Saturday, December 10, 2022

As their World Cup team faces the Dutch, Argentines call on folk saints for help

One expert said that while official Catholic saints tend to be invoked in church, ‘folk saints tend to be more visible in public spaces, including soccer fields.’

Argentina's Lionel Messi, right, celebrates with teammates after scoring the opening goal during the World Cup round of 16 soccer match between Argentina and Australia at the Ahmad Bin Ali Stadium in Doha, Qatar, Saturday, Dec. 3, 2022. (AP Photo/Manu Fernandez)

SÃO PAULO, Brazil (RNS) — In the weeks before the World Cup tournament got underway in Qatar, Claudio Tapia, who heads Argentina’s national soccer federation, visited the sanctuary of Difunta Correa, in Vallecito, a district in Argentina’s western San Juan province.

He was there for two reasons. First, he had to thank la Difunta Correa, a folk saint in Argentina and parts of Chile, for Argentina’s success in the 2022 Finalissima, when South America’s champion defeated the European champion, Italy.

He also planned to ask la Difunta for Argentina’s victory in the World Cup.

“The important thing is not what is promised, but what is fulfilled. Finalissima 2022. Now, more than ever, go Argentina,” he said on social media, when he posted pictures of his visit to the shrine.


RELATED: Rainbow struggle playing out on sidelines of World Cup


Claudio Tapia, President of the Argentine Football Association, visits La Difunta Correa shrine with the 2022 Finalissima trophy in Nov. 2022, in western Argentina. Photo via Twitter/@tapiachiqui

Claudio Tapia, President of the Argentine Football Association, visits a Difunta Correa shrine with the 2022 Finalissima trophy in early Nov. 2022, in western Argentina. Photo via Twitter/@tapiachiqui

Like Tapia, many Argentines have been rooting vocally for their national team, but taking care to pray to the country’s many folk saints.

Argentine soccer fans attending the matches in Qatar have brought Argentine flags to their stadium seats customized with the names of Difunta Correa or Gauchito Gil, another famous folk saint from the northern part of Argentina.

On Nov. 25, 24 hours before a crucial contest between Argentina and Mexico, the country’s rock music giant Andrés Calamaro posted on social media that the country’s squad needed protection from Gauchito Gil. Calamaro added Osvaldo Pugliese, a 20th-century tango musician who has become a sort of talisman for Argentine artists.

“A family that prays together stays together,” he added.

Traditionally a Roman Catholic nation, Argentina has been seeing a decline in the share of its population that is Catholic over the past decades. A recent study showed that Catholics went from being 76.5% of the population in 2008 to 62.9% in 2019. Evangelical Christianity and secularism have been steadily growing.

But the ancient devotion to folk saints never seems to flag, and indeed may be increasing. According to anthropologist Alejandra Belinky, a doctoral candidate at Rosario National University, devotion to Gauchito Gil has been greatly expanded in the past two decades.

“Such creeds are not only modeled according to the Catholic tradition of sainthood,” Belinky explained. “They are part of a history of popularly canonized marginal figures, heroes who were unfairly persecuted by the military or the police and so manifest a sense of transgression,” she said.

Belinky said that while official Catholic saints tend to be invoked in church, “folk saints tend to be more visible in public spaces, including soccer fields.”

Pilgrims light candles to mark the death anniversary of folk saint Gauchito Gil, in his sanctuary near Mercedes, Corrientes, Argentina, on Jan. 8, 2022. (AP Photo/Mario De Fina)

Pilgrims light candles to mark the death anniversary of folk saint Gauchito Gil, in his sanctuary near Mercedes, Corrientes, Argentina, on Jan. 8, 2022. (AP Photo/Mario De Fina)

Gauchito Gil is said to have been born in 1840 near the city of Mercedes, in Corrientes, as Antonio Gil — “Gauchito” is the diminutive of gaucho, as cowboy-like figures from southern Brazil, Uruguay, northern Argentina and Paraguay are known. They were usually rebellious horsemen who often served as seasonal workers but joined the army when called upon or often strayed into crime.

Most versions of Gil’s story describe him as a kind of Robin Hood who stole cattle from the rich to distribute it to the poor. The legend also says he took part in the 1864-70 war against Paraguay.

At some point, he was detained for his crimes and executed. But before he died, the story goes, he told the executioner that the man’s son was terribly ill and that he should pray for the boy’s health, invoking Gil’s name. The executioner did not believe the story, but when he arrived at his home, he saw his son at death’s door. Praying to Gil saved the child’s life. 

Luz Norman in her Gauchito Gil chapel in Buenos Aires, Argentina. Courtesy photo

Luz Norman in her Gauchito Gil chapel in Buenos Aires, Argentina. Courtesy photo

Thousands of people visit the Gauchito Gil shrine in Mercedes annually, but especially on Jan. 8, considered the anniversary of his death. Other sanctuaries have been established in his honor elsewhere.

