Sunday, September 11, 2022

Hard bargain: Unionized workers prepare to battle for big pay hikes amid super-charged inflation

Unions winning hefty increases as Bank of Canada chief warns employers not to dole out whopping, multi-year salary hikes

Author of the article:Joe O'Connor
Publishing date: September 2, 2022 • 

Mark Hancock, CUPE president, speaks during a rally in Saskatchewan, in 2019. 
PHOTO BY LIAM RICHARDS/SASKATOON STARPHOENIX/POSTMEDIA FILES
Article content

Mark Hancock thought he wanted to become a teacher, a career path he imagined would be a much better fit than the two potential avenues his high-school’s aptitude test spat out.

“The test came back with funeral director or hotel manager,” he said, from his hometown of Port Coquitlam, B.C., where he’s sitting in a one-bedroom apartment that has a bare bones home office three steps from the coffee maker in one direction, and three steps from the balcony, where the 57-year-old heads for cigarette breaks between work calls.

Hancock never did become a teacher. But as national president of the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE) — the country’s largest union with more than 700,000 members — he represents the interests of tens of thousands of education workers as well as paramedics, health-care workers, airline staff, librarians, hydro crews and municipal employees, right down to the “rink rats” who keep the teenage “hooligans” in check during public skating hours on city rinks

“I did a couple years on rink patrol,” he said. “We had these ugly green jackets, so people could tell us apart from the other teenagers.”

These days, the union leader’s work outfits tend towards comfy blue jeans, running shoes and a collared short-sleeve shirt. For more formal occasions, such as labour conferences, he’ll layer on a dark-coloured sport coat worn with a sort of rumpled, working-person’s pride — minus, of course, a tie.

Mark Hancock during a recent visit to an ongoing strike in Mount Pearl, Newfoundland
. PHOTO BY CUPE NATIONAL

Those clothes are going to be logging some serious mileage in the months ahead as unionized workers — CUPE’s and otherwise — and those who employ them haggle out the particulars of new collective bargaining agreements in a super-charged inflationary time, the likes of which haven’t been seen since the 1980s, when the annual consumer inflation rate often exceeded five per cent.

Ever since, inflation has seldom strayed outside the Bank of Canada’s targeted range of one to three per cent. Labour negotiations came and went. Unionized workers got annual raises of two and sometimes one or even zero per cent.

All was well enough until a pandemic happened, supply chains snarled, consumer demand built up and then boiled over and fuel prices soared. Now we’re fretting over grocery bills and practically fainting at the pumps, as the year-over-year consumer price index rose 7.6 per cent in July, after rising 8.1 per cent in June.

“I think you have to put this in the whole context of workers and frustration,” Hancock said. “We lived through the pandemic — and I retreated to my apartment and did my best to help bend the curve — but so many other workers, union and non-union workers, kept going to work. Workers have had enough.”

Take the 55,000 CUPE education sector workers in Ontario — bus drivers, custodians, early childhood educators, just about everybody except teachers and management — who are calling for an annual wage hike of 11-plus per cent in negotiations with the provincial government. Or else.

Workers have had enough
MARK HANCOCK

The government is offering two per cent a year for the next four years for those making less than $40,000, and 1.25 per cent for the rest. The potential for labour Armageddon is in the air, and that’s just one situation in Ontario.

Hancock isn’t afraid of a good scrap, but he’s also old enough to remember the 1980s when inflation was last a major issue. Construct a graph charting the course of inflation versus wage negotiations through the 1970s and 1980s and what emerges is a pattern of generally higher wage settlements in high inflation years.

“It is never 100-per-cent compensation,” Anil Verma, an industrial relations professor at the University of Toronto’s Rotman School of Management, said. “But, historically, if inflation is up five per cent, the union might win a three- or 3.5-per-cent wage increase.”

A lot can depend on where the bargaining starts, and who it involves. Consider the case of Toronto’s aquatics staff, a.k.a. lifeguards, swimming instructors, kiddie pool minders and outdoor pool staffers, who generally skew from teens to university-age in profile.

Lifeguard certification programs shut down when the world shut down in March 2020. The potential crop of new lifeguards and swim instructors, who typically replenish the ranks of those who age out and move on, dried up, as did wading pool staff. Stir in what tend to be unbearably hot and humid Toronto summers, and the lifeguard shortfall was the perfect situation for CUPE to request the city review their wages earlier this year.

Without a hostile shot being fired, the winner was … the lifeguards, who, as they survey the pool in their mirrored sunglasses this Labour Day weekend, are earning $21.19 an hour, up from $17.80. That’s a 19-per-cent increase in pay.

And the lifeguards aren’t the only ones getting paid.

