon. Nigerian police have a notorious record of human rights abuses, brutality, and even extrajudicial killings for the slightest of offenses, such as refusing to give bribes, holding an expensive phone, or driving a fancy car.” In fact, he went on, “[r]eports of police brutality are so common across Africa that they’re not meaningfully tracked.”
Until that point, police killings were typically followed by “fancy hashtag activism for justice” that “trends for some days. A moment later, everything returns to normal, and life continues. There are no street protests demanding justice or the prosecution of the killers. The police and other security actors such as the Special Anti-Robbery Squad unit carry on as before. Hashtag activism is no answer.”
In late October, though, hashtags turned to marches—and how far they will go toward reforming the country remains an open question.
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Trump’s Nigerian Ban Is About Race, Not Security
Nigerian entrepreneurship and creativity have always found a home in the United States—until now.
ARGUMENT | KỌ́LÁ TÚBỌ̀SÚN
Kathryn Salam is a deputy editor at Foreign Policy.
But Russian negotiators still haven’t agreed to stepped-up verification of its nuclear warheads, a major sticking point.
BY JACK DETSCH, ROBBIE GRAMER | OCTOBER 20, 2020
Russia's President Vladimir Putin (left) and U.S. President Donald Trump arrive for a group photo at the G-20 Summit in Osaka, Japan, on June 28, 2019. BRENDAN SMIALOWSKI/AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES
The United States and Russia appear to be closer to clinching a deal to extend the Barack Obama-era New START arms control treaty, after Russian negotiators publicly conceded to a freeze on the number of nuclear warheads in exchange for a one-year extension of the agreement, according to new statements from U.S. and Russian officials.
The Wall Street Journal first reported that the Trump administration was near a deal with Russian negotiators, something that U.S. President Donald Trump has pushed for ahead of the November election despite calls within the administration for a more expansive agreement that would include China, another rising nuclear power.
If a last-minute agreement is reached, it could avert the collapse of one of the most important nuclear arms agreements in the post-Cold War era and give the Trump administration an opening to tout a foreign-policy achievement ahead of the contentious 2020 elections.
“We appreciate the Russian Federation’s willingness to make progress on the issue of nuclear arms control,” State Department spokeswoman Morgan Ortagus said in a statement on Tuesday. “The United States is prepared to meet immediately to finalize a verifiable agreement. We expect Russia to empower its diplomats to do the same.”
But hurdles remain, and there appears to be daylight between U.S. and Russian statements on key remaining issues. While the Russian statement on Tuesday ceded ground to U.S. negotiators on warheads, it did not offer stepped-up verification protocols to ensure that it would abide by the freeze.
“Russia wants an unverified warhead freeze. It would be very difficult to monitor through intelligence collection,” tweeted James Acton, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. “Both Russia and the United States would presumably … continue to produce new warheads, while dismantling old ones.”
Trump’s top arms control negotiator, Marshall Billingslea, is expected to brief NATO allies on the developments this week. Senior European and NATO officials have voiced concerns about the status of the talks in recent months. After the United States withdrew from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty with Russia in 2019, they urged the United States to not abandon New START before its scheduled expiration in February, lest it risk the collapse of the entire arms control architecture in the post-Cold War era.
In recent reports to Congress, the Trump administration has repeatedly acknowledged that Russia has remained in compliance with New START—unlike other Cold War-era arms control treaties—but it has raised questions about whether the deal remains in U.S. interests.
The statements on Tuesday marked a major shift from the administration. Russian President Vladimir Putin last week called for an unconditional renewal of the deal, causing Trump’s National Security Advisor Robert O’Brien to urge Moscow to rethink its position “before a costly arms race ensues.” Among the remaining issues that U.S. and Russian negotiators would need to hash out before such a deal is secured are the definitions of a warhead and how each side would verify compliance with the warhead freeze. Billingslea, the top negotiator, has called for a more rigorous inspection regime under a fresh New START agreement than in the original 2010 deal signed under the Obama administration.
Still, it’s a major step forward after New START negotiations sputtered and stalled in recent months, as the Trump administration initially tried to extend the nuclear treaty to include China. Officials in Beijing refused to entertain such an offer. The rift led to a minor and clumsy diplomatic spat over social media that reflected the sharp disagreements between the United States and China.
Trump appeared to shift gears and abandon his proposal on trilateral talks the following month, when he called for a deal with Russia first before engaging with China.
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U.S. Allies Worry Trump Administration Might Let Key Nuclear Treaty With Russia Die
Internal documents acknowledge concern among allies about the expiration of the Obama-era New START accord, but U.S. negotiators are still playing hardball.
REPORT | JACK DETSCH, ROBBIE GRAMER
Robbie Gramer is a diplomacy and national security reporter at Foreign Policy.
By FRANCESCA WASHTELL FOR THE DAILY MAIL
20 October 2020
Bosses at Boohoo have scooped up shares in the scandal-hit online retailer after another slump in the price.
The fast fashion company’s stock nosedived by more than a fifth this week after its auditor PwC quit and four other beancounters ruled out working for it.
Since July Boohoo has been rocked by claims that some of its clothes were being made in sweatshops, with staff paid as little as £3.50 ($5.99 CAD) an hour.
By TOM WITHEROW FOR THE DAILY MAIL
PUBLISHED:
Takeover target G4S has kicked off the search for a new chairman.
The British security firm is looking for someone to succeed John Connolly, who has been chairman for eight years.
The hunt comes as G4S fends off Canadian predator Garda World, which last month tabled a 190p a share takeover bid worth £2.9billion.
Embattled British security firm G4S is looking for someone to succeed John Connolly (pictured), who has been chairman for eight years
US rival Allied Universal Security Services has also approached G4S, raising the prospect of a bidding war.
As chairman, Connolly will play a key role in determining the future of G4S. And with his tenure drawing to a close, either selling G4S or securing it as an independent company could be his final act.
G4S chief executive Ashley Almanza said: 'We do have a succession plan. We've started well in time, and we are confident there will be a good successor.'
Connolly, 70, took over as chairman of G4S in 2012 having risen to the top of Big Four auditor Deloitte, as Britain's best-paid accountant.
He has overseen a string of scandals, from its failure to supply enough security guards to the London Olympics to charging taxpayers for tagging offenders who were dead or back in prison.
But he has held on to his £382,000 a year job, adding to the fortune he made while at Deloitte, where one of his underlings was disgraced banker Fred Goodwin.
Shortly after Goodwin became chief executive of Royal Bank of Scotland in 2001, the lender awarded the multi-million audit contract to Deloitte.
While Deloitte raked in more than £200million from the plum job, it failed to raise the alarm on the mountain of toxic debt on the balance sheet.
Earlier in his career, Connolly suffered a serious blow. The collapse of investment broker Barlow Clowes in 1988 after massive fraud was one of the biggest City's biggest scandals.
Its downfall saddled taxpayers with a £150million bill as they paid compensation to investors who lost their savings.
Following an investigation, Connolly was judged to have signed off Barlow Clowes accounts with a lack of professional 'efficiency, conduct and competence'.
Deloitte took issue with the criticism of Connolly who was subsequently appointed chief executive and global chairman.
Connolly and Almanza are now leading the battle against Garda World, which is backed by private equity firm BC Capital. They say the bid 'significantly undervalues' G4S – and dismissed its suitor's criticisms as 'opportunistic' and 'scare-mongering'.
Garda World boss Stephan Cretier said he would 'educate' shareholders on the true state of G4S. Connolly retorted wryly that a suitor should not be too negative about a firm he is trying to buy.
Around a quarter of shareholders have already rejected Garda World's offer.