Thursday, June 02, 2022

Feedback on Alberta's K-6 curriculum shows low levels of support, frustration over process

Lisa Johnson - Yesterday 
POSTMEDIA

Alberta’s government has released hundreds of pages of reports from stakeholders and public survey feedback on the draft K-6 curriculum, showing a low level of support and a high degree of dismay over the process.

Education Minister Adrian LaGrange announced the release of the reports Tuesday on Twitter, writing that the feedback was used to update subjects from the original draft, first released in March 2021.

“We are listening to experts, educators and all Albertans as we work to finalize a new K-6 curriculum for our students,” LaGrange wrote.

We are listening to experts, educators, and all Albertans as we work to finalize a new K-6 curriculum for our students. (5/5)— Adriana LaGrange (@AdrianaLaGrange) May 31, 2022

One report summarizing more than 34,000 results of a public survey, noted general responses rated “positive” hit a peak of 21 per cent by the end of February, compared to 62 per cent deemed “negative.”

When asked to describe the strengths of the controversial draft social studies curriculum, a significant number of respondents said they didn’t have any.

In another report that dates back to January , the Alberta School Boards Association (ASBA) cited engagement session participants who worried the government just wasn’t listening.

“Our feedback is being asked, but that’s not what’s being heard,” the report said.

Maren Aukerman, associate professor at the University of Calgary’s Werklund School of Education specializing in curriculum and learning, said the feedback is “overwhelmingly negative,” and it’s pretty clear the curriculum is not popular.

“I am not surprised that people don’t feel heard. And I’m not surprised that there is a huge level of discontent,” said Aukerman.

The ASBA included feedback that said the curriculum needs to be de-politicized, as well as that the revised social studies blueprint provided some changes, but they were “minor and vague.”


Related video: Curriculum K-6 Draft Update

Much of the feedback contained in the documents echoes the same concerns critics have had since the draft curriculum was released more than a year ago, including that it is not suited for different age groups, and had a lack of proper First Nations, Métis and Inuit perspectives and ways of knowing, and a content load that is unrealistically heavy and too focused on the memorization of facts.

It also stressed the need for more consultation with teachers. No specific feedback from teachers, nor school divisions on the piloting of subjects starting last fall, were released Tuesday.

The government noted on its website that 360 teachers piloted content in classrooms with about 7,800 students. That represents about two per cent of students and one per cent of teachers in Alberta .

“Their insights were addressed through revisions that informed the updated K-6 curriculum that was released in April and May 2022,” the government website said . Those insights are not summarized, nor does the government point to any subsequent changes.

Teachers who participated in a working group in late 2020 to look at the curriculum, wrote an open letter in December calling it a “performative” exercise that didn’t take their input seriously, but the feedback of that group was not included in Tuesday’s release.

The ASBA report also flags the impact of COVID-19 on student and teacher mental health, noting that teachers are burnt out, the proposed implementation timelines are rushed, and the curriculum needs a “comprehensive rewrite.”

The Association of Independent Schools and Colleges of Alberta (AISCA) wrote in its report that “the strengths identified were outweighed in all of the subject areas by the views of participating teachers who recognized and described multiple areas as problematic.”

The provincial government has tweaked many of the subject areas, and there has been support for the inclusion of more financial literacy and a focus on early reading skills, but the government plans for the new curriculum in its entirety to be in classrooms for the 2023-24 school year.

The Education Ministry has said feedback prompted it to shift some concepts among grades to make sure material is more age-appropriate, include more representative First Nations, Métis, and Inuit content, and pare down content.

However, Aukerman said a truly transparent process would involve going back to stakeholders, outlining the changes, and asking if they are adequate, but major concerns haven’t really been addressed, and substantive changes haven’t been made.

“There is no listening to feedback that I’ve seen,” said Aukerman.

Aukerman said she would expect, and hope for, public support of between 70 and 80 per cent for a curriculum, and the typical timeframe for developing a curriculum is five years, while some subjects hitting Alberta classrooms will have been developed and implemented in less than two years.

Updates, released in April to K-3 math and English language arts and literature as well as K-6 physical education and wellness will be required starting this September. Final drafts for Grades 4 to 6 math and English will be optional for schools in the fall.

In May, the government released the K-6 curriculum for science, French first language and literature and French immersion language arts and literature. Piloting the three updated subjects this fall is optional.

lijohnson@postmedia.com
twitter.com/reportrix
Braid: UCP erupts again over Kenney's claims about anti-vaxxers

Don Braid, Calgary Herald - Yesterday 

Many UCP politicians and activists are furious at Premier Jason Kenney for blaming his forced exit on anti-vaccine militants.


© Provided by Calgary Herald
Premier Jason Kenney announces his intention to resign after receiving just 51.4 per cent in the UCP leadership vote.

“Why is this guy still allowed in front of a microphone, saying things like this?” says one prominent UCP MLA, who asks not to be named.

“It’s frustrating and divisive and not reflective of where Alberta is going as a whole. It’s time to move on.”

The party critics say Kenney is refusing to admit his own failings, which they consider a far larger factor in the party rebellion than anti-vaccine sentiment.

Kenney’s approval rating was only 51.4 per cent. He announced his resignation May 18, to take effect when a new leader is chosen .

Longtime conservative activist Al Browne chaired regular meetings of 33 UCP riding presidents who were generally unhappy with Kenney.

Over many conversations, Browne says, “every single president I dealt with indicated to me that they were vaccinated.

“In 16 months, I have not had one person talk about anti-vax. I don’t know where those anti-vax people are — in Saskatchewan, maybe?

“But did I hear about coal mining on the eastern slopes? Yes.

“Did I hear about doctors, nurses, the curriculum, too many staff from Ottawa? Yes.

“I don’t know why he keeps talking about anti-vaxxers. I’m not a psychiatrist, so I can’t tell you.”



© David Bloom
Rob Smith, president of Olds-Didsbury-Three Hills riding, said there was a “top-down attitude to government” with Kenney at the helm.

Rob Smith, president of the Olds-Didsbury-Three Hills riding association, says the talks often related to “the party being all about Kenney.

“There wasn’t respect paid to the grassroots, there was a very ivory-tower atmosphere where MLAs and even ministers were out of the loop. There is a top-down attitude to government.”

“The fact that his party said ‘we don’t want you’, and he’s still trying to blame it on those few anti-vaccination people, it doesn’t help anybody.

“But I don’t think we’re going to see any level of contrition from Kenney. That’s why I was against him staying as leader.”

In his remarks Tuesday, Kenney didn’t mention anything but anti-vaccine militancy as a factor in the disastrous vote.

Talking to reporters, Kenney blamed “a small but highly motivated, well-organized and very angry group of people who believe that I and the government have been promoting a part of some globalist agenda, and vaccines are at the heart of that.

“I don’t think most of these people have ever before been involved in a mainstream centre-right party and I suspect many of them won’t be in the future.”

While saying this group was “small,” Kenney also claimed a “huge” number of memberships were purchased by people who had never been UCP members before and probably belonged to far-right fringe parties.



© Azin Ghaffari
People protest COVID-19 vaccinations outside the Calgary Municipal Building on Jan. 6, 2021.

Kenney is giving the extreme anti-vax militants far more credit than they deserve. People who analyzed the vote don’t believe their influence was significant — especially after the party froze membership sales, and only then announced mail-in voting.

Another UCP MLA said: “Jason Kenney did not lose because of COVID and vaccine alone. That is not true. He lost because he spent the last year blaming other people for the errors he made. And he continues to do it today.

“This is exactly why he shouldn’t continue as leader now. Because all the candidates are going to have to answer, do you believe Jason Kenney is out because of anti-vaxxers?”

UCP MLAs have agreed among themselves not to speak on divisive internal issues, but some are so angry about Kenney’s remarks that they were willing to talk without names.

Often they resent being branded as anti-vaccination when they oppose measures like passports, but choose to be vaccinated themselves. It’s a complicated dynamic that Kenney now uses to deflect blame from other issues that cost him the premiership.

The premier’s political reputation stems from two factors: his long string of election victories and his reputation as an unbeatable organizer.

May 18 severely damaged both. It must be hard to accept.