Lifeguards are back on duty at Sunnyside Beach on Saturday June 5, 2021. 
Veronica Henri/Toronto Sun/Postmedia Network

Thousands of private-sector janitors in Ottawa won a 6.4-per-cent hike in year one of a new deal struck in July. Federal government data that tracked seven major union settlements from March and April showed an annual average wage increase of 3.1 per cent, which is almost double what unionized workers were signing up for between March 2020 and January 2022.


“These are human services,” Verma said. “And I expect with human services, like health care and like lifeguards, where the demand for them is strong, that employers should be willing to pay them more.”

Emphasis on “should be.”

One of the things that most worries Bank of Canada governor Tiff Macklem, as he related during a July 14 panel discussion with the Canadian Federation of Independent Business, is creating a dreaded wage-price spiral.

At a macroeconomic level, some wage increases are self-defeating for labour unions
ANIL VERMA 

It starts like this: To attract workers, businesses begin upping wages and then pass the cost of those hikes onto consumers. Higher wages stoke consumer demand, so prices go up even more. Then wages go up again, prices follow and the entire wage-price shooting match starts spiralling out of control in a self-perpetuating cycle.

“At a macroeconomic level, some wage increases are self-defeating for labour unions, because if you become very successful in gaining wages, that adds to the inflation, and then the inflation brings the economy back to where you started,” Verma said.

Macklem’s advice to CFIB members in July was to allow inflation a couple years to get back to his comfort zone of about two per cent, and to beware of doling out whopping, multi-year salary increases to workers.

Hancock’s response to the central-banker’s wage-spiral cautionary messaging to business: “It is BS, and Macklem should stay in his own lane.”

His point? Nobody, not even a brainy economist, has a crystal ball capable of foretelling with certainty when inflation will find its way back to the central bank’s two-per-cent happy place.

Macklem should stay in his own lane
MARK HANCOCK

In the meantime, there is plenty of contract negotiation to be done, and the high inflationary era of bygone years may offer a useful guide on how best to keep the labour peace.



Consider COLA, not the soda but cost-of-living-adjustment clauses. COLAs were commonplace in most collective bargaining agreements in the 1970s and 1980s, according to Statistics Canada. If inflation ticked up to six per cent in, say, year two of a contract deal where workers were slated for a three-per-cent raise, a COLA clause would bump it to four per cent.

Stable inflation all but did away with such clauses, but that doesn’t mean there isn’t a place for them at the negotiating table again.

Another potential way to tackle things, Hancock said, is to shorten the contract term. Doing so means more work for negotiators, and likely more year-to-year uncertainty on both sides of the bargaining table. But if 2022 truly is an inflation anomaly, then pounding out a one-year deal and seeing what happens 12 months from now may just make the most sense.

“There are solutions there, and you don’t have to look outside the box — you have to look into the box — and see what it used to look like,” Hancock said.

Pretty wise words from a guy who, once upon a time, figured he’d become a teacher, but caught on as a rink rat and got bitten by the union bug instead.

• Email: joconnor@nationalpost.com | Twitter: oconnorwrites

Doctors to vote on tentative agreement with Alberta government next week

Health minister, AMA president say they are 'working

 together' to address issues brought forward by physicians

Details of the agreement were submitted for all AMA members to review on Friday, the association's president, Vesta Michelle Warren, said in a letter posted the same day. Doctors will be able to vote starting September 13. (MAD.vertise/Shutterstock)

After more than two years without an agreement, the Alberta Medical Association (AMA) and the Alberta government announced Friday that they have negotiated a potential ratification package for the province's doctors.

Its details were submitted for AMA members to review on Friday, the association's president, Vesta Michelle Warren, said in a letter posted the same day.

Physicians will be able to vote on the package from Sept.13 until the 28.

Warren said it includes improvements to fees and "restores fair and appropriate mechanisms to deal with physician compensation."

"We are working together to address the serious challenges facing the health system and the issues brought forward by physicians throughout the province," Alberta Health Minister Jason Copping and Warren said in a joint statement on Friday.

"We share the same goals of stabilizing the health system including the physician practices that are part of infrastructure."

Years of tension

The newly proposed agreement comes after tension between the province's physicians and the United Conservative government began in Feb. 2020, when former Alberta Health Minister Tyler Shandro unilaterally ended the AMA's master agreement and imposed a new physician compensation framework.

At the time, Shandro said the changes would prevent an overrun on the province's budget. But the move sparked public outcry, a lawsuit, accusations on both sides of bad-faith bargaining and doctors withdrawing services in protest.