“I was brought to know him a few years ago, during a difficult time in my life. I asked his help, and he conceded many graces to me,” Luz Norman, a faith healer who built a shrine to Gil in Buenos Aires, told Religion News Service.

Six years ago, Norman began her activity as a Gauchito Gil faith healer. “I asked him to cure people in his name and he has been making several miracles. Everything that I ask him for the people he gives us,” she said.

Norman’s chapel was built with donations from the people she helped. “A woman who had stomach problems came to the shrine and ended up healed,” she said. “A young man who suffered an accident and was using a wheelchair is now walking with crutches.” 

Norman, who identifies as Catholic, has also been asking Gauchito Gil to help Argentina’s team win the World Cup.

So does Isabel Leguizamon, a 52-year-old devotee who lives in the city of Federal, not far from Gil’s native Corrientes. “We will win the Cup with his help,” she told RNS.

“Everything we ask him becomes true. I have never had any health problems and I have never been unemployed for too long,” she said.

A Gauchito Gil statue near La Chacarita Cemetery in Buenos Aires, Argentina. Photo by ProtoplasmaKid/Wikimedia/Creative Commons

A Gauchito Gil statue near La Chacarita Cemetery in Buenos Aires, Argentina. Photo by ProtoplasmaKid/Wikimedia/Creative Commons

Graphic artist Ariel Exu Bara recently designed an Argentine soccer jersey with the image of Gauchito Gil on the front. “The same day I uploaded the picture of it on social media, Argentina beat Australia. Faith moves mountains,” he said.

Catholics may also appeal to canonical saints on Friday, when Argentina faces its next test. Belinky recalls when, years ago, a priest in her hometown of Rosario was asked to celebrate Mass and bless the pitch of a local club. “People thought some kind of witchery might have disturbed the club. After the blessing, the squad ended up victorious,” she recalled.


RELATED: Secular saints, folk saints and plain old celebrities


The story of la Difunta, which means “deceased,” concerns Deolinda Correa, a woman who lived in San Juan province, a desert region near the Andes. In 1841, during a battle between opposing political parties, troops invaded her village. After the military commander threatened to have his way with her, said Betty Puga, a spokesperson for the Difunta Correa Foundation, which runs the sanctuary in San Juan, “she decided to take her baby with her and left the town by foot. She walked for three days in the desert with no water.”

A group of horsemen found her body. Her baby was still nursing at his deceased mother’s breast.

A Difunta Correa shrine in Vallecito, San Juan, Argentina. Photo by Juandrovandi/Wikimedia/Creative Commons

A Difunta Correa shrine in Vallecito, San Juan, Argentina. Photo by Juandrovandi/Wikimedia/Creative Commons

“After that, one of those men was taking 500 cows to Chile and lost them while crossing the Andes. He asked for her help, and the next day he found the cattle,” Puga said.

The town of her burial now has a hotel and restaurants that welcome more than 2 million visitors to her shrine every year. Processions of horsemen from other parts of Argentina, Chile and Brazil are common, especially during Holy Week.

At the shrine, people usually leave miniatures of houses and cars that they had been able to buy after praying to the Difunta.

Jerseys of soccer clubs are also visible there. “We have a jersey of Lionel Messi signed by all players of the Argentinian team,” Puga said.

Sculptures of la Difunta Correa and Gauchito Gil have been taken to Qatar with the team, she said.

While folk saints’ followings are associated with the poor, the statuary shows that even the rich are counting on la Difunta and Gil. “Not everybody has the money to go to Qatar to accompany the World Cup,” said Belinky.

IN AFRICA SOCCER TEAMS HAVE THEIR OWN SHAMANS/WITCHDOCTORS

Musk Loans Put Twitter in Tesla’s Driving Seat

Analysis by Liam Denning | Bloomberg
December 8, 2022 


GRUENHEIDE, GERMANY - MARCH 22: Tesla CEO Elon Musk attends the official opening of the new Tesla electric car manufacturing plant on March 22, 2022 near Gruenheide, Germany. The new plant, officially called the Gigafactory Berlin-Brandenburg, is producing the Model Y as well as electric car batteries. 
(Photo by Christian Marquardt - Pool/Getty Images)

Ever since Elon Musk launched his takeover of Twitter Inc., fans of Tesla Inc. have worried about the genius getting distracted. And during the new Twitter’s first six weeks — has it only been that long? — Musk has certainly come across a bit distracted. Addled, even.

Now we learn that, through the magic of finance, this squishy risk of distraction may be crystalized into a real overhang on Tesla’s stock. Bloomberg News broke the story late Wednesday that Elon Musk’s bankers are considering new margin loans to him, backed by part of his stake in Tesla, to effectively replace the most expensive debt on Twitter’s balance sheet. If that happens, it would be at once entirely unsurprising and yet take Musk’s empire into new and potentially dangerous territory.