Don Braid’s column appears regularly in the Calgary Herald.

Twitter: @DonBraid


Bell: Jason Kenney is blameless, just ask him

Rick Bell - YESTERDAY
CALGARY SUN

© Provided by Calgary Sun
Jason Kenney makes remarks to media and Alberta government cabinet members prior to a meeting in Calgary on Friday, May 20, 2022.

The premier finally faces questions from newshounds.

Even before this scribbler’s question, Kenney talks about how people very hostile to vaccines did him in on May 18 when he scored 51% support from UCP members .

Then I was up.

I was asking a question of a man who was a political superstar in Ottawa, came here, won an election in a landslide and then fell to earth once he took power, the fall beginning months before any virus.

Looking over his three years as premier and finding himself in a place he never expected to be, heading out the exit door, would he have done anything differently?

The short answer is No.


The longer answer is short on self-reflection but long on what sure sounds like self-pity.

Yes, for Kenney, the No vote on his leadership was mostly people angry about vaccines and those still angry about restrictions during COVID.

“And while I guess I could go back and nitpick about particular policies at particular times, generally I do not regret the difficult decisions we made to prevent total catastrophe in our hospitals.”

At this point, I’m thinking he’s got to mention something where he would like a do-over. He is not infallible.

He could take a page out of former premier Ralph Klein’s book, the master of admitting he screwed up.

No chance.

The premier trots out his Hostile Takeover Theory.


“There is a small, highly-motivated and very angry group of people who believe I and the government are part of some globalist agenda and the vaccines are at the heart of that.”

Kenney says these people have never been involved in a mainstream conservative party and he suspects many won’t be again.

But where were all the mainstream conservatives, the people Kenney acknowledges are a much, much bigger group to draw from for support?

Kenney had the vote on his leadership where he wanted, when he wanted and how he wanted it.

I wonder. Why didn’t the crowds of Kenney supporters the premier sees with his mind’s eye materialize, those souls who would deliver the premier a 70% or 75% Yes vote on his leadership?

Kenney moves on.

The premier says he has no regrets and talks about election promises kept, the balanced budget, the billions in new investment, his defence of the oilpatch, the boom in new businesses.

I wonder. With this good news and with oil prices through the roof, why was he still so unpopular?

I’m ready with a follow-up question.

I mention his approval rating hovering around 30% in the polls.

Two reputable nosecounts last week showed the UCP actually getting a bump-up in popularity once Kenney announced he was leaving.

The UCP is very much in the hunt.

What’s up?

Ah, the polls are wrong.

In the “real high-quality public opinion polling” the UCP has been in line to win another majority government for the last several months.

Kenney says his government is “in a good position.”

As for the polls I cited, from Leger and ThinkHQ, well, Kenney fires back.

“I would just point out to you, Rick, some of the pollsters to whom you are referring were off in predicting the results of the last election by 15 and 20 points.

“If you take them as an objective metric of Alberta politics, I would call that journalistic malpractice.”

Neither polling company says they were 15 and 20 points off the final result of the 2019 election.

No matter.




On the same day, Travis Toews, Kenney’s budget boss, rolls out his campaign to be the next UCP leader and premier .


The Calgary Chamber hosted Alberta’s Minister of Finance Travis Toews for a conversation on Budget 2022 at the Fairmont Palliser in Calgary on Monday, February 28, 2022.


All leadership hopefuls will be asked whether they are willing to distance themselves from the premier and by how much and in what ways.

Being Kenney 2 ain’t gonna cut it.

People say Toews will be willing to answer those questions.

“I believe in servant leadership,” says Toews. Kenney said the same thing.

“I believe in humility as a guiding principle for sound government,” says Toews. Kenney said he would stay humble. Boy, did he fail on that one.

“I believe we need to take time to listen.” Kenney NEVER listened.

“We must learn from our missteps.” Curious to hear what he thinks those are.

Just so you know, Kenney actually had more to say.

You know this will be his script when he hangs out with the high-and-mighties in the Canadian conservative establishment.

“I would point out a majority of party members voted to express confidence in my leadership.”

Yes, 51%.

“I don’t think mainstream conservatives are anything but proud of the legacy of the government.”

I feel like screaming. It’s about YOU! It’s about YOU! Didn’t you see the warning signs? Didn’t you read the stories? Didn’t you hear the people?

And all this as we approach the first anniversary of the premier’s Sky Palace patio soiree .

Kenney is back on the small group “far down the conspiracy rabbit hole” he figures toppled him from power.

It’s sad the man himself is far down a rabbit hole of his own making.


rbell@postmedia.com


California’s Reparations Task Force Takes on the Historic Theft of Black Art and Culture


Jonathan Bernstein - ROLLING STONE 

© Michael Ochs Archives/Getty Images

The California Reparations Task Force has issued its first interim report, a nearly 600-page document that spends a full chapter focusing on the longstanding inequities surrounding the history of arts and entertainment in the United States.

“Throughout American history, the federal government historically deprived Black American artists and innovators of intellectual property rights, copyright protections, and patent protections resulting in intellectual and cultural theft and exploitation,” states the report — which, according to task force Chair Kamilah Moore, is “the most extensive government-issued report on the African-American community since the Kerner Commision in 1968.

The report includes a series of preliminary recommendations for California, encouraging the state to create an “Office of Freedmen Cultural Affairs,” to “compensate individuals who have been deprived of rightful profits” for their creative work, and to prevent further discrimination in arts and entertainment industries through a series of policies and legislation.

The report echoes decades-old arguments that legal scholars, activists, and artists themselves have made regarding longstanding structural problems of equal compensation in the music industry. “Federal and state governments allowed white Americans to steal Black American art and culture with impunity,” the report states, “depriving Black creators of valuable copyright and patent protections.”

“What I like about this report, and particularly the chapter about African-American creative, cultural and intellectual life, is that not only does it catalog the harms against the African-American community from the trans-Atlantic slave trade to the present, but it also talks about the vast contributions of the African-American community in spite of, or despite, those ongoing harms, oppression and genocidal tactics,” Moore tells Rolling Stone. “Reparations is about honoring those contributions and making up for those harms.”

One of the many dozens of scholars whose work is cited in the report is law professor Kevin Greene, who provided testimony to the task force last year.

“One thing that people object to with reparations is this idea that, ‘My ancestors were slaveholders; I had nothing to do with this,’” Greene told Rolling Stone this year. “In the music space, that is a harder argument to make, because it’s an ongoing harm, rather than an ancient harm. Because copyright terms are so long, a lot of these works [that have never been properly credited to their originators] are still valuable. They’re still generating income.”

The report points to artists like Arthur Crudup — the Black Mississippi blues artist who tried, largely unsuccessfully, to seek royalties for widely covered compositions like “That’s All Right Mama” in the rock era — as demonstrative of this dynamic. While Elvis Presley cited Crudup as a key influence on his work and repeatedly expressed his respect for the older musician, the report notes that Crudup “was paid so little for his recordings that he had to work as a laborer selling sweet potatoes”: “The original song creators whose work [Presley] appropriated,” the report continues, “were not even paid for the use of their music.”

Created in 2020 by governor Gavin Newsom, California’s reparations task force is the first of its kind in the United States. Its interim report was released by the state’s Department of Justice, and it is expected to issue a final report in July 2023.

Wednesday, June 01, 2022

COLUMNS/INEQUALITY
Menstruation and the right to work pain-free

Guaman Worship
Wednesday, June 1, 2022

The recently approved reform in Spain that enables temporary disability due to disabling menstrual periods meant that the effects of menstruation on women's lives starred for the first time in gatherings and debates in the media, breaking the taboo of the issue, not only in Spain but in different parts of the world. The installation of this conversation in Latin America brings up the lack of legal guarantees that women experience in the workplace, which make the application of regulations like this unfeasible.

On May 17, the Government of Spain took a historic step in terms of equality and non-discrimination. Thanks to the impulseof the Ministry of Equality headed by Unidas Podemos, Spain will have the most advanced legislation regulating the right to sexual and reproductive health in Europe. To this end, the Government gave the green light to the regulatory processing of a reform that will expand the right of women to decide on their own body, strengthen sex education, recognize surrogacy as a form of violence against women and regulate menstrual health in labor terms.