Physicians also voted down a tentative agreement in 2021 that would have had them give up the right to third-party arbitration and allowed the government to withhold payments from doctors if overspending was expected.

On Friday, the AMA tweeted that it would not be commenting on social media or giving interviews regarding the proposed agreement.

The Alberta College of Family Physicians also declined to comment until voting is complete "out of respect of due process."

Federal public service employees frustrated with 'vague' return-to-work plans

Employees gradually returning to work since early March

A Government of Canada logo on a brick highrise.
Public service workers are gradually making the return to work on-site as many departments follow through on their hybrid working arrangements. (Adrian Wyld/The Canadian Press)

As federal employees gradually return to the office in person, some workers and members of the public service union say they want more clarity and consistency from the Treasury Board of Canada about working arrangements. 

Since early March, federal departments have been gradually returning to on-site or hybrid work after being given the green light by the Treasury Board, which oversees the federal workforce. 

The Treasury Board said in a statement there was "no one-size-fits-all approach," and deputy ministers each have the authority on how their employees will make that return.

But with decisions in the hands of each department, some public service employees are frustrated with the lack of consistency. 

"We do not see a clear direction in terms of what return-to-work looks like," said Sharon DeSousa, national executive vice-president of the Public Service Alliance of Canada, a union representing around 200,000 workers across the country.

She said she's heard from members of the union about a lack of answers and a sense of "instability" surrounds returning to work, particularly with how plans look different from department to department. 

Sharon DeSousa, speaking in front of the Treasury Board of Canada building at a rally, says public service workers are seeing different return-to-work plans from department to department. (Jean Delisle/CBC)

DeSousa said employees deserve to have safe and healthy work environments, adding the mental health of everyone has suffered through the pandemic. Employees need to know the government has their back, she said. 

"They need consistency, they need support, they need to ensure their health and welfare is taken care of, and they need clear communication."

WATCH | Federal workers still see 'instability' around return-to-work plan, union says

'Loose, vague directives'

Kristina MacLean, who works for the Department of National Defence, said she's currently pushing for a hybrid work model, but the lack of strong language outlining teleworking options makes it difficult. 

"We did the work, we've shown we can do the work, now it's time for everyone to be a little flexible."

MacLean said the lack of consistency across departments is a "major problem."

"Right now it's at the employer's discretion," she said. "Depending on which department you're in or what classification you are, you're getting different treatment and you could all be working in the same office."

Kristina MacLean, seen here at a rally for workers' rights, says she's worried about inconsistent return-to-work plans that are at the employer's discretion. (Jean Delisle/CBC)

MacLean said she's found the communication surrounding the return to work has been made up of "loose, vague directives" that are up to interpretation. 

"I think that puts us in dangerous territory because if it's completely up to the discretion of the employer, how are we going to protect the workers' rights?"

In its labour force survey for the month of August, Statistics Canada said it continued to see an upward trend of people reporting hybrid working arrangements, with 8.6 per cent of those surveyed working in a hybrid model. 

Statistics Canada said it doesn't have data on the number of federal public service employees currently working remotely or in a hybrid model. 

Differences across departments

CBC News reached out to various federal departments about their plans on employees returning to the workplace. The Department of Canadian Heritage did not respond to CBC in time for publication.

  • The Canada Revenue Agency said it will be moving toward a hybrid work model, and will gradually increase the number of employees working on-site.
  • The Department of Finance said it is adopting a hybrid plan where most employees will work a combination of in person and on-site, and is hoping for employees to eventually spend 50 per cent of their time in the office.
  • The Department of Justice said it is now adopting a hybrid work model, and employees wanting to work from home will need to have approved telework agreements by Oct. 3. There is currently no department-wide minimum number of days to work on-site. 
  • The Department of National Defence said it will gradually transition to a hybrid workforce over the coming months. Around 50 per cent of its employees were working on-site during the pandemic, it said.
  • The Department of Public Safety said it will be adopting a hybrid model, with telework agreements defined in collaboration with employee's managers. It said the process is expected to be finalized by November 2022.
  • Employment and Social Development Canada (ESDC) said it formally began implementing its flexible work model on Sept. 6, with many of ESDC employees continuing to work on-site.
  • Environment and Climate Change Canada said it has maintained critical services on-site throughout the pandemic, and an increasing number of employees have been coming into work on a regular basis in the last few months. By September, all executives are expected to have regular and sustained on-site presence, and all employees or managers who telework must have a signed telework agreement. 
  • Fisheries and Oceans Canada said a significant number of its employees continued working on-site throughout the pandemic, and over the summer employees were returning to offices across the country. Hybrid work arrangements have been adopted, and the department said it anticipates employees will be in the office one to two days a week. 
  • Health Canada and the Public Health Agency of Canada said the health and safety of its employees is a top priority as they transition to a hybrid workforce. 
  • Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada said it is continuing to transition to a hybrid workplace model.
  • Indigenous Services Canada said it's planning for a return to work sites this fall, and an in-person presence will be expected one day per week or more. Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada said it's continuing to work on a gradual return to the workplace for the fall as more employees return to work. 
  • Innovation, Science and Economic Development Canada said it is carrying out a return-to-the-office plan with the majority of its employees adopting a hybrid plan, working on-site two to three days a week on average. Some employees will have more or less in-office days depending on their job function. 
  • Public Services and Procurement Canada said it is progressively transitioning to a hybrid workplace. 
  • Transport Canada said each employee has an individual work arrangement with their manager, and employees have an option of returning to work full-time or a hybrid plan depending on their job requirements. The work arrangement agreements must be implemented by September, and a number of employees have already been working on-site throughout the pandemic.
Nelson: With divisive candidates like these, UCP better off without a leader