To recap, Musk, along with some co-investors, paid about $44 billion for Twitter, with $13 billion of that landing on the company’s balance sheet as debt. Ordinarily, the bankers who put up that debt would sell it on to investors. But the takeover of Twitter has been anything but ordinary, and the banks have struggled to offload the debt, with reports of bids coming in at just 60 cents on the dollar. Given the annual interest bill for Twitter is estimated at about $1.2 billion, or more than a fifth of revenue, the banks are even less minded to hang onto that debt than usual. Why not, instead, effectively swap it out for more quasi-equity in the form of a loan to Musk backed by shares in his $550 billion electric vehicle juggernaut?

The obvious answer: Leverage on top of leverage at a social media company that’s already resorting to Hunter Biden conspiracies to gin up clicks sounds unpromising. But the template is temptingly already there. Musk’s bankers have lent money against Tesla collateral for years; he had about 89 million shares pledged at the end of March, worth $32 billion then and about $15.5 billion today.

Moreover, the commingling of Musk’s various enterprises is also long-standing. Hardly anyone seemed to care when it was reported that Tesla engineers were brought in to review Twitter’s code after Musk took control, even though Tesla’s investors haven’t signed up for the company’s resources being diverted to the chief executive’s latest pet project. This is just how Musk rolls. Recall that one of his other companies, Space Exploration Technologies Corp, or Space X, bought bonds from another company where Musk was chairman — and his cousin was CEO — SolarCity Corp. Then SpaceX, along with Musk and his cousin who both also bought those bonds, was effectively bailed out as Tesla swooped in to buy SolarCity just before it very likely would have plunged into bankruptcy (see this and this).

This somewhat unorthodox approach to governance has all been forgiven — by investors and bankers alike — because Tesla’s stock has been on a one-way trip to the stars. Though not of late. Having peaked at a staggering $1.24 trillion about a year ago, Tesla has shed a similarly staggering $685 billion since. This owes most to a widespread selloff of cleantech darlings after the euphoria of 2021 and, perhaps more pernicious, troubles in China where Tesla’s big bet on growth has run into harsh pandemic lockdowns and a wall of domestic EV competition — the latter perhaps portending trouble in the US, where rival brands are also launching more electrified models.

Against that background, Musk’s Twitter fetish certainly hasn’t settled nerves, especially as he has been a big seller of Tesla stock himself, some of which presumably funded the deal. And now Tesla bulls face the prospect of his fetish being underwritten to an even greater degree by their favorite company’s paper.

If the debt-for-quasi equity swap happens, it will confirm (if confirmation was needed) that Twitter’s valuation has slumped — why effectively collateralize its balance sheet with Tesla stock otherwise? — and even perhaps raises a question about Space X: If that company is worth $125 billion, as its last funding round suggested, why can’t Musk sell some of that for cash?

I (half) joked recently that, in light of what happened with SolarCity, we shouldn’t be too surprised if Tesla eventually announces that it needs to own an in-house social media platform. Even without that, though, these new loans would tie the fate of these vastly different enterprises closer together. Recent polling suggests Musk’s refashioning of Twitter may be putting off some US drivers from buying Tesla vehicles. I tend to think that’s hard to unpick from other factors such as there just being more competing models available. Nonetheless, though, one can imagine a scenario where, seeking to shore up Twitter, Musk doubles down on his provocations in the hope it keeps folks engaged — which in turn dents the brand of his real source of wealth. Owning a piece of Tesla has always meant owning a piece of whatever vision Musk decides to follow. Right now, his gaze is fixed on that infinitely scrolling feed.

BLOOMBERG BOILERPLATE SAYS ITS NOT RESPONSIBLE FOR THIS OPIONION
Yellen 'open' to visiting China, will seek deeper economic engagement


Annual Meetings of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank in Washington


Thu, December 8, 2022 
By Andrea Shalal

FORT WORTH, Texas (Reuters) - U.S. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen on Thursday said she was "open" to visit China as she seeks to deepen economic engagement with Beijing after the leaders of the world's two largest economies met last month, signaling a possible easing of tensions.

"I have no definite plan to visit China, but I am certainly open to it and look forward to more intense interactions than we've had over the last year or two," Yellen said.

Yellen told reporters after a visit to a Bureau of Printing and Engraving currency plant in Texas that a potential topic for future meetings with Chinese officials was the need for China to participate more fully in debt restructurings of distressed poor and developing countries that had borrowed heavily from Chinese state lenders.

Yellen said she had raised the debt issue with her Chinese counterpart, departing Vice Premier Liu He, and other officials, but had not seen much progress.

"I am hopeful that they will come to understand the necessity of relieving debt, restructuring debt when it's unsustainable, and that could be a topic for future meetings."

U.S. President Joe Biden met with Chinese President Xi Jinping for three hours last month at the G20 leaders summit in Bali, a discussion that featured blunt talk over Taiwan and North Korea, but which sought to prevent tensions from spilling into a new Cold War.

Yellen met two days later with Chinese central bank governor Yi Gang in her first in-person talks with a senior Chinese official since taking office -- a wide ranging discussion that covered Chinese COVID-19 lockdown policies, property market turmoil and other macroeconomic issues. She said she hoped to increase economic engagement with China in the future.