One of the most discussed issues regarding this reform has been the regulation of a temporary disability derived from disabling rules, opening a debate in political and even union spheres regarding whether the proposed regulation can end up aggravating discrimination in labor contracting. Like this

For days we have heard how the set of pains that women and menstruating people suffer were listed and that include abdominal cramps, nausea, fatigue, feeling faint, headaches, back pain and general malaise or migraines. With all this once a month and 480 times throughout our lives we go to work with disabling pain, generating a "presenteeism" (work in non-optimal conditions) that far exceeds absenteeism and that has a considerable impact on occupational health and productivity of companies.

Although it is a situation that half of the world's population can go through, menstrual health is maintained in almost all countries of the world in an area covered by stigma, shame and stereotypes. Neither labour law nor social security rules have specifically addressed these situations. On the contrary, occupational health policies were usually developed through supposedly "neutral" standards (based on the experience of male workers and ignoring the different reality of women's health) or health and safety policies at work that considered women from a protectionist perspective, as a weak group and focused on the protection of pregnancy and maternity. Menstruation, as a situation to be considered per se, has been little present in legal debates.

In fact, some of the previous regulatory experiences have yielded poor results. Specifically, Japan passed a law on menstruation at work in 1947; South Korea grants women one day of menstruation leave and Taiwan three days; in Indonesia two. In addition, similar policies have been adopted in some provinces of China. Several reports point out the difficulties of implementing these related norms and their relationship with discriminatory practices or even violations of women's rights, all of which is probably related to flawed regulation and business malpractice. Some authors, in view of the poor or poor results, described these practices as "benevolent sexism".

The debate in other countries, such as France, the United Kingdom or Australia, has opened up in line with the experiences in various companies that have implemented work organization models compatible with the protection of menstrual health (including also the periods of menopause) and that report constant success rates both from the point of view of increasing productivity and improving the well-being of people who take advantage of these permissions. For its part, the Italian parliament debated in April 2016 a proposed law entitled "Establishment of permits for women suffering from dysmenorrhea".

The proposal, which was not approved, contemplated the right not to go to work a maximum of three days a month to women who suffer from dysmenorrhea that prevents the performance of ordinary functions of daily work, a condition that had to be verified in an annual medical certificate. This "menstrual leave" would be covered by the state with a benefit equal to the salary. In addition, some collective agreements, in Spain or Argentina, regulate permits recoverable by workers, with little success.

The Spanish proposal is undoubtedly the most complete and focuses on the protection of menstrual health in the field of employment contract, as a right within occupational health. To this end, the right to a special temporary disability is recognized for women with painful menstruations that incapacitate them to work, without a maximum of days as indicated in the mandatory medical report, in charge of the social security, paid from the first day of leave and without prior contribution requirements. There will therefore be no economic burden on the entrepreneur.

Given the regulation of this sick leave due to menstruation, it has been stated that focusing on how menstruation affects the ability to work of a good number of women during certain days of the month would mean recognizing a weakness and could imply a business reaction, a kind of backlash (through which we have already traveled) that could deepen the preference for male hiring.

To rule out or minimize this possibility, it is necessary to remember that measures such as this cannot be isolated legal devices but must be combined with a good policy of equality in terms of rights linked to care, and particularly to maternity and paternity, based on co-responsibility; a strong anti-discrimination regulatory structure, which punishes sexist behaviour at work; a powerful pedagogical work that shows among the business community that equality in companies is a right (and it is also positive for productivity) and the commitment of social dialogue for its proper development. That menstrual health enters companies requires that the State promote these devices and that the business community internalizes the need to protect it.

The proposal of regulations such as the Spanish one is per se a huge step forward in the legal, symbolic and cultural that allows to make visible and verbalize a reality and a need historically overshadowed. It opens a path that can be an example for Latin America, accompanying the steps forward in thedecriminalization of abortion and the processes towards the recognition of equality and the prohibition of discrimination in labor relations. Obviously, the obstacles to overcome are considerable in many respects. In our region, co-responsibility is scarce (women's unpaid work or care time is much longer than the time spent by men) and this weighs on female recruitment andperpetuates inequalities.

In addition, it is well known that, in Latin America, people who work without the legal guarantees linked to the employment contract (the so-called informal work) represent more than half of the labor force, which makes it difficult to apply measures such as the one mentioned. In addition, the permanence of the stigma and taboo regarding menstruation, which in popular slang is still identified with a disease, is equally clear.

Fortunately, thepower of the feminist movement in the region is allowing the normative advances that make us walk towards the achievement of a more just society, where no one has to go to work suffering from disabling pain and where menstruation is part of everyday life, free of stereotypes, stigmas and discrimination.


* Adoración Guamán is a political scientist and jurist. Professor at the University of Valencia. Coordinator of the CLACSO WG 'Lex Mercatoria, Human Rights and Democracy'. Founding member of CLAJUD (Latin American Council of Justice and Democracy).


*www.latinoamerica21.com, a plural media committed to the dissemination of critical opinion and truthful information about Latin America. Follow us on @Latinoamerica21


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Summit in L.A. Showcases Biden’s Central America Problem


Central America, in Brief: Days before the summit in Los Angeles, the U.S. is short on friends in the Northern Triangle. Giammattei, once Biden's ally of last resort, said he will not attend amid an open feud over the reelection of the corrupt attorney general. Honduran Xiomara Castro said she wouldn’t attend without Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua. Only the provocateur Bukele remains silent.


El Faro English

Wednesday, 1 de june de 2022

On inauguration day the Biden administration looked at Central America’s troubled leadership and saw in Guatemalan President Alejandro Giammattei its best, if not only, chance for preserving influence in the north of the isthmus to curb political corruption. One year later Guatemala was the first Central American country to announce it will decline the U.S. invitation to the Summit of the Americas held from June 6 to 8 in Los Angeles.

Tensions have been brewing for months. Last week the Heritage Foundation and Washington Examiner published that Giammattei privately accused Ambassador William Popp in April of meeting with Indigenous leaders to “topple” his government. Giammattei also told the authors that he has “decided to ask” the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) to leave the country for promoting “indigenism,” which to Giammattei, the authors interpret, is a Guatemalan version of “critical race theory.”

It’s true that the United States has insisted, as Kamala Harris did in her June 2021 trip, on voicing concerns over the marginalization of Indigenous peoples in Guatemala, some 45 percent of the population. But at the heart of the tensions is the U.S. criticism of Giammattei’s decision to reappoint a key ally, Attorney General Consuelo Porras, on May 16 to a second term through 2026, despite sanctions for shielding the president from criminal investigations into multimillion-dollar bribery schemes.




"Do not come," Vice President Kamala Harris told prospective Central American migrants contemplating traveling without papers to the United States. Harris traveled to Guatemala in June 2021 to discuss migration, foreign investment, and other bilateral priorities with the administration of Alejandro Giammattei. Photo: Víctor Peña/El Faro

Giammattei called Porras’ reelection an expression of “national sovereignty.” Her bid received key support from CACIF, Guatemala’s powerful business association, and from the Foundation against Terrorism, an advocacy group with deep ties to the military and a lead architect of legal attacks against independent prosecutors and judges.

The Biden administration, who calls corruption a critical national security issue, saw the selection of the new attorney general as a small window of opportunity in a backsliding democracy. A source close to the White House told El Faro English that they set as a diplomatic objective the appointment of anyone but Porras. Thirteen embassies offered technical assistance to Congress in the nomination process, eliciting accusations from Giammattei of “foreign interference.”

The events caused rumblings in Washington. On Apr. 29 Senate Republicans Marco Rubio and Mike Lee requested a report from the State Dept. on “inappropriate influence” by the U.S. Embassy and USAID in the selection process, an example of Giammattei’s successful lobbying to portray U.S. anti-corruption activism as partisan meddling. The Heritage Foundation titled its analysis, “The Biden administration placates American foes while pummeling American friends.”

