Thursday, March 03, 2022

India relies on Ukraine for sunflower oil imports, buyers may have to look elsewhere

REUTERS/VALENTYN OGIRENKO
Sunflowers in the Kiev region of Ukraine.

By Clarisa Diaz
QUATZ
Things Reporter

Ukraine supplies over half of the world’s crude sunflower and safflower oils. With the Russian invasion of Ukraine and rising cooking oil prices, countries that use those oils may start to look for alternatives. The two oils—referred to as sun oils—are vegetable oils derived from the seeds of sunflower and safflower plants. The Black Sea region including Russia exports 80% of the world’s crude sun oil. With such a high concentration of the supply at risk, the war in Ukraine may increase demand for alternatives, like palm and soybean oils.

India’s demand for sunflower oil

India imports 76% of its sun oils from Ukraine, accounting for about a third of Ukraine’s exported supply.

Sunflower oil imports in India

The Solvent Extractors’ Association of India, a vegetable oil industry group, said its members are considering sourcing cooking oil and oil seeds from other countries, particularly for southern India where sunflower oil is used the most. According to the group, alternatives include palm oil from Indonesia, canola oil from UAE, and sunflower oil from Russia. Russia is currently India’s second biggest sun oil supplier. Russia may set an oil seed production record this year, after preliminary data show a huge crop of sunflower, soybean, rapeseed, and linseed.

Argentina supplies mostly soy oil to India. India already buys 54% of Argentina’s crude soy oil exports so farmers there have an opportunity. That could mean gro
wing more soy or turning to sunflowers, if farmers are incentivized to grow it.


India’s demand for sunflower oil

India imports 76% of its sun oils from Ukraine, accounting for about a third of Ukraine’s exported supply.

Exxon plans hydrogen and carbon-capture/storage plant near HoustonSabrina Valle

By Sabrina Valle

HOUSTON, March 1 (Reuters) - Exxon Mobil Corp. on Tuesday said it plans a hydrogen production plant and a carbon capture and storage (CCS) project at its Baytown refinery near Houston, Texas, an effort to reduce its carbon footprint while earning a profit.

The complex would be Exxon's first contribution to a cross-industry effort to create a $100 billion carbon capture and storage zone along the Houston Ship Channel, the so-called Houston Hub.

A final investment decision is expected in two to three years and is pending regulatory permits and engineering studies, according to Ed Graham, vice president of Exxon's Low Carbon Solutions venture. The largest U.S. producer has allocated $15 billion in initiatives to lower carbon emissions over a six-year period.

"This is a significant step for efforts to decarbonize the existing industry," Graham told Reuters. "This is both in the petrochemical and ultimately into cement and steel, which are hard to abate".

The project will help Exxon to meet its target to achieve net zero carbon emissions for its global operations while making money to shareholders at the same time, Graham said. The profitability of the project will be considered for a final investment decision, he said, declining to comment on numbers.

"That's our challenge to the energy transition, to find that right balance," Graham said.

The proposed hydrogen facility would produce up to 1 billion cubic feet per day of the so-called "blue" hydrogen, which is produced from natural gas and supported by carbon capture and storage.

Climate activists are pushing for more companies to produce "green hydrogen" from electrolysis because blue hydrogen still requires the use of fossil fuels.

The carbon capture infrastructure for this project would have the capacity to transport and store up to 10 million metric tons of CO2 per year, Exxon said.

The company is considering onshore and offshore locations along the Gulf of Mexico to store the carbon, Graham said. (Reporting by Sabrina Valle; Editing by David Gregorio)

THE REALITY IS THAT CCS IS NOT GREEN NOR CLEAN IT IS GOING TO BE USED TO FRACK OLD DRY WELLS SUCH AS IN THE BAKAN SHIELD IN SASKATCHEWAN
https://plawiuk.blogspot.com/2014/10/the-myth-of-carbon-capture-and-storage.html

ALSO SEE https://plawiuk.blogspot.com/search?q=CCS

Mexico won't impose sanctions on Russia, López Obrador says

Tue, March 1, 2022



Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador said on Tuesday his country won't impose economic sanctions on Russia over its invasion of Ukraine.