In Texas, Yellen also said that China faces a "very complex problem" in adjusting its COVID-19 policies, which have caused growth to slow, but suggested that the use of Western-developed "mRNA" vaccines may help the situation.

A positive change in China's COVID-19 situation could lead to a "pickup" in growth, she added.

(Reporting by Andrea Shalal; Writing by David Lawder; Editing by Jonathan Oatis and Sandra Maler)

The Resistance Movement in Myanmar with Ye Myo Hein

Greg and Elina sit down with Ye Myo Hein, a visiting scholar at the U.S. Institute of Peace. They discuss the ongoing resistance movement against the military junta in Myanmar. Karen is joined by Adrien Chorn, former intern for the Southeast Asia Program at CSIS, to cover the latest from the region.

U$A 

Teacher vacancies more pronounced in high-poverty, high-minority PUBLIC schools since COVID

CPJ joins letter calling on incoming Brazilian government to address press freedom concerns

  

 On June 23, 2022, Indigenous people attend a protest in São Paulo demanding justice for journalist Dom Phillips and Indigenous expert Bruno Pereira, who were murdered in the Brazilian Amazon. CPJ joined a letter calling on the incoming Brazilian government to address press freedom concerns. (Reuters/Carla Carniel)



December 8, 2022

The Committee to Protect Journalists joined this week eight civil society groups and press freedom organizations in a letter to the communications working group of the Brazilian transitional government, urging the incoming federal administration to adopt measures to protect press freedom and the safety of journalists.

In a meeting with representatives of the working group on Wednesday, December 7, the organizations briefly presented highlights of the letter, including their assessment of press freedom violations, violence against journalists in Brazil, and a list of 12 recommendations to the new administration that will start on January 1. The recommendations include reestablishing and strengthening the national protection program, ensuring investigations of homicides and other crimes committed against journalists, and decriminalizing slander and defamation, among other issues.

During the meeting, representatives of the transitional government working group committed to including in their final report to the incoming government the organizations’ letter and a recommendation to protect press freedom and the safety of journalists.

The full letter is available in Portuguese here.
BIG TOBBACCO LOSES
NZ
Survey shows milestone drop in smoking among Pasifika youth

Jan Kohout, Journalist
jan.kohout@rnz.co.nz


Photo: 123rf

A newly-released survey shows daily tobacco smoking rates for New Zealand Pasifika youth are at a record low of less than 2 percent.

With just 1.2 percent of Pasifika smoking daily, that is significantly less than what it used to be in 2017 when it was at 5.3 percent.

Published by Action for Smokefree 2025 (ASH), the survey is one of the largest ongoing youth smoking surveys in the world, with 29,538 Year 10 student participants, aged between 14 and 15.

The survey looks at both vaping and tobacco use.

It found that 45 percent of Pacific Year 10 students had tried vaping, 11 percent vaped daily as opposed to 1.2 percent who were daily tobacco smokers, and 2.6 percent were regular (ie, either daily weekly, monthly) smokers.

ASH director Sir Collin Tukuitonga, who is a strong advocate for Māori and Pacific health, credits the decrease in smoking rates to various smokefree messages throughout the years in Aotearoa and a general acceptance from youth that smoking is not sustainable.

"But I think what has worked generally is the messages to young people that smoking is not cool and they used prominent people to promote that message to really get young people to accept a movement away from smoking."

Tala Pasifika lead for Hapai Te Hauora's National Tobacco Control Advocacy service, Lealailepule Edward Cowley said there was a gap between people already smoking, compared to those in the 14-15 age group who could not legally purchase tobacco which showed not all age groups had stopped smoking.

"It's difficult for young people to access tobacco, which is probably why we see a drop. We really do see an increase from age 18 to 24, so whilst they are at a young age when they are at school we see a decrease when they start working and earning their own money, then are able to access and start to purchase things they want to purchase so we do see an increase in that age group."

Cancer Society medical director George Laking said adults most likely remained smokefree if they had not taken up smoking in their teenage years.



The Cancer Society's Dr George Laking Photo: Supplied

"The initiation of smoking characteristically occurs in youth, if you can get through your teen years without taking up smoking then you are less likely to take it up in general; they've basically missed the opportunity to take it up and they are not especially likely to take up smoking later on."

Dr Laking also said there was a clear decline in tobacco use for both young people and elders - a positive sign for Pacific and Māori youth.

The survey shows a clear decrease in tobacco use this year among year 10 groups which certainly suggests as Dr Laking said that young people in the future would be much less likely to pick up smoking even though some young people were currently picking up the bad habit when they were 18 years old.

However, a smokefree New Zealand in 2025 still looks grim according to Dr Laking who said there was currently a lack of regulation and legislation in place.

Tobacco use was still prevalent in Māori communities which would still take a bit of time to reduce, he said.

"It would be 50-50 chance to get to that point," he said.