On the night of Porras’ reelection, the State Department revoked the visa of her husband, as the family member of an official involved in “significant corruption.” Giammattei responded the next day by announcing that he will not attend the summit. “This country may be small, but as long as I’m president, this country and its sovereignty will be respected,” he said in an event at the Mexican Embassy.

String of Absences


It would be the second time that Guatemala does not attend a Biden diplomatic gathering. In the runup to the Democracy Summit in December, the U.S. cited concerns about democratic institutions in uninviting Giammattei, along with Nayib Bukele and Juan Orlando Hernández, the last of whom is months later in an American jail. Daniel Ortega was never on the list, nor will he attend the summit in Los Angeles.

But the case that would most underscore a diplomatic failure in the isthmus would be if Xiomara Castro stays home. Since becoming president of Honduras in January, she has shown her interest in a closer relationship with the United States, which has said it will support her new government in any way possible. Kamala Harris attended her inauguration and the two have exchanged diplomatic phone calls in recent months.


U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris speaks with Honduran President Xiomara Castro during their bilateral meeting in the Presidential Palace in Tegucigalpa on Jan. 27, 2022. Photo: Erin Schaff/POOL/AFP

The mutual courtship has not yet convinced Castro to fly to Los Angeles. She joined Mexico and Bolivia in requesting that Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua be on the guest list. On a Wednesday press call, Biden national security advisor Juan González tried to minimize the issue, saying that they “haven’t been so focused on who is and isn’t invited” but rather on the outcomes of the reunion. He then recognized that the White House is still weighing —five days before the summit— the three countries’ attendance.

It’s still unclear whether Nayib Bukele will be part of the summit —possibly setting the stage for further confrontation— or look the other way altogether. He has only said, after meeting with Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador in early May, that “it’s important to discuss hemispheric issues in a holistic way.”

Hanging over the gathering is the State Department’s promise to expand this month the ‘Engel List’ sanctions expected to touch Bukele’s inner circle, as well as Guatemalan officials involved in the reelection of Consuelo Porras.

By all indicators Costa Rica will attend, but the U.S. Democrat administration has yet to forge its relationship with the new conservative outsider president Rodrigo Chaves, who declared a national emergency in mid-May, a week after taking office, to fend off Russian hackers holding government servers for ransom.

That leaves Panama as one of the few partners to the United States in the summit’s long —and expected to be largely empty— table. The central bilateral issues in the country are Chinese influence, drug trafficking, and global, not Central American, migration over the Darien Gap.

It’s ironic that Biden’s closest ally in Central America happens to be the farthest from the U.S. border. People in the region even joke that the country, two centuries ago part of Gran Colombia, is not really Central America.

Thanks for your time. If you’ve gained from our work, consider funding independent journalism in Central America, in its most critical hour, at support.elfaro.net.

Once Upon Another Fraught Time …

The power of Yiddish children’s literature

By David Stromberg | June 2, 2022

Adapted from the cover of In the Land of Happy Tears: Yiddish Tales for Modern Times


Democracy is not the only thing that dies in darkness. Together with democracy—which enshrines into a governing system the capacity to disagree and compromise—other parts of civil life are threatened, including deceptively basic values like honesty and respect. It doesn’t take much to pronounce these words, but it takes a lot to internalize them, and a whole lot more to express them in action. For this to happen, these values need to turn into principles, a process that often requires learning as well as practice. This is why culture—through which we develop convictions and sustain them in our interactions—is so important to civic life. Culture provides us the means to be entertained, to pass our leisure time. But it is also a way of maintaining and developing our values through creativity and play. This is what dies in darkness: our human drive to be creative.

Americans have experienced a resurgence of anti-Semitism in a way we thought had passed from the nation’s history. But just as wars have not passed out of our culture, so anti-Semitism has been dormant yet present, less expressed, but fueling hate nevertheless. Aside from dealing with the practical elements of its reappearance, including the need for dialogue, education, and security, we also need to revive a cultural memory of times when Jews endured such difficulties on a regular basis, and depended on their culture for resilience.

In 2016, I was living in New York City, and on the day after the presidential election, I walked into the Center for Jewish History, just as I had done every day for several months—I was collecting Yiddish children’s tales with the aim of translating them into English. In the reading room of the CJH, where pleasant smiles and hellos had always welcomed me and other readers, no one uttered the words good morning. There seemed to be a collective feeling of confusion and concern, as if we were experiencing this historical moment with the weight of Jewish history on our shoulders—sensing, perhaps, that when hate and anger rise, Jews, along with other minorities, are soon after targeted.

I had zero motivation to do anything that morning, but I tried to focus on my task. The stories I was collecting were written in the early 1920s, after the horrors of the pogroms and the First World War. The Polish-Soviet War was raging, but the nightmare of the Second World War and the Holocaust, of course, were still beyond most people’s imaginations. The stories were intended for an audience that was itself caught in the grips of radical changes, one that was witnessing the modernization of society while still adhering to traditional values. The Jews who were wrote these stories—many of whom dreamed of socialism, communism, or Zionism—tried to instill in the children the values of their times while also being honest about the difficult pasts they had themselves witnessed or experienced. Privilege was not something that these authors possessed. Traditional life for them had meant deep poverty, whether they came from rural or urban settings. Their only privilege, perhaps, was that they’d committed themselves to a life of literature.

I sat there thinking to myself: What good had any of this done? In what way did these stories help? History had proven these values and principles powerless in the face of aggression and violence. Most of the kids who read these stories were annihilated two decades later. In America, where others had gone as immigrants, their success—both in terms of economic mobility and cultural adaptation—had left them helpless when their families and friends were being deported to death camps. What good had these stories done? I felt like history was going to render these attempts at instilling value pointless yet again.

It was an ominous morning. But one thing gave me a sense of hope: this effort was being undertaken for children. Regardless of my mood, my actions told a different story. Investing energy into transforming these lost tales into something that could be relevant for readers today meant that I believed in a future where children still cared about stories that embodied values. A future that needed books to help turn values into principles—and, hopefully and eventually, into action. This wasn’t about wiping the dust off old folktales. It was about bringing the freshness of the past into today’s world, seeing that our own concerns were not ours alone, that they were shared by recent generations. Everything from antiwar sentiments to tolerance, environmentalism and vegetarianism, could be found in these tales, along with a yearning for equality and acceptance. The sensitivities, and not only the stories or images, increasingly seemed to reflect an anxiety over how the changing world was going to affect its children—and how these children were going to get through their own struggles. The stories came from a world where Jewish life was infused with Yiddish culture. This is not the Yiddish that is now depicted in popular culture—a kind of a nostalgic yearning for a lost authenticity. This is Yiddish as a culture of resilience. Even when they tell of magical realms or treasures buried in the snow, the stories are gritty reflections of real experiences—empowering their readers by increasing their awareness about the world and themselves. These were stories by people who shared concerns about precisely the kinds of eventualities that unfolded in the years to come. They were looking to the future, and so, in this future, their voices still have something relevant to say.

One of those voices was Jacob Reisfeder, a writer of fiction, plays, and poetry, and a member of the editorial board of Unzer Express, a daily Warsaw Yiddish newspaper in the interwar years. Little is known of him other than that he traveled to Argentina in the early 1920s and later returned to Poland. He was married, and eyewitness accounts suggest that he took part in literary events held in the Warsaw Ghetto, where he appears to have died. Reisfeder wrote a number of children’s tales that were published in small booklets. One of them was the following story, “The Children Who Lived in the Cellar,” which Ri J. Turner translated for the collection that became In the Land of Happy Tears: Yiddish Tales for Modern Times. The story had been set aside due to the publisher’s concerns about the story’s imagery—that it might be too harsh for children today. (Read on and judge for yourself.) But such images help children grasp the power of resilience and the idea that suffering is a common experience. The images also help them see that there are people in the world who live in difficult circumstances—and that these people, too, know how to use their imaginations to cope with their circumstances. As a testament of solidarity with all those who maintain creativity even in times of darkness, the story has been included in the paperback version of the book—in a world battling darkness, our children’s resilience depends on the wells of creativity that can be found deep within the heart and soul.

THE CHILDREN WHO LIVED IN THE CELLAR

BY JACOB REISFEDER • TRANSLATED BY RI J. TURNER

It was a wintry night. The damp cellar apartment was cold and dark.