Author of the article: Chris Nelson • For The Calgary Herald
Publishing date: Sep 08, 2022 • 
From left, candidates Rajan Sawhney, Travis Toews and Danielle Smith take part in the United Conservative Party of Alberta’s final leadership debate, in Edmonton on Tuesday, August 30, 2022. PHOTO BY GREG SOUTHAM/POSTMEDIA

Only in the bizarre world of Alberta politics could a ruling party stand a better chance of retaining power if it didn’t have an actual leader.


That’s the weird situation we’re in during these waning days of a glorious summer. Because no matter who comes out a-top of this current inside-the-party contest to replace Jason Kenney as premier, there’s likely to be a subsequent drop in general UCP support among regular Albertans.

This isn’t what usually happens, of course. Normally new leaders, alongside their respective parties, enjoy a short but sweet honeymoon period, where hope briefly trumps experience among potential voters.

This isn’t the case here in Alberta. Even those seeking to replace Kenney have now dropped any pretence this leadership contest will inspire unity by healing the party’s gaping wounds and thus readying it for the looming provincial election battle.

The split that entrapped Ottawa-knowing Kenney has actually widened, so whoever wins faces an immediate cabal of internal opposition that won’t simply dissipate because the party vote went against them. The knives won’t require unsheathing; they’re already firmly in hand, poised for use by those whose candidate doesn’t emerge triumphant when the vote is counted in about four weeks.

Were it not for that little conundrum, then the UCP might feel rather confident of actually holding onto power, given our economy is booming and those dreary COVID wars, so bedevilling for the Kenney government, are at least now relegated to the nasty skirmish level.

Ah, but then it wouldn’t be the Tories unless they managed to shoot themselves in the foot. They’ve been at it so long in Alberta it’s a wonder anyone in the party has got a single toe left to stand upon.

Long gone are those halcyon days when they could run an election campaign with the name of their leader proudly emblazoned upon every candidate’s lawn sign. And not even the entire name — yep, remember those “Ralph’s Team” banners covering front yards back in 2001, as Klein’s government won a third mandate with a stunning 74 of the 83 seats on offer, capturing 62 per cent of the vote?

Five years later, those proud if brazen signs were probably stored facedown in deserted backrooms, as the party knowingly knifed the man — yes, the one so recently heralded provincewide simply as Ralph — in his suddenly vulnerable back.

Hindsight’s 20/20 of course. But maybe the die was cast that day and all that has happened since — the splitting away of the Wild Rose bunch, the rise of Edmonton as an NDP fortress, the realization of the New Democrats’ impossible dream of actually governing — flowed from such a pivotal moment.

Regardless, those turbulent Tory waters haven’t subsided. Not in the least. In fact, we’re now approaching the Class VI rapids stage.

Yes, here we have someone now considered the leadership contender to beat, Danielle Smith, not only taking umbrage with the current premier after he slated her controversial Sovereignty Act plans but also managing to drag the Queen into the brouhaha.

Yes, Her Majesty’s representative in Alberta, Lt.-Gov. Salma Lakhani, drew Smith’s ire after suggesting she might not sign that same proposed legislation into law if it contravened the Canadian Constitution. (Come on, give us newspaper columnists credit: notoriety pays our bills.)

Anyhow, with all this going on, it’s a near certainty the UCP will remain as united as that 1,000-piece jigsaw puzzle poured straight from its box, no matter who becomes our new premier.

Yet most Albertans, I still suspect, would rather the Tories govern than Rachel Notley’s rambunctious lot. Run a poll without any named UCP leader and the NDP would likely finish second.