"We are not going to take any sort of economic reprisal because we want to have good relations with all the governments in the world," López Obrador said at his daily news conference.

López Obrador was internally criticized for his reluctance to condemn the unprovoked invasion, with initial official Mexican reactions calling for dialogue between the parties.

A day after hostilities broke out, Foreign Minister Marcelo Ebrard issued a statement condemning the Russian attack.

Mexico was among the 11 United Nations Security Council members to vote for a resolution condemning Russia's actions late last week.

Russia vetoed that resolution, and China, India and the United Arab Emirates abstained.


Still, López Obrador on Tuesday seemed to sympathize with Russia's position, declining the possibility of imposing sanctions and segueing into what he called "censorship" of Russian state media.

López Obrador laid out his stance on sanctions in response to a question on Russian company Lukoil's local investments and Aeroflot's operations in Mexico.

His refusal to impose sanctions is rhetorical, as he lacks the power to impose sanctions akin to those imposed by Washington and some European capitals.

Mexico's sanctions regime is limited to restrictions on individuals and entities from accessing the local financial system in cases of money laundering and terrorist financing, and not geared toward broad financial restrictions with geopolitical reach.
‘Comrade Texas’: Video of American on Russian frontline provokes anger


Gino Spocchia
Wed, March 2, 2022, 

An American man allegedly wanted by the US Marshals Service has been condemned for appearing on the Russian “frontline” in Ukraine.

Russell Bonner Bentley III, who goes by the name “Comrade Texas“ or “Tejas” in Russia, was seen talking-up the Kremlin’s chances of “liberating” Ukraine from “Nazis” in a recent video.

“It’s Tejas on the front line with the deNazifiers and liberators of Ukraine,” Mr Bentley said while standing in front of Russian tanks on Monday. “These guys are tough, these guys are ready, and there’s plenty of them”.

He continued by saying that Russia was “ready to bring the hammer down” on the “bad guys”, and air-kicked an imaginary Ukrainian.

His remarks mirrored those of Russian president Vladimir Putin, who has styled his war on Ukraine as a “military operation” to “deNazify” an “anti-Russian” country run by a Jewish man who speaks Russian as well as Ukrainian.

While “Tejas’s” video from the “frontline” was taken down on YouTube by Wednesday – more than 2 million Twitter users had seen the video after it was shared by user “Bad Weapons Takes”.

The account wrote along with the video of the Texan: “That feeling when the weird uncle you only see at Thanksgiving turns up in Ukraine”.

“This guy thinks he’s killing Nazis, but in reality he’s doing a Tsar’s bidding in doing imperialism,” an enraged Twitter user added.



“Between this and the butchers from Chechnya, Putin’s becoming a low-rent Sauron, summoning evil and stupid people from all over the world to aide his cause,” argued another.

According to o Texas Monthly, Mr Bentley was wanted by the US Marshals Service for drug trafficking, and also ran for a Senate seat on a pro-marijuana platform, before leaving the US for Russia following the Kremlin’s invasion of Crimea, a southern peninsula of Ukraine.

Mr Bentley – or “Comrade Texas” – reportedly served time in prison in the US, although it was unclear what for.

The US Marshals Service was approached for comment by The Independent.


  



 

Nestor Makhno: The Struggle Against the State

Nestor Makhno

Nestor Makhno

Nestor Makhno (1888-1934) is a controversial figure in the history of the anarchist movement. For three years he led a guerrilla army campaign in Ukraine during the civil war that followed the 1917 Russian Revolution. He would sometimes summarily execute counter-revolutionaries, and his army conscripted some of its members. On the other hand, when his forces liberated a village or town from the control of the Czarists (the “Whites”) or from the Bolsheviks (the “Reds”), they would reopen the presses and meeting halls shut down by those forces and free everyone from the local jails. With his comrade, Peter Arshinov, and some other anarchists, he helped craft the “Organizational Platform of the Libertarian Communists,” which called on anarchists to form a federalist revolutionary organization based on collective responsibility, which some anarchists regarded as a vanguard organization that would function more like a revolutionary socialist party than a federalist anarchist organization. Around the same time as the Platform appeared, Makhno published this essay on the struggle against the State, summarizing his views on the tasks ahead based on the lessons of the Russian Revolution. I included excerpts from the Platform and responses from some of its critics, including Malatesta and Voline, in Volume One of Anarchism: A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas, as well as some proclamations by the Makhnovist army and excerpts from Arshinov’s history of the Makhnovist movement.