Three children clustered around the cold stove, a brother and two sisters. They clung to one another, their feet wrapped in old rags and their hearts pounding with fear.

“Mama is taking so long to get home!” the youngest cried out with tears in her eyes, startled at the sound of her own hoarse voice. She was not yet six years old.

“She locked us in, and she’s not coming back!” wept her seven-year-old brother.

“Hush! As soon as Mama sells out of apples, she’ll come straight home,” their elder sister soothed them, herself only eight years old. She too could barely keep from crying, she was so cold and hungry.

“I’m hungry!” the little boy wept louder.

“We haven’t eaten all day!” echoed the littlest sister.

“Oh, hush, hush! As soon as Mama gets home, she’ll prepare supper,” Rivkeleh coaxed, swallowing her own tears.

“It’s so cold!” Her younger brother and sister trembled feverishly, their hands black and blue from the winter chill. From time to time they breathed on their hands in an attempt to thaw them out.

“As soon as Mama brings wood, we’ll kindle the oven, and it’ll be so warm in here!” Rivkeleh drew the two younger children closer.

All three fell silent. They huddled together, listening fearfully to the wind’s menacing howls outside the window.

“Oh, look—flowers!” cried the little boy suddenly, pointing at the frosty windowpanes. “And up there, trees. Look, look—isn’t that a forest?”

“Oh, yes, a forest!” agreed Rivkeleh, the eldest sister.

“A forest, a forest,” the youngest sister, Miriam, said dreamily. “Moysheleh, have you ever seen a forest?”

“No,” replied Moysheleh sadly, and kept peering at the windowpane, which the frost had decorated thickly with white flowers.

“How about flowers?” she asked.

“No,” he replied, but then he quickly reconsidered. “Wait! I have seen flowers! On the street once, an entire basketful. Oh, how beautiful they were! A peasant woman was carrying them on her shoulder. I begged her for one tiny blossom, but she wouldn’t give it to me.”

“I’ve never ever seen any flowers,” Mireleh said sadly, lowering her eyes to the floor. “Where do flowers grow?”

“In gardens and in fields,” answered Rivkeleh. “There are different kinds of flowers—white and red, blue and yellow.”

“Ha, ha, ha! All the colors!” laughed Mireleh, her eyes sparkling. “And how do they grow, all those different flowers?”

“Mama told me that you have to plant them in the earth, and then they grow in the sun and rain. Flowers, like children, love the sun best of all. And that’s all I know. Children who can read books know a lot about it. But I can’t read and I don’t have any books.”

“I’ve never seen anything at all: no forests, no gardens,” Mireleh commented abstractedly.

“We never get to see anything here—in the courtyard or on the street,” mourned Moysheleh.

“Mama never takes us anywhere,” Mireleh complained.

“Where would she find the time? Silly goose … when she comes home, she’s always coughing,” scolded Rivkeleh.

“When the summer comes, we’ll make our own garden outside the window,” Moysheleh ventured.

“I’ll plant the seeds,” said Rivkeleh. “You’ll see, I know how to do it.”

“Yes, yes!” Mireleh practically jumped for joy. “What will we grow in the garden?”

“Grass,” said Moysheleh, “beautiful grass whose fragrance will spread throughout the house. Also peas and beans …”

“No, no!” interrupted Mireleh. “Let’s grow only flowers.”

“Yes, flowers are better—white and red, all kinds of colors.”

And the poor children were off on a fantasy, their eyes lighting up with excitement, their hunger and cold all but forgotten. So engrossed were they that they barely heard the creak of the door opening. Suddenly a beautiful smiling woman stepped gently over the threshold, fresh white roses woven into her loose golden hair. Her gown was made of nothing but flowers, flowers of every shade, each more beautiful than the last. In her hand she held a sweet little woven basket full of the loveliest violets, narcissi, lilies, and forget-me-nots.

The children leapt up, their eyes wide with wonder and fright. They started to cry out, but the beautiful Flower Lady, whose mere presence had already caused sweet fragrances to spread throughout the cellar apartment, approached them with soft steps, and with a white glowing hand she tenderly stroked their frozen faces.

“Don’t be frightened, children. I’ve come to decorate your apartment with flowers. For I know that you love flowers! I heard how your hearts fluttered when you spoke of the green grass and the blossoms you’ve never seen, living here in your little apartment on this tiny street. Well, children, now you won’t lack for flowers. Take a look at the beautiful blossoms I have for you here in my basket.”

And as soon as she set the sweet woven basket down on top of the black sooty oven, it instantly transformed into a beautiful marble pedestal.

The children stood and stared in awe at the marble pedestal and the fresh quivering flowers.

“How beautiful! How beautiful!” Mireleh whispered, shaken.

“They are beautiful, aren’t they?” the Flower Lady smiled, again caressing the children’s faces warmly.

“Beautiful, beautiful!” nodded all three children, not taking their eyes off the basket of flowers.

“Would you like even more flowers?” asked the Flower Lady.

“Yes, dear lady, give us more, more …” the children replied. They spoke in a pleading tone, yet their voices rang out more confidently now that they had begun to feel comfortable in the lady’s presence.

The kindly beautiful woman let loose her flower-dress, waving its skirts over the marble pedestal. It was as if she had opened up a door. Twelve gleaming pedestals sprang forth, lining up as if alive, in three rows down the length of the apartment. Then the Flower Lady waved her skirts toward the basket of flowers, which still stood on top of the first pedestal, and it multiplied into 12 baskets, one to top each pedestal.

“Ha, ha, ha! So many flowers! So many flowers!” rejoiced the poor children. They ran from one basket to another, their eyes shining with pleasure at the fresh, fluttering blossoms.

“Is there anything else that you want, children?” asked the Flower Lady with a gentle smile, gathering the three children in her arms. A cascade of her sweet flowery fragrances floated over them.

“A garden, a garden!” All three children blurted out their shared desire.

“All right, dear children,” the Flower Lady said, tenderly stroking the children’s heads. “Soon you shall have a beautiful garden.”

And the moment she waved her flower-skirts in the air, the crowded cellar apartment was instantly transformed into a large, gorgeous garden with a clear silvery stream running through its center. There were countless trees with all kinds of leaves—red, green, golden, and many other colors—and lovely paths, paved with precious stones and surrounded by beds full of the most beautiful flowers in the world. The beds were round, as if the flowers were playing circle games, and everything was bathed in the golden rays of the sun. The garden was crowded with blossoms of all colors, quivering cheerfully on their green stems. They’d bend over momentarily in the breeze, and then poke their little heads back out into the light, as if they were playing hide-and-seek. And in the air above, pure white butterflies fluttered and golden bees buzzed, and in the branches of the trees all sorts of songbirds sang sweetly.

And the three children ran around across the length and breadth of the garden. They wore lovely summer outfits and light slippers. Their eyes gleamed, their cheeks glowed, and the blossoms laughed in greeting.

“Ha, ha, ha!”—the cheerful satisfied laughter of the blossoms rang out throughout the garden – “they’ve come, the sisters and brother who yearned for us so … ha, ha, ha! Come closer, children, so we can play together … ha, ha, ha!”

And the children ran around drunkenly from one flowerbed to another, laughing along with the blossoms and kissing their tender petals. And the beautiful Flower Lady stood to the side and looked on with pride, calling out first to the flowers and then to the children:

“That’s right, just like that … keep playing together, pure little souls!”

And suddenly she began to sing in a sweet voice:

In the lovely garden,
In Flower Land
Three children laugh and play
With blossoms hand in hand,
With blossoms hand in hand.

Children and flowers,
Blossom with allure
Children and flowers,
Little souls so pure.

Souls so full of light—
True birds of a feather,
Children and flowers,
Playing all together.

And the Flower Lady joined hands with the children, and they danced in a circle around the flowerbeds and sang the song together. And all the flowers nodded their heads emphatically to the music, dancing too, and the golden bees buzzed along, and the butterflies fluttered, and the songbirds sang an accompaniment from the tree branches, and waves of song filled the entire garden:


In the lovely garden,
In Flower Land
Three children laugh and play
With blossoms hand in hand,
With blossoms hand in hand.