But, once you fill in that blank, those Tory numbers will drift downward, no matter which name gets that ink.

Oh, how times change. Two decades ago the Tories rode to power on the back of a leader called Ralph. Today, they might ride into opposition on whoever’s name fills that slot.

Bizarre doesn’t begin to cover it.

Chris Nelson is a regular columnist for the Calgary Herald.
UCP leads NDP, Brian Jean preferred by party supporters as conservative leader: poll

The UCP's fortunes have been buoyed by a slew of good news, from the perception of a receding pandemic to a $13.2-billion surplus

Author of the article: Bill Kaufmann
Calgary Herald
Publishing date: Sep 09, 2022 •

Brian Jean speaks to the media after being sworn in as an MLA on April 7, 2022, at the Alberta legislature in Edmonton. 
PHOTO BY ED KAISER /Postmedia file

If a provincial election were held today, the UCP would narrowly defeat the NDP, according to a new poll.

And the survey suggests that among the ruling party’s supporters, though not necessarily card-carrying members, Brian Jean would win the UCP leadership race and is considered most likely to defeat Rachel Notley’s NDP next spring.

The online Leger poll of 1,006 conducted Sept. 1-5 shows the UCP under outgoing premier Jason Kenney would capture 44 per cent of total committed voters versus 41 per cent for the Opposition NDP, according to the poll.

That dovetails with other polls in recent months showing rising support for the UCP.

It also shows UCP backbencher Jean, who’s vying for the party’s leadership against six rivals, would narrowly top that field among the party’s supporters and edges out Danielle Smith, former Wildrose Party leader and presumptive front-runner, as most capable of going on to win the 2023 general election.

The UCP’s fortunes have been buoyed by good news, from the perception of a receding pandemic to an economic resurgence capped by the announcement of a $13.2-billion government surplus driven by ballooning energy revenues, said Leger executive vice-president Ian Large.


RECOMMENDED FROM EDITORIAL

“It’s been a steady uptick for the UCP. We saw a big jump first in March, then in July,” he said.

“This trend is clearly heading in the right direction for the UCP … . People don’t like change when things are going well.”

The poll shows a continuation of NDP strength in Edmonton, with the party capturing 52 per cent of the vote versus 33 per cent for the UCP.



But in Calgary, the governing party leads the NDP by 44 per cent to 38 per cent. The UCP leads in the rest of the province 53 per cent to 32 per cent for the NDP.

Large said while the momentum has been on the UCP’s side, that could change dramatically depending on the fallout from the party’s leadership race, with a winner to be revealed Oct. 6.

Divisions within the party, a potentially unpopular leadership choice and policies like candidate Smith’s Alberta Sovereignty Act could swing public opinion at a crucial time, he said.

“If the leadership race produces anything controversial, that’s going to affect the support the UCP’s got,” said Large.

Mount Royal University political science professor Duane Bratt agrees. Next spring’s election will once again hinge on Calgary, where a Smith premiership would prove problematic for the UCP, he said.

“What the poll does show is a generic conservative would do quite well, but once you put a name to that it gets harder,” he said.

“Smith would be toxic in Calgary and the NDP would pick up a lot of seats.”

When asked about the poll’s significance on Thursday, UCP leadership hopeful Travis Toews said it shores up a trend in public opinion but that adopting rival Smith’s proposed Alberta Sovereignty Act puts that position in jeopardy.

“I have a deep concern about that because I believe the Conservative party holds by far and away the best solutions for the province going forward,” he said.

“Don’t take that for granted — we have to work hard, we have to be Albertans’ best choice … but we can’t take policy positions that ultimately undermine our economic and fiscal and political strength, positions that simply won’t be acceptable to the majority of Albertans.”

The Alberta Sovereignty Act would enable Alberta to ignore federal laws deemed to be against the province’s interests.

UCP leadership candidates (left to right) Leela Aheer, 
Brian Jean, Rajan Sawhney and Travis Toews at yesterday’s press conference.
 Jim Wells/Postmedia

On Thursday, UCP leadership rivals Toews, Jean, Leela Aheer and Rajan Sawhney gathered in Calgary to denounce the act as ineffective and a threat to the party’s unity and electoral fortunes.



The UCP government could face another minefield if Smith wins the leadership and pushes the Sovereignty Act, said Bratt.

“What if Smith is defeated (in the legislature) on the Sovereignty Act and we go to the polls early?” he said. “I don’t know how she can backtrack from (the act).”

The poll shows Jean would narrowly lead the UCP leadership vote across multiple ballots and 18 per cent — a slim plurality — believe he’d be best positioned to defeat the NDP, just ahead of Smith at 15 per cent.