The Struggle Against the State

The Struggle Against the State

THE STRUGGLE AGAINST THE STATE

The fact that the modern State is the organizational form of an authority founded upon arbitrariness and violence in the social life of toilers is independent of whether it may be “bourgeois” or “proletarian.” It relies upon oppressive centralism, arising out of the direct violence of a minority deployed against the majority In order to enforce and impose the legality of its system, the State resorts not only to the gun and money, but also to potent weapons of psychological pressure. With the aid of such weapons, a tiny group of politicians enforces psychological repression of an entire society, and, in particular, of the toiling masses, conditioning them in such a way as to divert their attention from the slavery instituted by the State.

So it must be clear that if we are to combat the organized violence of the modern State, we have to deploy powerful weapons appropriate to the magnitude of the task.

Thus far, the methods of social action employed by the revolutionary working class against the power of the oppressors and exploiters — the State and Capital — in conformity with libertarian ideas, were insufficient to lead the toilers on to complete victory.

It has come to pass in history that the workers have defeated Capital, but the victory then slipped from their grasp because some State power emerged, amalgamating the interests of private capital and those of State capitalism for the sake of success over the toilers.

The experience of the Russian revolution has blatantly exposed our shortcomings in this regard. We must not forget that, but should rather apply ourselves to identifying those shortcomings plainly.

We may acknowledge that our struggle against the State in the Russian revolution was remarkable, despite the disorganization by which our ranks were afflicted: remarkable above all insofar as the destruction of that odious institution is concerned.

But, by contrast, our struggle was insignificant in the realm of construction of the free society of toilers and its social structures, which might have ensured that it prospered beyond reach of the tutelage of the State and its repressive institutions.

The fact that we libertarian communists or anarcho-syndicalists failed to anticipate the sequel to the Russian revolution, and that we failed to make haste to devise new forms of social activity in time, led many of our groups and organizations to dither yet again in their political and socio-strategic policy on the fighting front of the Revolution.

If we are to avert a future relapse into these same errors, when a revolutionary situation comes about, and in order to retain the cohesion and coherence of our organizational line, we must first of all amalgamate all of our forces into one active collective, then without further ado, define our constructive conception of economic, social, local and territorial units, so that they are outlined in detail (free soviets), and in particular describe in broad outline their basic revolutionary mission in the struggle against the State. Contemporary life and the Russian revolution require that.

Those who have blended in with the very ranks of the worker and peasant masses, participating actively in the victories and defeats of their campaign, must without doubt come to our own conclusions, and more specifically to an appreciation that our struggle against the State must be carried on until the State has been utterly eradicated: they will also acknowledge that the toughest role in that struggle is the role of the revolutionary armed force.

It is essential that the action of the Revolution’s armed forces be linked with the social and economic unit, wherein the labouring people will organize itself from the earliest days of the revolution onwards, so that total self-organization of life may be introduced, out of reach of all statist structures.

From this moment forth, anarchists must focus their attention upon that aspect of the Revolution. They have to be convinced that, if the revolution’s armed forces are organized into huge armies or into lots of local armed detachments, they cannot but overcome the State’s incumbents and defenders, and thereby bring about the conditions needed by the toiling populace supporting the revolution, so that it may cut all ties with the past and look to the final detail of the process of constructing a new socio-economic existence.

The State will, though, be able to cling to a few local enclaves and try to place multifarious obstacles in the path of the toilers’ new life, slowing the pace of growth and harmonious development of new relationships founded on the complete emancipation of man.

The final and utter liquidation of the State can only come to pass when the struggle of the toilers is oriented along the most libertarian lines possible, when the toilers will themselves determine the structures of their social action. These structures should assume the form of organs of social and economic self-direction, the form of free “anti-authoritarian” soviets. The revolutionary workers and their vanguard — the anarchists — must analyze the nature and structure of these soviets and specify their revolutionary functions in advance. It is upon that, chiefly, that the positive evolution and development of anarchist ideas, in the ranks of those who will accomplish the liquidation of the State on their own account in order to build a free society, will be dependent.