Children and flowers
Blossom with allure
Children and flowers
Little souls so pure.

Souls so full of light—
True birds of a feather,
Children and flowers
Playing all together.

* * *



When the children’s mother came in from the street, agitated and chilled to the bone, she found the children lying asleep on the floor next to the cold stove, clinging to one another.

“My poor little swallows!” she murmured, tears coming to her eyes. “The cold and hunger must have put them to sleep.”

She didn’t know, the devoted mother, what sort of beautiful sweet image her poor children had seen in their dreams, and what kind of person they’d received as a guest in the dank cellar apartment.

***

David Stromberg’s introduction is adapted from the paperback edition, recently published, of In the Land of Happy Tears: Yiddish Tales for Modern Tomes, in which Jacob Reisfeder’s story also appears.

David Stromberg is a writer, translator, and literary scholar whose recent work has appeared in Speculative Nonfiction, EastWest Literary Forum, and the Los Angeles Review of Books, among other publications. His latest book is A Short Inquiry into the End of the World, and his edited collection of Isaac Bashevis Singer's essays will be published in May. He was born in Israel, grew up in Los Angeles, and lives in Jerusalem.

U.S. in talks with Spain, Canada about taking more refugees -sources

By Matt Spetalnick and Ted Hesson

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The Biden administration is in talks with Spain and Canada about taking more Western Hemisphere refugees for resettlement, people familiar with the matter said on Wednesday, signaling possible commitments that could be announced at next week's Summit of the Americas.

Separate proposals are under consideration by the Spanish and Canadian governments but no decisions have been made, the sources said, as President Joe Biden's aides prepared to seek greater regional cooperation on tackling irregular migration when he hosts fellow leaders in Los Angeles.

The Axios news site was the first to report possible migration commitments from Spain and Canada, citing internal planning documents.

Two of the sources told Reuters the numbers under consideration for possible resettlement in Spain and Canada were modest, given that the United States was facing a record number of migrant arrivals at the U.S.-Mexican border.

A U.S. official, speaking on condition of anonymity, confirmed talks with Canada on taking in more migrants, and a second U.S. source said the Biden administration wanted to use the hemispheric summit to pressure other countries to do the same.

Spain, if it agrees to take action, would be accepting refugees beyond its long-standing program for bringing in temporary workers from Central America.

Canada, which has a long tradition as a safe-haven country, is weighing whether to take in larger numbers of regional refugees and also to increase the number of Haitian workers it allows in, the source in Washington said.

The White House referred questions to the Spanish and Canadian governments. Canada's immigration department did not immediately respond to a request for comment. There was no immediate word from Spanish authorities.

It was unclear whether those whom Spain might agree to resettle would be from among asylum seekers who arrive at the U.S.-Mexico border or whether they would be required to apply at U.S. embassies and consulates in the region or via international refugee agencies, one person familiar with the matter said.


(Reporting By Matt Spetalnick and Ted Hesson in Washington, additional reporting by Thomas Denny in Toronto; Editing by Bradley Perrett)
The Human Element: The Other Half of Warfare












Bryan Terrazas

June 2, 2022

"Hence most of the matters dealt with in this book are composed in equal parts of physical and of moral causes and effects. One might say that the physical seem little more than the wooden hilt, while the moral factors are the precious metal, the real weapon, the finely-honed blade."
—Carl von Clausewitz[1]

On Thursday, February 24th 2022, one of the United States’ near-peer adversaries crossed the Ukrainian border with a significant portion of its substantial military power. At the outset Ukrainian forces suffered from material combat power disparities with their Russian invaders, but the Ukrainian people themselves seemed to enjoy high morale overall.[2] Despite Russian technical and numerical military superiority, Russian forces did not quickly overwhelm the Ukrainian defenders and achieve a decisive victory.[3] Nearly two months into the conflict, not only have the high-spirited Ukrainian people proven unwilling to accept defeat as a consequence of material destruction, they are rallying international support for their cause.[4] Conversely, Pentagon Press Secretary John F. Kirby remarked that low Russian morale may in fact affect the outcome.[5] As the gap between Ukrainian and Russian morale continues to yawn, the ultimate outcome of the conflict is still very much in question. Although the Russia-Ukraine conflict may not ultimately be decided solely by the gap between Russian and Ukrainian morale, it has so far been an intangible yet critical aspect that will have effects on its enduring outcome.


The body of a Russian serviceman outside Kharkiv on February 26, 2022. (AFP/Getty)

Will and morale now represent critical aspects of warfare that the U.S. military has neglected in favor of material factors. The deleterious consequences of that neglect have prodded leaders across the U.S. joint force to acknowledge that an emphasis on the physical destruction of enemy capabilities as the primary goal for military operations translates to operational and tactical success and not necessarily enduring strategic successes.[6] Even before the Russia-Ukraine conflict, U.S. wars in Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan provide ample justification for these concerns. The outcomes of these conflicts challenge the current U.S. military assumption that more physical destruction can achieve enduring success, and the implication that non-Western perspectives to warfare do not accommodate this type of war’s outcome long-term. In response, there is newly placed importance on the potential for affecting the most fundamental motivations for adversaries—the will and morale to develop, reconstitute, and fight.[7] This emphasis on intangible human factors such as will and morale embodies a glaring current omission in Western thinking on the conduct and outcome of war, and represents the human or psychological element that has historically been considered the other half of warfare.
 
THE IMPORTANCE OF PEOPLE


The strategic environment is now defined by human-oriented considerations as much as it is defined by increasing complexity and interconnection. The world is progressively more online and connected, and this migration on to social media is increasing at a much faster rate than the population itself.[8] Much of the world is now watching the Russia-Ukraine war play out in real time on their smartphones, bypassing traditional media corporations and providing a direct linkage to those intimately involved in the fighting.[9] Although much of this change is attributable to advances in technology-enabled information capabilities, it also highlights the importance of the human-centric aspect of global affairs empowered by the ability to connect instantaneously across the globe. These connections further highlight the importance of perceptions, emotions, beliefs, and ultimately the willingness to become involved in conflict or to accept its outcomes.

The joint staff has recognized the importance of people and that military power must be re-imagined to accommodate these changes in order “to alter behavior of relevant actors to support the achievement of enduring strategic outcomes.”[10] This statement does not mean simply an acknowledgment of information or non-lethal operations. Given the increased importance of human connections, it is an expansion of the relevant actors beyond the immediate participants that accommodates those who may be geographically distant and otherwise only indirectly involved. It serves as an emphasis on influencing the will of the people involved as the ultimate objective in competition and conflict over simply the physical destruction of enemy means to resist. However, this acknowledgement has not yet translated into practical application.

U.S. ARMY TREATMENT OF WILL AND MORALE




The U.S. military has not fully exploited this long-acknowledged assertion operationally, especially in the U.S. Army. Even as the seminal U.S. Army Doctrine Publication (ADP) 3-0 recognizes that a military operation is a human endeavor, it characterizes breaking the enemy will only as a result of ground combat.[11] Beyond advising to limit harm and adhering to international laws of war, the doctrine is devoid of how to conduct operations in a manner that accounts for enemy, friendly, or civilian will. The somewhat more tactically focused Field Manual (FM) 3-0 again only acknowledges will as the focus of the “Dominate” phase, which itself is characterized as “overmatching enemy capabilities at the right time and place.”[12] There is no guidance on how to conduct operations to affect will and morale, such as timing an offense to exploit morale considerations.

U.S. military doctrine principally seeks the destruction of an adversary’s will through the destruction of that adversary’s material means to resist and fight. Moreover, the destruction of an adversary’s will is often viewed as a derivative of morale during combat operations. For example, enemy morale is discussed briefly as particularly low during an enemy withdrawal, but the U.S. Army’s principle guidance on offense and defense FM 3-90-1 treats morale as an incidental effect of regular combat operations without any real consideration of how to influence it directly or as the actual objective.[13] This effectively ignores that some operations may instead boost enemy willingness to resist rather than diminish it, and that the destruction of the morale may require a change in the time, place, or type of operation itself. Friendly morale similarly receives only passing attention as the commander’s responsibility, and its primary tools are through religious services, human resources, and sustainment.[14] Like the treatment of enemy morale, there is no guidance on how to conduct combat operations to maintain or even enhance friendly morale.