Large emphasized those polled are UCP supporters and not necessarily party members eligible to cast leadership ballots.

But he said the result could be an indication presumptive front-runner Smith faces “a much tighter race than people are expecting.”

Bratt said the poll’s take on the leadership race is skewed away from where most of the party’s voting members reside, in the rural areas, and thus isn’t reliable.

But it does indicate Jean’s strength among party supporters beyond that smaller base, he added.

Bratt expects Smith to top the first ballot, but after that, it’s a toss-up, “because her growth ability after that is quite small.

“Where do Jean supporters go (on subsequent ballots) — to Toews or Smith? We simply don’t know.”

As a non-random online survey, a margin of error wasn’t reported but if the poll had used random sampling, its margin of error would have been plus or minus 3.1 per cent, 19 times out of 20, says Leger.


BKaufmann@postmedia.com

Twitter: @BillKaufmannjrn
UCP pays private contractor $160K a month to enforce K-Country pass: 'It's absurd,' says NDP 

$1,920,000 ANNUAL COST

The NDP is once again calling for Alberta's government to scrap the Kananaskis Conservation Pass

Author of the article:Dylan Short
Publishing date:Sep 09, 2022 • 
Hikers at Barrier Lake lookout in June 2020. In 2021, the Alberta government brought in a $90 annual pass for public access to K-Country. 
PHOTO BY MARIE CONBOY /Postmedia


The NDP is once again calling for the Alberta government to scrap the Kananaskis Conservation Pass after an invoice was made public showing a private company is being paid over $160,000 a month to enforce compliance with the user fee.

The official Opposition released a copy of an invoice from Global Traffic Group Ltd., received through a freedom of information request by a third party, showing it charged the Ministry of Environment and Parks $166,666.67 to enforce and monitor compliance with the conservation pass for the month of April 2022.

Environment critic Marlin Schmidt said the document shows that money Albertans are spending on the pass is not going into improving the Kananaskis region, but rather to a private contractor to enforce the pass introduced by the UCP government last year.

“This doesn’t mean additional conservation officers — we’re talking about a private firm driving around and scanning licence plates,” said Schmidt. “While the UCP enjoys a $13-billion surplus, they’re charging you $90 to pay someone to make sure that you paid your $90. It’s absurd.”



Rob Williams, press secretary for Environment and Parks Minister Whitney Issik, confirmed Friday the invoice is authentic.

The pass was first introduced in 2021 as the region saw a large rise in visitors during the COVID-19 pandemic. At the time, then-environment minister Jason Nixon promised all funds raised through the pass would go back into Kananaskis Country. The pass raised approximately $12 million in the first year it was in place and the province began enforcing its use earlier this year.

Williams said more than 146,000 passes have been sold this year raising $7.1 million, with the government projecting a total of $15 million in revenue being paid over this year. He said taxpayers were funding 75 per cent of operational costs in the region prior to the conservation pass being introduced. Now they are on the hook for 25 per cent of those costs.

“The Kananaskis Conservation Pass is intended to be a more sustainable way of supporting the region,” said Williams.

Williams said the government has partnered with St. Albert’s Global Traffic Group for enforcement services through a three-year contract that is worth $2 million per year. He said that cost represents 13 per cent of the revenue raised from the pass while 87 per cent of that revenue supports conservation, outdoor recreation and public safety in the region.

“Enforcement needs to be a priority to manage high visitation and increased pressure on the landscape. Seventy-four per cent of licence plates scanned so far this year have been compliant,” said Williams. “Our approach is cost-effective, fair and efficient.”


Kananaskis Country user groups call for change to management around off-road vehicles


Since its inception, the pass has come under fire with the NDP stating many times it would remove the fee and replace it with a voluntary payment program if they were to form the government next year. Recreation groups that operate in the area have also questioned the pass’s usefulness in improving the region.

“An Alberta NDP government will abolish this absurd fee. Leave those $90 in your pocket and return ‘pay country’ back into K-country,” said Schmidt.

The conservation pass currently costs $15 for a day or $90 for an annual pass.

dshort@postmedia.com

British Columbia

First Nations Leadership Council calls on King Charles to renounce Doctrine of Discovery as first act

Indigenous communities in B.C. want new monarch to play 

greater part in reconciliation in Canada

Queen Elizabeth talks with members of the Haida Nation at Sandspit, B.C., on May 11, 1971. (Bill Croke/The Canadian Press)

In light of the death of Queen Elizabeth, Indigenous organizations and communities in B.C. are hoping her successor will commit to bettering the relationship between First Nations and the Crown.

King Charles III was proclaimed Canada's new head of state on Saturday, following the death of his mother on Thursday.