Dyelo Truda No.17, October 1926


Makhnovist Flag (trans.)

Nestor Makhno: Ukraine’s Anarchist Cossack and the Battle for the Ukraine, 1917-1921

in #anarchy • 6 years ago

 Of the many violent and often grandiose and dramatic revolutionist/reactionary heroes and/or tyrants of the Russian Civil War 1917-1921 perhaps none is as controversial or infamous as the Ukrainian anarchist-peasant turned revolutionary warlord, "Batko" (Father) Nestor Makhno (b.1889-1934). 

 Nestor Makhno in 1919

The influence and the impact of the greater culture of the irregular guerrilla insurgent and cavalrymen cannot be overstated in regards to the Russian Civil War and its corresponding conflicts from 1917-1923. Though essentially outlaw bandits in some cases, there were some units who were legitimate military forces  as well, whether they be ‘Red’, ‘White’, revolutionary or reactionist, anarchist or nationalist, all were a product of Russian culture and the general socio-economic & cultural turmoil of the fall of the old Russian Imperial regime.

Makhno and his anarchist Makhnovist faction were revolutionaries by doctrine and yet they were counter revolutionaries and also anti-reactionary as well. They were anti-monarchy as well as anti-imperialist. Makhno and his men waved the black flag of anarchism, his men fought their oppressed families. For their militant & semi collectivist-anarchist stance alone the Makhnovists were markedly unique amongst the many different armies, movements, and political factions which developed in not just the Ukrainefrom 1917-1920, but in all of corners Russia and central Europe and in partsAsia as well during the same period.

The Early Life of Makhno, Ukraine during & after World War I

A hero and near folk-hero, Nestor Makhno, was born in the year 1889, spending his formative years in the fields of Guliai Pole, Ukraine, then a territory of the Russian Empire as a farmhand and later factory worker. Ukraine in this era was an important part of Russia's economic output, long called the "breadbasket of Eastern Europe", Ukraine had been established on the hard labor of Ukrainians working the vast farm-estates of the Czar's Southern Russian Empire. By the age of 17, Makhno had left for the city at the height of the Revolution of 1905 which would eventually shake the foundation of the old Russian Empire. Russia had lost the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905, its people demanding a say in the government and an end to their collective sufferings. Taking to the streets of St. Petersburg in January, the Russian poor & middle class were met by Imperial bullets and Cossack Sabres. Soon after, those who had survived the war would return from the Far East began to and the Revolution petered out.

Having been arrested in 1908 for being a member of a revolutionary/anarchist cell (his service may or may not have entailed assassinating a local politician) Makhno spent eight years in a Moscow prison before his release in 1917 under the political prisoner pardon under the new Provisional Government of Georgy Lvov and later Alexander Kerensky. Makhno left Russia and returned home to the Ukraine an even more hardened revolutionary and anarchist that he had been in 1905. Returning to Gulia Pole, Makhno must have been surprised to see that his hometown had now become a hotbed for revolutionary activity. Even before the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in March 1918 which allowed the Austro-German armies into the Ukraine as occupiers, Makhno had organized peasant unions to protect and punish the hated landowning kulaks. The kulaks, many of whom were German Mennonites loyal to the Czar or the Austro-Hungarians were most hated by the ethnic Ukrainians because of their societal status and at times poor treatment of Ukrainian farmers during the 18th and early 19th centuries. Other Mennonite farmers and settlers were the targets of revolutionary and anti-revolutionary reprisals including atrocities committed by Makhno's army.

 Ukraine 1919

Immediately after Brest-Litovsk, Pavlo Skoropadsky (b.1873-1945), a former Tsarist cavalry officer was installed as Hetman, a military warlord/puppet regime figurehead of occupied Ukraine. A German by birth and a veteran of Russo-Japanese War and the Great War, Skoropadsky formed the Ukrainian National Union in March of 1918, fleeing in December of that year after the Central Powers collapsed in November.