The Ministry of Health is hoping to have less than 5 percent smoking rates for each ethnic demographic by that date.

To find out more about the annual ASH Year 10 Survey visit ASH Year 10 Snapshot Survey 2021 NationBuilder.






 


18-Year-Old Elected Youngest Black Mayor In U.S.

Jaylen Smith won a runoff election to lead the town of Earle, Arkansas.


Ben Blanchet
Dec 8, 2022

An Arkansas teenager is headed from a seat in a high school classroom to a seat in the mayor’s office.

Jaylen Smith, 18, is set to become the youngest Black mayor in the U.S. after beating opponent Nemi Matthews in the Earle, Arkansas, runoff election. Earle, a town of about 1,800, is roughly 30 miles from Memphis, Tennessee.

Smith, a graduate of Earle High School who holds the rank of lieutenant in the town police department, called for better public safety, the demolition of abandoned homes and the opening of a grocery store, KTHV-TV reported.

“Citizens of Earle, Arkansas, it’s official!! I am your newly elected Mayor of Earle, Arkansas,” Smith wrote on Facebook following his victory.

He continued: “It’s Time to Build a Better Chapter of Earle, Arkansas.’ I would like to thank all my supporters for stepping up getting people to the polls. I am truly grateful for you all.”

Smith, who lives with his parents, told WHBQ-TV last month that he refuses to stop when the going gets tough.

“When somebody tells me ‘no,’ I don’t stop just because someone tells me ‘no.’ There’s always someone waiting to tell you ‘yes,’” Smith said.

Smith told CNN he sought advice from other politicians, including Frank Scott Jr., mayor of Little Rock. He said he didn’t run for mayor to “make a name for” himself.

“I ran because I wanted to help my community and move my community in the direction that it needed to be moved in,” Smith said.
Who Is Dina Boluarte, the New President of Peru?

Ms. Boluarte, the country’s first woman president, ascended to power suddenly, after her predecessor was arrested. She takes office as corruption and discontent test democracies across Latin America.
Give this article

In Lima on Thursday, Dina Boluarte, Peru’s new president, joined in a religious celebration happening in the Plaza de Armas
Credit...Paolo Aguilar/EPA, via Shutterstock

By Julie Turkewitz, Genevieve Glatsky and Mitra Taj
Dec. 8, 2022

Like the man she replaced, she is a leftist who grew up far from the capital, with a strong connection to her mostly poor mountainous region.

Unlike her predecessor, however, Dina Boluarte, 60, the new president of Peru and the first woman to lead the country, does not have a reputation as a firebrand.

On Wednesday, Ms. Boluarte replaced Pedro Castillo as president, after Mr. Castillo, 53, tried to dissolve Congress and install an emergency government — a move widely condemned as an attempted coup.

“It is up to us to talk, to engage in dialogue, to reach agreements,” said Ms. Boluarte, formerly the vice president, in her first speech as president, in which she called for a government of unity. “I ask for time to rescue our country from corruption and incompetence.”

The stunning but peaceful transition quickly came to symbolize two seemingly opposing characteristics that have come to define Peru's young democracy: its fragility, but also its resiliency.

In the last five years, the country has cycled through six presidents and two congresses, while corruption scandals, impeachment proceedings and deep division have undermined the government’s ability simply to function.

Pedro Castillo, who was in office for less than a year and a half, was impeached by Congress on Wednesday, hours after he said he was going to dissolve the body. 
Credit...Ernesto Benavides/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Yet, when Mr. Castillo, a former teacher and union activist, declared he was creating a new government that would rule by decree, he seemed to go too far.

In a period of just hours, his ministers resigned en masse, the country’s armed forces and national police declined to back him, he was quickly arrested and Ms. Boluarte was sworn in.

The political drama reflected a larger trend across Latin America, analysts said. Corruption, widespread frustration over growing inequality and longstanding anger at the elite have fueled distrust and populism across the region.

 Prosecutors accused Mr. Castillo of leading a criminal organization to profit from government contracts and of obstructing justice. Hours before Congress was scheduled to vote on impeachment, Mr. Castillo announced the dissolution of Congress and the installation of an emergency government to rule by decree.

What happened next? Mr. Castillo’s announcement prompted the mass resignation of much of his government and a statement from Peru’s armed forces and the police suggesting that he did not have the legal authority to carry out his decree. In a swift vote hours after his announcement, Congress voted to impeach him and remove him from office.

What does this mean for Peru? Vice President Dina Boluarte will now lead the country’s fragile democracy through its biggest political crisis in years. The crisis comes as Peru’s inflation rate is at its highest point in decades, raising the stakes of political dysfunction in a nation where a quarter of the population of 33 million lives in poverty.

These factors have led to repeated tests of often young democracies, breeding extremist candidates and leaders who sow distrust in election results, in some cases adopting the playbook of former President Donald J. Trump.

But, while some countries, including Venezuela and Nicaragua, have slid into autocracy, democracy has proved resilient recently in countries like Brazil and Colombia, both of which held elections this year that challenged the strength of their institutions.