The First Nations Leadership Council (FNLC), which comprises the Union of B.C. Indian Chiefs (UBCIC), B.C. Assembly of First Nations and First Nations Summit, is calling on Charles to renounce the Doctrine of Discovery as his first official act.

Originally created by the Catholic Church in 1452, the doctrine justified the stealing of land from Indigenous people. It was used by Great Britain and France to claim land in North America.

"The Doctrine of Discovery dehumanized non-Europeans while empires waged war and stole lands, resources and wealth that rightfully belonged to Indigenous peoples all over the world," the FNLC said in a statement.

"We call for this international law doctrine to be renounced by the King of England. With a change in Canada's head of state, it's time for a change in the Crown's approach to Indigenous sovereignty."

Holding the monarchy accountable

The relationship between Indigenous people and the monarchy is a complicated one. Many First Nations signed treaties with the Crown, which included pledges to share resources that the Crown later violated.

"It is important to keep that relationship alive," Diana Day, lead matriarch with Pacific Association of First Nations and a member of the Wolf Clan from the Oneida Nation, said on CBC's The Early Edition.

"It's important to hold [the monarchy] accountable, to hold them responsible and to have them take a greater part in reconciliation and truth-telling of the history of this country."


Queen Elizabeth, Canada's head of state and the longest-reigning British monarch, died age 96 on Sept. 8 at Balmoral Castle in Scotland.

Day said it's important to recognize the Queen's death and her long years of service, but it's also critical to think about the Indigenous people in Canada who are without housing or clean water.

Following the Pope's apology for the Catholic church's role in residential schools, some called for the Queen to make a similar apology — one that never came, despite her role within the Anglican Church, which ran dozens of residential schools in Canada.

A symbolic relationship

CBC Indigenous affairs reporter Wawmeesh Hamilton says the relationship between the monarchy and Indigenous people is purely symbolic.

"There are visits, there are diplomatic gestures and there are well wishes. It's an abstract relationship that looks good, and it reads well," he said, adding that the monarchy has no say or sway in Indigenous government. 

When news of the Queen's passing broke, Hamilton said Indigenous people took to social media to air their grievances with the monarchy, colonialism and residential schools.

A model of Queen Elizabeth the second. The model's hand is held up in what appears to be a wave.
A statue of Queen Elizabeth II is pictured in an art gallery in Vancouver, B.C. on Sept. 8. Adam Olsen, MLA for Sannich North and a member of the Tsartlip First Nation, says the monarchy has a responsibility to take part in reconciliation. (Ben Nelms/CBC)

"Her family lost someone they love," he said. 

"There are protocols among Indigenous communities about death. They differ, but one common denominator is respect for the grieving and the dead."

Adam Olsen, MLA for Saanich North and a member of the Tsartlip First Nation, said he believes this is the time to start conversations around Canada's relationship with the monarchy and reconciliation, as they pass the crown from one generation to the next.

"We have to recognize ... that the wealth and privilege that monarchs and the business of the monarchy is accumulated on the backs of Indigenous peoples. They have a responsibility."

Queen was asked to renounce Doctrine of Discovery

Kukpi7 Judy Wilson, secretary-treasurer of the UBCIC, pointed out that the Queen had also been asked to renounce the Doctrine of Discovery but did not.

"The Queen represented a sovereign relationship with many of our nations," Kukpi7 Judy Wilson she said Thursday.

First Nations across Canada have also called for the Pope to renounce the doctrine.

Wilson said the renouncing of the doctrine is the "only way we can move forward with a true relationship."

With files from Courtney Dickson, Christina Jung and CBC Radio

Closing the Pickering nuclear plant has Ontario scrambling for new electricity. What if we keep it open?

OPINION: 
The government’s newfound relationship with trade unions could be the wild card that keeps Pickering online

Written by John Michael McGrath


Premier Doug Ford announcing the extension of Pickering's operating
 license shortly after his election in 2018. (CP/Nathan Denette)

Chris Keefer has spent years arguing that Ontario is careening towards an avoidable mistake: shutting down the Pickering nuclear generating station in the eastern GTA, he argues, will cause electricity shortages and increased greenhouse gas emissions — the natural and inevitable consequence of taking the plant’s 3,100 megawatts of power out of the provincial grid. The plant, which began operating in 1971, is currently scheduled to close in 2025. This combined with other nuclear reactors at Darlington and Bruce going offline as they’re refurbished to add decades to their lifespans has the province scrambling to find replacement sources of electricity.