The Black Flag Rises: Makhno and the Battle for Ukraine

Makhno raised the black flags of the Revolutionary Insurrectionist Army in the spring and summer of 1918 when German Hetman puppet government still controlled part of the Ukraine with the partial military support of German heer. Though young and by no means a proven military commander in even a modest sense, armed men had begun to flock to the young but charismatic and brave Makhno. In the skirmish near the Dibrivki Forest, Makhno earned the title Batko (Ukrainian for father: in this meaning the literal father of the insurrectionist army itself) for his heroic, inspired, and seemingly fearless & improbable victory over a 1,000 strong kulak militia armed and supported by hated the Austro-German occupiers. Rallying his small force of 30 men or more, they rushed the enemy shooting and cutting their way through their lines in a fierce charge.

  Makhno and his officers during the War

With their leader at the front the Makhnovists killed perhaps hundreds of kulaks during the violent charge and subsequent retreat, riding them down in the rout and slaughtering them, the battle ending with the drowning of the survivors by angry local peasants who had now joined the insurrection of Batko Makhno.

The Ukrainian Socialist Republic had also been declared by this point, with the Russians preparing Red Army and Red Guard units from the North for an expedition south. Their primary objective was to defeat the White army of Lt. General Anton Denikin occupying Ukraine in 1919.

Later the new nationalist minded Polish Republic under Jozef Pilsuduski attacked the Ukraine capturing Kiev for a brief time, inadvertently starting the Polish-Soviet War of 1919-1921. Poland captured Western Ukraine for a time following their victory but an eventual stalemate ensues, ending with Poland's stunning victory on the Vistula in 1920.  Makhno took advantage of the chaos and the complexity of the multi-sided conflict being fought around him to wage his own war on all those who he felt opposed the peasants of Ukraine. His Makhnovists burned estates, bourgeois mansions, and tge farms of the rich German kulaks or the Russian overlords who had oppressed peasant Ukranians for years, in some cases stripping opulent country houses and estates bare of their provisions and extravagances.

Though unfounded Soviet propaganda later attributed anti-Semitic violence to the Makhnovists which had been most likely committed by reactionary White forces or by apolitical bandit or reactionary groups. Makhno never condoned such killings but may have secretly or unknowingly perpetrated massacres against Jewish, Mennonite, or other minority communities in the Ukraine. Counter revolutionaries and especially Tsarist (White) officers were almost never spared however and no mercy was given or received. Makhno even killed Tsarist officers himself in summary executions with his sabre.

 Makhnovist Army, c.1919

Makhnovists staged raids and ambushes everywhere capturing White army munitions and supplies, killing and harassing any Tsarist-Monarchist army forces they could find in ambushes and raids-weakening the White grasp on the Ukraine before their total collapse in the Fall of 1920. Makhno’s first great enemy was the White general Anton Denikin (b.1872-1947) who was constantly at war with Makhno, overextending his supplies and manpower fighting a brutal insurrection against the Makhnovists while attempting to launch a campaign to take Moscow from the Bolsheviks.

Lieutenant-General Denikin, decorated for his service in the Brusilov Offensive of 1916 which had been fought in parts of the Ukraine during World War I handed title of Supreme Commander of the 'Volunteer Army' to General-Baron Pyotr Wrangel (b.1878-1928) upon his defeat in the Ukraine in the spring of 1920. Makhnovist forces had helped destroy White influence in Russia though Bolshevik oppression kept them from enjoying the White's demise. By April-May 1920 the White armies were losing ground whilst the Nationalists of Petliura were fleeing to safety in Poland. On 28 April the Bolshevik 14th division assaulted "Makhnograd" (Guliai Pole) and routed 2,000 Makhnovist partisans.

Makhnovist Warfare

Makhnovists would typically raid, burn, loot, destroy and then continue on to their next battle or skirmish. Attacks of German Mennonite estates were particularly brutal, arguably because Makhno himself had suffered cruelty at the hands of these same land owners as a youth. Kulaks, as they were called in Russia and the Ukraine also received harsh treatment at the hands of the Makhnovists and later the Bolsheviks. Tactically they fought strictly on the offensive; preferring to charge, retreat, and charge again, waiting for another moment to strike or counter charge to either break the enemy in their center or retreat in order to make guerrilla attacks again at a later date.