“They’re not thriving,” Steve Levitsky, a government professor at Harvard University, said, speaking of Latin American democracies, “but they are surviving, and that is not a small thing.”

Mr. Castillo was being held at naval base on the outskirts of Lima, the capital, where he faces charges of “rebellion,” according to the prosecutor’s office. On Thursday, he appeared at an initial court hearing, in which a judge approved a request to keep the former president imprisoned for at least a week as the case against him is prepared.

Guillermo Olivera, an attorney who told local media he is representing Mr. Castillo, called the former president’s arrest “terribly arbitrary, illegal and criminal.”

In an interview, the U.S. ambassador to Peru, Lisa Kenna, commended the institutional response to Mr. Castillo’s attempt to dissolve Congress, calling it a “win for democracy in Peru.”

But others in the region defended him, most prominently Mexican President Andrés López Obrador, who called Mr. Castillo’s removal a “soft coup,” that served elite interests.

“Since the beginning of the legitimate presidency of Pedro Castillo, an atmosphere of confrontation and hostility has been sustained against him until he has made decisions that have served his adversaries to consummate his dismissal,” the Mexican leader wrote on Twitter.

On Thursday evening, Mexican foreign minister Marcelo Ebrard said that his government was reviewing a petition by Mr. Castillo for asylum.

Ms. Boluarte, a leftist, called for calm and a government of unity as she took over a country facing political and economic challenges.
 Credit...EPA, via Shutterstock

Ms. Boluarte is from the south-central department of Apurímac, a majority Indigenous Quechua-speaking region. A lawyer and civil servant, she worked for 15 years in the country’s national registry, the ministry that issues identification cards and manages records of births, marriages, divorces and deaths.

The national registry is politically autonomous from the rest of the government, and several Peruvian political analysts said it is generally seen as an efficient and technocratic institution.

Ms. Boluarte belonged to a Marxist political party, but broke with the party after a disagreement with its leader, telling the magazine Caretas: “Like thousands of Peruvian men and women, I am from the left, but from the democratic left, not a totalitarian or sectarian,” one. She praised a kind of politics “that allows divergence and criticism” rather than one “where there are no infallible or untouchable leaders.”

In 2021, Ms. Boluarte ran on Mr. Castillo’s ticket, and then served as both his vice president and his minister of development and social inclusion. When she was sworn in last year, she announced that she was taking office to serve “the nobodies.”

But she resigned from the ministry after the president formed his last cabinet last month, while staying on as vice president.

On Wednesday, she quickly criticized the former president’s call to shutter Congress, saying on Twitter: “I reject Pedro Castillo’s decision to perpetrate the breakdown of the constitutional order with the closure of Congress. It is a coup.”

Like Mr. Castillo, Ms. Boluarte had never been elected to a political office before 2021. She ran for mayor of a part of Lima, the capital, in 2018, and for Congress in a primary in 2020, and lost both races. But she has spent years working in government.

Gonzalo Banda, a political analyst and columnist, called Ms. Boluarte among the most stable figures in Mr. Castillo’s exceedingly unstable government.


Image
Protesters filling the streets of Lima last month, demanding Mr. Castillo’s resignation.
Credit...Ernesto Benavides/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

“After a year in government, a year and a half, she is not a stranger,” he said. “On the contrary, I think she’s a person who will know how to move in the quicksand of Peruvian power.”

She will face an uphill battle in Congress, now that she is in open conflict with the party that she and Mr. Castillo ran with.

Carlos Reyna, who worked with Ms. Boluarte for nine years at the national registry, described her as sociable with a polite formality. He doesn’t remember her ever drawing attention to herself, and was surprised to see her enter politics.

He was optimistic about her ability to handle the presidency, and heartened by her calls for truce and understanding in her first speech.

“This is something that people very much need right now in Peru,” said Mr. Reyna, who is now a social sciences professor at San Marcos University in Lima. “I think she has what it takes to be able to do it well.”

On Thursday, the streets of Lima and other cities were mostly calm, following a day when some of Mr. Castillo’s supporters had taken to the streets in scattered protests.

In a half dozen interviews, most people said they supported the institutional rejection of Mr. Castillo’s attempt to shutter the government.

But few believed that Ms. Boluarte would be able to usher in a new era of confidence in Peruvian democracy.


Demonstrators celebrating Mr. Castillo’s arrest on Wednesday in front of the police station in Lima where he was initially detained.
Credit...Marco Garro for The New York Times

Patricia Díaz, 46, who works at the front desk of an apartment building in Lima, called the peaceful transition of power “a relief” but said she had little hope for Ms. Boluarte.

Anyone who enters the government “with good intentions,” Ms. Díaz said, “is corrupted.”

Jacelin Tuesta, 39, a saleswoman for a cigarette distributor, said that she saw Ms. Boluarte as no different than politicians of the past.