Keefer is the president of Canadians For Nuclear Energy, which this week released a report fleshing out their most comprehensive case for keeping Pickering open and refurbishing it — similar to Bruce and Darlington. In a phone conversation with TVO.org this week, he acknowledged that there’s little appetite for that option right now. Not at Ontario Power Generation (which owns and operates the plant), nor in the boardrooms of OPG’s sole shareholder: the government of Ontario.

“We’re very aware that this is an uphill battle, an underdog battle,” Keefer says. “It’s kind of funny — people say that we can become vegans or stop driving to protect the climate, and those are valid choices, but for an individual we’re talking about saving one or two tonnes of carbon dioxide a year.”

“We’re talking about offsetting millions of tonnes of carbon dioxide every year if we keep a nuclear plant operating.”

At the moment, there’s no sign of a change in policy at Queen’s Park: The Tories (like the Liberals before them) haven’t shown much interest in keeping Pickering operating, with the exception of a short extension of its operating license announced early in the Ford government’s tenure. Sure enough, contacted by TVO.org, the government reiterated that it is sticking with its plan to find a 2025 replacement for Pickering in the province’s electricity supply.

“As previously announced in 2020, our government is supporting Ontario Power Generation’s plan to safely extend the life of the Pickering Nuclear Generating Station through the end of 2025,” said Palmer Lockridge, spokesperson for energy minister Todd Smith. “Going forward, we are ensuring a reliable, affordable, and clean electricity system for decades to come. That’s why we put a plan in place that ensures we are prepared for the emerging energy needs following the closure of Pickering.”

Even if OPG changes its mind (or the province tells it to), keeping Pickering running is not a trivial matter: nuclear power plants are federally regulated, and OPG would need to ask the Canadian Nuclear Safety Commission for permission to extend the operating license beyond the current date. Opponents of the idea would have substantial opportunity to make their case against it — either because they oppose nuclear power in principle, or for more mundane reasons: the people of Durham region might want to get back the substantial waterfront acreage that Pickering sits on. Mississauga is transforming the former site of the Lakeview generating station into a mixed-use community.

The report from Keefer’s group also acknowledges that refurbishing Pickering will not be as simple or economical as the work currently underway at the other Ontario-based nuclear plants. But it argues that relative to all of the real-world alternatives, it’s the least costly option Ontario has, despite its estimate that it would cost $10 billion (or $8.8 billion and a contingency in case of overruns.)

“There’s an economic case, there’s a climate case for doing something extraordinary here, and there’s even a ‘just transition’ case here,” Keefer says, arguing that Ontario should prioritize saving nuclear sector jobs.

The primary environmental concern has been that Ontario will fill the Pickering-sized hole in its grid with new natural gas plants, which will increase the province’s greenhouse gas emissions from electricity — a reversal of the last several decades’ worth of effort to shut down coal-fired power plants. Aside from the environmental harms, there’s also serious economic risks to the province: as the U.S builds more natural gas export terminals in part to meet European demand, natural gas is becoming a more globalized commodity, which makes it more vulnerable to serious price spikes depending on the vagaries of geopolitics.

There are cleaner alternatives, including new hydroelectric dams in northern Ontario (the Ontario Waterpower Association estimates there’s 4,000-5,000 megawatts of practical potential for expansion), but whether the province could realistically manage construction in the kind of timeframe required (navigating the politics of affected Indigenous communities is daunting enough) is an open question. Many environmentalists, including Green party leader Mike Schreiner, have advocated for importing electricity from Quebec, but the same policymakers who are skeptical about keeping Pickering running are also skeptical about locking Ontario into a relationship with Hydro Quebec to keep the lights on.

It's worth remembering that in any scenario, it’s not just Pickering’s loss we need to make up: electrifying large parts of the economy currently powered by fossil fuels will require huge amounts of new electrical capacity, one way or the other.

For better or worse, the window to keep Pickering operating is almost certainly closing soon, if it hasn’t already. The one remaining wild card in this debate might end up being some of the major building trade unions in the province’s energy sector. Premier Doug Ford and the Progressive Conservatives were just re-elected with an increased majority in part due to substantial outreach to building trades unions; similar unions exist both at Pickering itself and within the suppliers for the nuclear industry. The prospect of saving roughly 4,000 jobs at Pickering (and more throughout the supply chain) could be a tempting argument for a government looking for concrete ways to show that its election season words are matched with governing deeds.

“We’re at this fork in the road,” Keefer says. “The easy thing to do is to run our gas plants, and even build more gas plants… in my mind, it’s a perfect moment for organized labour to flex its muscles.”

(Disclosure: A family member of the author is employed by the IESO, which has been directed to address Ontario’s electricity needs with the closure of Pickering.)




John Michael McGrath is a staff writer at TVO.org covering provincial politics and policy.