Despite their hard charging fighting style the Revolutionary Insurrection Army was really a defensive minded force, fighting a considerable amount of rearguard actions against much better equipped and organized forces. Against the under-equipped ex-Tsarist armies and the local Mennonite militias however, Makhno triumphed more frequently and held a distinct advantage. He won in style and often in brutality; routed and captured tsarist officers were often summarily executed with bullets from rifles or revolvers or were cut down with the sabres. Makhno was a master of intelligence as well and on several occasions disguised himself as an old women and even a bride at a wedding to gain intelligence.

 Fyodor Schuss, center-right, poses with other Makhnovists during the Insurrection

The Soviets took the credit for the Makhnovists victory over the generally despised White officer-warlords in the Ukraine, often demonizing the Makhnovists for any real or imagined crimes and atrocities committed by the Whites against the populace. During their offensive in April & May they took to hanging partisans and setting up individual soviets in the villages they "liberated" from the Whites and Makhnovists.


The fact remained that the Makhnovists had fought for longer against the White Guard's all the while the Red Army was mobilizing and organizing a force from within a revolutionary society still teetering on the brink of collapse. Most of the Makhnovist army fought from horseback each man armed with multiple automatic pistols, a heavily favored weapon of the Makhnovist “officers” and irregular cavalrymen, assorted sabers, daggers and improvised 'peasant' weapons were used as well. Stolen or captured rifles were also very popular amongst the Insurrectionist rebels, including the reliable, accurate, and plentiful M1891 Mosin-Nagant rifle.

Makhnovist officers liked to carry as many weapons as possible as a sign of both rank and prowess in combat. It was a practical solution as well in order to negate reloading in the thick of a charge on horseback. Ammunition and cartridge shortages were a serious problem throughout the Makhnovists campaigns from 1919-1921 so attacks on supply depots and railroad lines were essential for resupply. The Insurrectionists were continually pursued and molested by Red Army cavalry, an arm of the Trotsky's new revolutionary army which would become the most effective fighting force of Soviet Russia.

 Schuss (d.1921), a former sailor and one of Makhno's best cavalry commanders

Makhno’s most ingenious tool of war was the tachanka, a very potent and effective mobile weapons platform which the Makhnovists employed heavily. Basically it was a somewhat crude but highly effective horse-drawn heavy weapons system utilizing a “light, sprung cart drawn by two horses (used by Ukrainian peasants), on which Makhno mounted a machine-gun, with two men to work it, plus the driver-The Tachanki gave Makhno a powerful combination of mobility with fire-power, and the device was copied by the Red Army.” –Leon Trotsky .

Bolshevik betrayal: Makhno’s final ride and escape

While allied with the Bolsheviks during three separate periods Makhno and his forces were fundamentally anti-Leninist and anti-Bolshevik etc., conforming to their leader’s own ideas of a “stateless communist society.” A position which Makhno more or less presented to Lenin in a trip to Moscow in 1918. Ultimately the Red Army’s military might and the political will of the new leadership in the Kremlin succeeded in crushing White resistance in mainland Russia from 1919-1920. Any well organized Tsarist resistance ceased when the ‘Black Baron’ Pyotr Wrangel (b.1878-1928) fled to the Crimean peninsula in November of 1920 following a failed summer offensive in the Ukraine. Makhno had some 20,000-40,000 men in arms in the Insurrectionist army in the year 1919.

 Makhnovist banner


By mid October 1920 however Makhno could field a force possibly as large 10,000-16,000 armed riders and again was allied formally with the Red Army command on the Southern Front trying to prevent Wrangel from escaping the Ukraine to fight again. He had lost hundreds to battle wounds, tuberculosis, and Bolshevik arrests and summary execution. A second front had opened in the Ukraine during this late period with various armies riding through the Ukraine to attack Poland and the Ukraine during the Russian Civil War and the Polish-Soviet War of 1919-1921. Only weeks after the treaty Bolshevik peace treaty, Makhnovists were targeted for summary executions by the the communists.