The U.S. military’s default approach to enduring success in war thus neither speaks to how to influence friendly morale during actual combat operations nor how to counter any enemy attempts at influencing it. It is further still from any considerations on affecting the will of enemy non-combatants and civilians that provide support for the conflict. This approach, in effect, treats high friendly morale in combat as nearly a foregone conclusion and degraded enemy morale only as a consequence of continued material destruction. Only contemporary Military Information Support Operations doctrine focuses on deliberately affecting enemy morale in combat and only narrowly by using information means. Principles and methods of information operations are accepted but largely within support of traditionally planned military operations that prioritize physical destruction of enemy capabilities.[15]

THE THREAT


This dearth of meaningful institutional commitment to the influence of will and morale ironically contrasts with U.S. warnings of foreign state hybrid threats and subversion activities designed to undermine the will and morale of the U.S. and its allies.[16] China, for example, has closely observed U.S. military actions in the previous decades and has concluded that intangible factors are increasingly significant for modern warfare.[17] China’s emphasis on intangibles is especially evident in the division of a Chinese technology-based information domain and an equally important cognitive domain.[18] The Chinese seek victory by forcing the enemy to lose “the will and ability to resist” and “paralysis” through a combination of kinetic and non-kinetic means, as a part of its systems destruction warfare concept. Realizing the vulnerability within these domains to destroy the enemy’s morale and will to fight, the systems destruction warfare concept emphasizes the capabilities of psychological warfare to exploit opportunities.[19] The Chinese have also introduced a concept of Strategic Psychological Warfare that proposes to win wars through means independent from fighting by preemptively overpowering an enemy psychologically.[20]
 
HISTORICAL CONSIDERATIONS FOR THE TWO HALVES OF WARFARE

The substantial absence of human considerations in U.S. doctrine is, all things considered, relatively new and represents a departure from the view in numerous traditions. An enduring theme throughout writings on the theory of warfare is the duality of the physical with the psychological. Ancient works such as Homer’s The Odyssey highlighted intelligence and cunning, or métis, while Sun Tzu wrote of the importance of morale for controlling maneuvers, the effectiveness of surprise, and even that the ultimate goal was winning without a fight.[21] Napoleon, a master of the decisive battle, emphasized the importance of the psychological aspect of war with his dictum that “in war morale forces are to physical as three to one.”[22] Revolutionary France’s ability to harness the collective will of the nation through levée en masse, reduced desertion, and rendered its fighting spirit reliant on psychological factors for its advantage rather than new technical or material means.[23] Not surprisingly, students of the Napoleonic Wars, such as Carl von Clausewitz, exalted the psychological over the physical for securing an enduring outcome.[24]
 


“La Liberté Guidant le Peuple (Liberty Leading the People)” by Eugène Delacroix (Wikimedia)



There have been previous attempts at operationalizing the concept of a psychologically-driven way of war. Psychological warfare as a theory provides one of the earliest that attempted to capture the intangible factors in warfare. However, the value of these factors was quickly lost as the term psychological warfare became plagued with misconceptions and derided as an imprecise description of the concepts it was meant to describe.[25] Rather than a mere support mechanism to traditional military operations, J.F.C. Fuller originally envisioned psychological warfare in the early half of the 20th century as a future way to wage wars beyond the physical domain.[26] Paul M.A. Linebarger later refined Fuller’s idea at the onset of the Cold War. Linebarger characterized it instead as “warfare psychologically waged,” wherein psychological objectives provided the driving force for operations in all domains, not isolated to the information domain, and as a way to wage a war that was not focused primarily on destroying the physical means of the enemy.[27] This concept represented the other half of war long-discussed, and most recently forgotten in the West.

CONCLUSION


Even a brief survey of the theories of war show that the U.S. has largely forgotten the other half of warfare—the psychological complement to the physical—even as its significance in conflict increases. Against several centuries of claims to the contrary, U.S. doctrine has errantly privileged the physical over rational and emotional factors. This is not to suggest that the physical is not important or plays no role in modern or future warfare. Rather, the proper practice of strategy is to start with the human or psychological components, like will and morale, as avenues to affect the physical. This represents a near-inverse of the current paradigm wherein the physical is used to get to the psychological, and one that may benefit enemies that may be all-to-willing to draw upon the psychological to wage a prolonged conflict.

The U.S. is unprepared for a future of human-centric warfare. Its military doctrine acknowledges morale and other psychological factors but does not provide guidance on how to shape it. This represents a disconnect between war as a material affair and war as a human affair. Such a misconception of warfare leaves the U.S. and its allies vulnerable to adversaries and enemies seeking to exploit this lacuna. The U.S. therefore critically constrains itself despite its material strengths if it fails to embrace a psychologically grounded view of war.




Header Image: “Napoleon's Retreat from Moscow “ by Adolph Northen (Wikimedia)


NOTES:

in[1] Carl von Clausewitz, On War, trans. and eds. Michael Howard and Peter Paret (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1976), 184–85.

[2] Alexander S. Vindman, “Morale Remains High. Ukraine Is Fighting for Freedom and Democracy and, Most Importantly, for Their Homes. Https://T.co/Zzxxumofdz,” Twitter, February 24, 2022, https://twitter.com/avindman/status/1496932285773488131.

[3] Angela Dewan, “Ukraine and Russia's Militaries Are David and Goliath. Here's How They Compare,” CNN, Cable News Network, February 25, 2022, https://www.cnn.com/2022/02/25/europe/russia-ukraine-military-comparison-intl/index.html.

[4] Megan Specia, “'Like a Weapon': Ukrainians Use Social Media to Stir Resistance,” The New York Times, March 25, 2022, https://www.nytimes.com/2022/03/25/world/europe/ukraine-war-social-media.html.

[5] John F. Kirby, “Pentagon Press Secretary John F. Kirby Holds a Press Briefing, March 22, 2022,” March 22, 2022, https://www.defense.gov/News/Transcripts/Transcript/Article/2975214/pentagon-press-secretary-john-f-kirby-holds-a-press-briefing-march-22-2022/.

[6] U.S. Department of Defense, Joint Staff, Joint Concept for Human Aspects of Military Operations (JC-HAMO) (Washington, DC: Government Publishing Office, 2016), 1.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Simon Kemp, “Digital 2022: Global Overview Report,” (January 26, 2022), https://datareportal.com/reports/digital-2022-global-overview-report.

[9] Kyle Chayka, “Watching the World’s ‘First TikTok War’” The New Yorker (March 3, 2022), https://www.newyorker.com/culture/infinite-scroll/watching-the-worlds-first-tiktok-war.

[10] U.S. Department of Defense, Joint Staff, Joint Concept for Operating in the Information Environment (JCOIE) (Washington, DC: Government Publishing Office, 2018), iii-9.

[11] US Department of the Army, Army Doctrine Publication (ADP) 3-0, Operations (Washington, DC: Government Publishing Office, 2019), 1-4 to 1-5.

[12] US Department of the Army, Field Manual (FM) 3-0, Operations (Washington, DC: Government Publishing Office, 2017), 1-13.

[13] U.S. Department of the Army, Field Manual (FM) 3-90-1, Offense and Defense Volume 1, Change 2 (Washington, DC: Government Publishing Office, April 2015), 5-6, 5-10, 6-32, 9-1, B-12.

[14] U.S. Department of the Army, Field Manual (FM) 3-90-2, Reconnaissance, Security, And Tactical Enabling Tasks Volume 2 (Washington, DC: Government Publishing Office, March 2013), 6-6.; U.S. Department of the Army, Field Manual (FM) 1-0, Human Resources Support (Washington, DC: Government Publishing Office, August 2021), 1-6, 1-8, 4-24.; U.S. Department of the Army, Field Manual (FM) 4-0, Sustainment (Washington, DC: Government Publishing Office, July 2019), 1-10.