“But she is new and we’re going to have faith,” Ms. Tuesta said. “She’s a woman, so maybe she’ll have another viewpoint.”

In an interview, Noam Lupu, associate director of the Latin American Public Opinion Project at Vanderbilt University, said the transition of power in Peru was a positive development, but he cautioned against too much celebration. He pointed out his research showing that Peruvians are highly dissatisfied with democracy, believe that a majority of politicians are corrupt and have a high tolerance for coups.

He asked, is Peruvian democracy enduring “because there’s some underlying sort of structural, institutional features that are going to ensure survival?”

Or, he said, “is it surviving because no one has come along who is really capable of galvanizing discontent?”

Elda Cantú contributed reporting.
From President to prisoner - the rapid descent of Peru's Pedro Castillo

December 9, 2022
Heard on All Things Considered
SIMEON TEGEL, NPR
Transcript

Supporters of ousted Peruvian President Pedro Castillo march at the Plaza San Martin in Lima, Peru on Thursday. Peru's Congress voted to remove Castillo from office Wednesday and replace him with the vice president, Dina Boluarte, shortly after Castillo tried to dissolve the legislature ahead of a scheduled vote to remove him.
Fernando Vergara/AP

LIMA, Peru — Perhaps the most telling detail of Pedro Castillo's botched coup attempt this week was the fact that the high-stakes gamble may have been completely unnecessary.

The now former president of Peru made his power grab during an abrupt televised address to the nation on Wednesday morning in which he announced that he was shuttering Congress, "reorganizing" the judiciary and would rule by decree.

He had no constitutional authority to do so and, as swiftly became clear, zero support from the armed forces.

The chaos of Castillo


The move was intended to preempt an impeachment debate on corruption charges scheduled for that afternoon. Had that debate gone ahead as scheduled, many here still doubt that Castillo, 53, a former rural schoolteacher and wildcat strike leader, would have actually been ousted.


Peruvian President Pedro Castillo at a press conference for foreign journalists in Lima on Oct. 11.
Carlos Garcia Granthon/Fotoholica Press/LightRocket/Getty Images

Since he took office in July 2021, Castillo's administration has been a chaotic mess of far left infighting, endless corruption scandals and ineptitude.

All the while, the president largely ignored the poor who he frequently claimed to represent.

The result is that lawmakers had already twice tried to impeach him but on each occasion failed to reach the required two-thirds supermajority. Based on the frantic vote counting on Wednesday morning, that scenario appeared likely to repeat itself.

Opposers to Peruvian President Pedro Castillo protest outside the Lima Prefecture on Wednesday.
Ernesto Benavides/AFP/Getty Images
From traffic gridlock - to prison

But Castillo's address to the nation, his hands visibly trembling as he clutched the sheet of paper on which his speech was written, changed the calculus.

The power grab was so flagrant that many members of Congress who had previously backed the erratic political novice, felt they had no choice but to vote to remove him. The impeachment debate was moved forward on an emergency basis and Castillo was ousted by 101 votes to six just under two hours after he had made his dramatic TV appearance.


Peruvian congress members pose for a picture after the vote for the impeachment of President Pedro Castillo in Lima on Wednesday.
Chris Bouroncle/AFP/Getty Images

That then followed a brief period of uncertainty over the now ex-president's whereabouts, until it emerged that his SUV had become stuck in Lima's frequently gridlocked traffic on its way to the Mexican Embassy, where Castillo had been planning to request asylum.

He appeared in court for the first time on Thursday, looking glum after spending his first night in the cells. The judges rejected his attorney's habeas corpus request and ordered the ex-president be kept in preliminary detention for another week.

Peru's new President


President of Congress Jose Williams, left, and Sen. Jose Cevasco, right, place the presidential sash on Vice President Dina Boluarte as she is sworn-in as the country's new president in Lima on Wednesday. Boluarte replaced ousted President Pedro Castillo and became the first female leader in the history of the republic.
Guadalupe Pardo/AP

Castillo's Vice President, Dina Boluarte, was swiftly sworn in to take his place. She also hails from his self-declared Marxist-Leninist Free Peru party but has managed to steer clear of his endless corruption scandals while also distancing herself from the beleaguered leader in recent months.

Also a political neophyte, it remains unclear whether the 60-year-old lawyer has the political skills to build a legislative alliance within the conservative-dominated Congress and bring the Andean nation's six years of political turmoil to an end.

But Boluarte appears better qualified than Castillo — who faces half a dozen different corruption investigations, including one for allegedly falsifying his master's thesis — and should at least get a honeymoon period of several months.

Democracy tested - and survived


People clash with riot police during a demonstration demanding the release of ex-President Pedro Castillo and the closure of the Peruvian Congress in Lima on Thursday, a day after Castillo's impeachment.
Ernesto Benavides/AFP/Getty Images

The other piece of good news for Peru is that despite being tested almost to its limits, the country's democratic institutions have survived this latest assault.