The end for Makhno; his exile and ideological triumph

Ukraine had been virtually pacified and the Makhnovists all but vanquished saved for Makhno and his remaining die-hards of 6,000-10,000 men. He and his cavalry forces were now engaged in day to day fighting with the Bolsheviks-supposedly fighting 25 battles in 24 days in January of 1921 alone. They managed to best or at least stay one step ahead of the Red Army every time but they were unable to make any real strategic gains. Makhno and his "children" were fighting for their lives in a lost cause. By the middle of winter Makhno and his hundred or so remaining insurgents in arms escape Bolshevik territory into the mountains and plains of Romania or elsewhere. Wounded grievously the Batko left his beloved country for permanent exile in foreign lands.

Ukraine’s chance for independence was all but crushed by the rapidly rising power of the victorious and entirely imperialist Soviet congress of Russia and the might of the Red Army seemingly overnight. Using his connections with academics, writers, and anarchist/socialist activists, Makhno wound up in Paris where he became an active writer and debater of the Anarchist cause. Composing recollections of a great deal of his own experiences and composing other essays on anarchism and other various revolutionary ideologies, he became a politico and historian in later life. Troubled by old war wounds and a never healed bout from tuberculosis from his years spent in tsarist prisons, Nestor Makhno died in Paris on 6 July 1934.

Though his revolution had ultimately failed, Batko Makhno would forever tout the black flag of anarchism, supporting anarchism for the people of Ukraine and in Russia until his death with his writings and speeches. One of his frequent subjects was the corruption of Bolshevik-communism in theSoviet Union and elsewhere which he felt had re-enslaved the proletariat yet again, as was true in his country of birth and in neighboring countries as well.He also wrote on the socio-political situation in Spain at the time as well, predicting a left wing-right wing socialist inspired conflict upcoming in the Spanish Civil War. 

 Insurgent guerrilla, general, and writer, 'Batko' Nestor Makhno

Makhno continued writing on the history of the Makhnovist movement and its greater ideals throughout his exile, defending it from criticism often in his writings and speeches. When he met the famed Spanish Anarchist and revolutionary martyr José Buenaventura Durruti (b.1896-1936) in 1927, Makhno exclaimed to the young anarchist and his companions before they left the gathering, "Makhno has never shirked a fight! If I am still alive when you begin [Spanish revolution/civil war] I will be with you."

  




The State will, though, be able to cling to a few local enclaves and try to place multifarious obstacles in the path of the toilers’ new life, slowing the pace of growth and harmonious development of new relationships founded on the complete emancipation of man.

The final and utter liquidation of the State can only come to pass when the struggle of the

toilers is oriented along the most libertarian lines possible, when the toilers will

themselves determine the structures of their social action. These structures should

assume the form of organs of social and economic self-direction, the form of free “anti-




authoritarian” soviets. The revolutionary workers and their vanguard — the anarchists —

must analyze the nature and structure of these soviets and specify their revolutionary

functions in advance. It is upon that, chiefly, that the positive evolution and development

of anarchist ideas, in the ranks of those who will accomplish the liquidation of the State on their own account in order to build a free society, will be dependent.

Dyelo Truda No.17, October 1926

Makhnovist Flag (trans.)

French minister declares economic 'war' 

on Russia, and then beats a retreat

By Richard Lough

PARIS (Reuters) -French Finance Minister Bruno Le Maire declared an "all-out economic and financial war" against Russia to bring down the its economy as punishment for invading Ukraine, before rowing back on language he later said was inappropriate.

The United States and its allies have imposed sanctions on Russia's central bank, oligarchs and officials, including President Vladimir Putin himself, and barred some Russian banks from the SWIFT international payments system.

French Finance Minister Bruno Le Maire described the sanctions packages as proving "extremely effective".

"We're waging an all-out economic and financial war on Russia," Le Maire told France Info radio. "We will cause the collapse of the Russian economy."

Le Maire later told French news agency AFP he had misspoken and that the term "war" was not compatible with France's efforts to de-escalate tensions surrounding the Ukraine conflict.

"We are not in a battle against the Russian people," the minister added.

In a matter of weeks, Russia has turned from a lucrative bet on surging oil prices to an uninvestable market with a central bank hamstrung by sanctions, major banks shut out of the international payments system and capital controls choking off money flows.