[15] U.S. Department of the Army, Field Manual (FM) 3-53, Military Information Support Operations, Change 1 (Washington, DC: Government Publishing Office, June 2013), 1-4, 5-5.; U.S. Department of Defense, Joint Staff, Joint Publication (JP) 3-13, Information Operations (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 2003), I-1.; U.S. Joint Staff, JP 3-13.2, Military Information Support Operations, Change 1 (Washington, DC: Government Publishing Office, December 2011), xvi-xxi.

[16] U.S. Department of Defense, Joint Staff, Joint Operating Environment (JOE) 2035: The Joint Force in a Contested and Disordered World (Washington, DC: Government Publishing Office, July 2016), 7, 44.

[17] Qiao Liang and Wang Xiangsui, Unrestricted Warfare (Brattleboro, VT: Echo Point Books, 1999), 1–5.

[18] Cindy Hurst, “A Chinese Concept of “Cognitive Confrontation” In Future Warfare,” OE Watch 11, issue 9 (September 2021): 5.

[19] Jeffrey Engstrom, Systems Confrontation and Systems Destruction Warfare: How the Chinese People’s Liberation Army Seeks to Wage Modern Warfare (Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2018), 71-72, 76-77, 116.

[20] Timothy Thomas, The Chinese Way of War: How Has It Changed? (McLean, VA: MITRE Corporation, June 2020), 3, 15-19, accessed November 5, 2021, https://community.apan.org/cfs-file/__key/docpreview-s/00-00-16-68-30/20200611-China-Way-of-War-_2800_Timothy-Thomas_2900_.pdf.

[21] Sun Tzu, The Wart of War, trans. Samuel B. Griffith, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1963), 63-101.

[22] Arthur Upham Pope, “The Importance of Morale,” The Journal of Educational Sociology 15, no. 4 (December 1941): 195, https://doi.org/10.2307/2262466.

[23] Steven T. Ross, “Napoleon and Maneuver Warfare,” In The Harmon Memorial Lectures in Military History, 1959–1987, edited by Harry R. Borowski, 309–24 (Washington, DC: Office of Air Force History, U.S. Air Force, 1988), 1-11.

[24] 127, 184-186; Carl von Clausewitz, On War, ed. Michael Howard and Peter Paret, indexed ed. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1976), 92-93, 184-185; Baron Henri de Jomini, The Art of War, trans. G.H. Mendell and W.P. Craighill (Project Gutenberg, last updated September 28, 2004), 60-65, 122, 178-179, 321-323. https://www.gutenberg.org/files/13549/13549-h/13549-h.htm.

[25] William E. Daugherty and Morris Janowitz, A Psychological Warfare Casebook (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Press, 1958), 1-3, 18.

[26] U.S. Department of the Army, Pamphlet No. 525-7-1, The Art and Science of Psychological Operations: Case Studies of Military Application, Volume One (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, April 1976), 19.

[27] Paul M.A. Linebarger, “Psychological Warfare,” Naval War College Information Service for Officers 3, no. 7 (1951): 19-24, http://www.jstor.org/stable/44792590.


Bryan Terrazas is an Army officer and future planner. He holds masters degrees from Columbia’s School of International and Public Affairs, the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, and is currently a student at the U.S. Army School of Advanced Military Studies. This article is adapted from his recently submitted monograph that explores psychological components to warfare through the lens of psychological warfare theory. This article reflects his own views and not necessarily those of the U.S. government or the Department of Defense.



The Strategy Bridge is read, respected, and referenced across the worldwide national security community—in conversation, education, and professional and academic discourse.
Peter Dutton is banking on importing US classroom culture wars to Australia

In one of his first interviews as Liberal leader, Dutton said he wants to make the "extremism" of teachers a major political issue.



CAM WILSON
JUN 02, 2022
IN ONE OF HIS FIRST INTERVIEWS AS LIBERAL LEADER, PETER DUTTON SAID HE'S GOT HIS EYES ON THE "EXTREMISM OF TEACHERS" (IMAGE: SKY NEWS AUSTRALIA)


New Liberal Party leader Peter Dutton has signalled he wants to take on teacher “extremism”, in the debate over the development of Australia’s new national school curriculum, hinting at a United States-style education culture war.

On a Tuesday broadcast of Sky News’ Bolt Report, the freshly elected opposition leader signposted the party’s intention to make what’s being taught in Australia’s schools a hotly contested political issue.



“If [the teaching was] limited to just environmental issues or just to climate change, it would be bad enough. But the extremism of some of the teachers and the language that they use, the approach that they take, it’s across a broad range of policy areas,” he said.

Dutton foreshadowed reigniting a fight with the Labor Party over the draft national curriculum: “I think the national curriculum, the values argument, is going to be one of the big debates over this Parliament. I think you will see a big difference between the policies that we take to the next election compared with what Labor will.”

Last year, then education minister Alan Tudge led a campaign against the Australian Curriculum Assessment and Reporting Authority’s draft curriculum that would be taught to students from preschool to Year 10 nationally.

Before being sidelined over his affair and alleged abusive relationship with a former staffer, which he denies, Tudge took issue with how the document depicted Australia’s racial and religious history. He even went as far as claiming that it would teach students to hate Australia and not want to defend it in war.

The campaign of Tudge and other conservative groups against the draft curriculum coincided with the “critical race theory backlash” in American schools, led by Republicans. Since then, this scrutiny has only intensified (and morphed), and offers insight into why Peter Dutton is so eager to make this into an issue.

There’s a long history of fighting over what is taught in schools in the US, from anti-evolution laws in the 1920s to today’s battles. Since Trump’s loss in 2020, the Republican Party has found success in appealing to parents over how matters of race, sex and gender are being taught — confecting moral panic around being indoctrinated or even “groomed” by teachers.

The recent come-from-behind victory of Republican Glenn Youngkin in last November’s Virginia governor’s race laid out a new blueprint for conservatives winning in liberal-leaning areas. In a state that voted 54-44 for Joe Biden a year before, Youngkin was able to straddle being pro-Trump while also attracting back some voters repelled by Trump by making local education a key issue in the campaign.

Youngkin specifically argued against critical race theory being taught in schools while also appealing against COVID-19 restrictions that kept children at home or wearing masks in the classroom. This, combined with Joe Biden’s dropping popularity, contributed to Youngkin’s campaign picking up enough voters from the suburbs to win.

Going into 2022, state Republicans have doubled down on the critical race theory strategy while also incorporating anti-LGBTQI+ elements. Florida’s governor and 2024 Republican presidential frontrunner Ron DeSantis proudly passed “Don’t Say Gay” legislation, which prohibits discussion of sexual orientation or gender identity in state classrooms.

There are reasons to believe a renewed focus on classroom culture wars using the national curriculum as a trojan horse could be a smart strategy for the Liberal Party. Education remains an important issue for voters: an ANU-run poll found more than half of voters said improving the education system was a top priority ahead of the 2022 election, beating out issues like reducing crime or dealing with the pandemic. It’s also a traditional Labor strong suit. The party has an 8% lead in which of the two major parties is trusted more to handle the issue.

If the US is anything to go by, embracing this fight could be a way for a Dutton-led opposition to neutralise or even gain ground on an issue that’s been a weakness for them. Dutton started off his term by promising to pay attention to the “forgotten Australians” in the suburbs — the same people who Youngkin picked up. The scare campaign against the Safe Schools Coalition program from 2016-2018 shows there’s fertile political ground for this kind of issue. (Dutton has form on this).

As we saw from Katherine Deves’ kamikaze campaign, international culture wars can’t be directly imported, they need to be translated. One difference is that education policy in the US is mediated through locally elected school boards that develop the curriculum. Australia’s curriculum is national and education policy is state-based — and it’s this difference that could make Australia ripe for a national education culture war.

At least, that’s what Peter Dutton has hinted he is hoping for: “I intend to take this challenge to the Labor Party on this and not just at a federal level but also at a state level. I think there’s a lot of work to do there, and it will be a main area of focus.”

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Cam Wilson
ASSOCIATE EDITOR @CAMERONWILSON
Cam Wilson is Crikey's associate editor. He previously worked as a reporter at the ABC, BuzzFeed, Business Insider and Gizmodo. He primarily covers internet culture and tech in Australia.