On Tuesday, Russia said it was placing temporary curbs on foreigners seeking to exit Russian assets, putting the brakes on an accelerating investor exodus driven by the sanctions.

Le Maire's initial remarks drew an angry riposte from Russia's former president and prime minister, Dmitry Medvedev, who is now the deputy Chair of the Security Council of the Russian Federation.

"Watch your tongue, gentlemen! And don’t forget that in human history, economic wars quite often turned into real ones," Medvedev tweeted.

(Reporting by Sarah Morland, Sudip Kar-Gupta and Richard Lough; Writing by Richard Lough; Editing by Andrew Heavens and Nick Macfie)

A top Russian official appeared to threaten France with 'real war' after the French finance minister said Western sanctions would 'cause the collapse of the Russian economy'

  • France's finance minister said Tuesday that Western sanctions would cause the Russian economy's collapse.

  • A top Russian official responded immediately, saying that economic wars often turn into "real wars."

  • The West has leveled sweeping sanctions against Russia that appear to be disrupting its economy.

A top Russian official appeared to threaten France with "real war" on Tuesday as he responded to saber-rattling comments from the French finance minister about the effects of punitive Western sanctions.

In an interview with French radio on Tuesday morning, Bruno Le Maire said the West aimed to "cause the collapse of the Russian economy" through an "economic and financial war on Russia," for which the Russian population "will also pay the consequences."

Dmitry Medvedev, Russia's former prime minister and now deputy chairman of its security council, was quick to respond on Twitter.

He said: "A French minister said today that they have declared an economic war on us. Watch what you say, gentlemen! And don't forget that in the history of mankind, economic wars have often turned into real wars."

Western nations including France have imposed sweeping sanctions on Russia, targeting everything from its central bank and leading financial institutions to President Vladimir Putin himself.

The sanctions seem to have already disrupted the Russian economy. On Monday, the value of the ruble crashed by as much as 30% against the US dollar, forcing Russia's central bank to more than double its base interest rate to 20%. Meanwhile, Russians were pictured at ATMs trying to withdraw foreign currency.

In the interview with France Info on Tuesday, Le Maire said that economic and financial sanctions leveled by the West against Russia were "extremely effective," adding: "I don't want to leave any ambiguity about the determination of Europe on this subject. We are going to wage an economic and financial war on Russia."

He continued: "We want to target the heart of the Russian system. We'll target Vladimir Putin. We'll target the oligarchs. But we'll also target the entire Russian economy."

He added: "Sanctions must strike fast, strike hard, and we are already seeing the effects. The ruble has collapsed by 30%. Russian foreign-exchange reserves are melting like snow in the sun, and Vladimir Putin's famous war chest has already reduced to almost nothing."

Le Maire said, "We are going to cause the collapse of the Russian economy."

On Monday, the US rolled out sanctions intended to prevent Putin from accessing a $630 billion foreign-exchange "war chest" he could use to prop up Russia's battered economy. The move followed analogous sanctions from the European Union and the UK.

ROFLMAO
Russia demanding that Ukraine demilitarize


Wed, March 2, 2022


Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov on Wednesday said Russia is demanding Ukraine demilitarize and will write a specific list of what weapons the nation cannot possess.

In an interview with Al Jazeera, Lavrov said "specific types of strike weapons must be identified which will never be deployed in Ukraine and will not be created," according to a text of the interview reviewed by Reuters.

The news comes amid a second round of talks between Russia and Ukraine on Wednesday. Russia is reportedly demanding the recognition of two breakaway regions in eastern Ukraine and also will also not give up the Crimean Peninsula, which the country seized in 2014.

On Tuesday, more than 100 diplomats at a United Nations conference in Geneva walked out on a speech from Lavrov, who accused Ukraine of human rights violations against Russian minorities.

Russia launched a large-scale invasion of Ukraine last week and on Wednesday claimed to have taken control of the first major city in the country, Kherson, which Ukrainian officials dispute.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is pressing for a cease-fire and a withdrawal of Russian troops from Ukraine during the talks.

Zelenskyy has filed an application to include Ukraine in the European Union and has also alleged human rights abuses at the International Court of Justice.