There have been only small protests and violence in the streets and most citizens appear to understand that, although lawmakers' motives in seeking to oust Castillo may have been, in part, self-serving, ultimately the president simply had to go.

Maybe, just maybe, the new government and Congress will finally find some common ground in addressing ordinary Peruvians' numerous serious challenges, from endemic food insecurity to the social fallout from the pandemic in a society which has had the highest Covid 19 mortality in the world.

 Peru's President Pedro Castillo. Credit: ANDINA/Prensa Presidencia.

Peru’s Oligarchy Overthrows President Castillo – OpEd


By 

June 6, 2021, was a day which shocked many in Peru’s oligarchy. Pedro Castillo Terrones, a rural schoolteacher who had never before been elected to office, won the second round of the presidential election with just over 50.13% of the vote. More than 8.8 million people voted for Castillo’s program of profound social reforms and the promise of a new constitution against the far-right’s candidate, Keiko Fujimori. In a dramatic turn of events, the historical agenda of neoliberalism and repression, passed down by former Peruvian dictator Alberto Fujimori to his daughter Keiko, was rejected at the polls.

From that day on, still in disbelief, the Peruvian oligarchy declared war on Castillo. They made the next 18 months for the new president a period of great hostility as they sought to destabilize his government with a multi-pronged attack that included significant use of lawfare. With a call to “throw out communism,” plans were made by the oligarchy’s leading business group, the National Society of Industries, to make the country ungovernable under Castillo.

In October 2021, recordings were released that revealed that since June 2021, this group of industrialists, along with other members of Peru’s elite and leaders of the right-wing opposition parties, had been planning a series of actions including financing protests and strikes. Groups of former military personnel, allied with far-right politicians like Fujimori, began to openly call for the violent overthrow of Castillo, threatening government officials and left-leaning journalists.

The right-wing in Congress also joined in these plans and attempted to impeach Castillo on two occasions during his first year in office. “Since my inauguration as president, the political sector has not accepted the electoral victory that the Peruvian people gave us,” Castillo said in March 2022. “I understand the power of Congress to exercise oversight and political control, however, these mechanisms cannot be exercised by mediating the abuse of the right, proscribed in the constitution, ignoring the popular will expressed at the polls,” he stressed. It turns out that several of these lawmakers, with support from a right-wing German foundation, had also been meeting regarding how to modify the constitution to quickly remove Castillo from office.

The oligarchic rulers of Peru could never accept that a rural schoolteacher and peasant leader could be brought into office by millions of poor, Black, and Indigenous people who saw their hope for a better future in Castillo. However, in the face of these attacks, Castillo became more and more distanced from his political base. Castillo formed four different cabinets to appease the business sectors, each time conceding to right-wing demands to remove leftist ministers who challenged the status quo. He broke with his party Peru Libre when openly challenged by its leaders. He sought help from the already discredited Organization of American States in looking for political solutions instead of mobilizing the country’s major peasant and Indigenous movements. By the end, Castillo was fighting alone, without support from the masses or the Peruvian left parties.

The final crisis for Castillo broke out on December 7, 2022. Weakened by months of corruption allegations, left infighting, and multiple attempts to criminalize him, Castillo was finally overthrown and imprisoned. He was replaced by his vice president, Dina Boluarte, who was sworn in after Congress impeached Castillo with 101 votes in favor, six against, and ten abstentions.

The vote came hours after he announced on television to the country that Castillo was dissolving Congress. He did so preemptively, three hours before the start of the congressional session in which a motion to dismiss him for “permanent moral incapacity” was to be debated and voted on due to allegations of corruption that are under investigation. Castillo also announced the start of an “exceptional emergency government” and the convening of a Constituent Assembly within nine months. He said that until the Constituent Assembly was installed, he would rule by decree. In his last message as president, he also decreed a curfew to begin at 10 o’clock that night. The curfew, as well as his other measures, was never applied. Hours later, Castillo was overthrown.

Boluarte was sworn in by Congress as Castillo was detained at a police station. A few demonstrations broke out in the capital Lima, but nowhere near large enough to reverse the coup which was nearly a year and a half in the making, the latest in Latin America’s long history of violence against radical transformations.

The coup against Pedro Castillo is a major setback for the current wave of progressive governments in Latin America and the people’s movements that elected them. This coup and the arrest of Castillo are stark reminders that the ruling elites of Latin America will not concede any power without a bitter fight to the end. And now that the dust has settled, the only winners are the Peruvian oligarchy and their friends in Washington.

Manolo De Los Santos is the co-executive director of the People’s Forum and is a researcher at Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research. He co-edited, most recently, Viviremos: Venezuela vs. Hybrid War (LeftWord Books/1804 Books, 2020) and Comrade of the Revolution: Selected Speeches of Fidel Castro (LeftWord Books/1804 Books, 2021). He is a co-coordinator of the People’s Summit for Democracy.

This article was produced by Globetrotter.

Peru's President Pedro Castillo. Credit: ANDINA/Prensa Presidencia.


 Democracy

A Socially Conservative Left Is Gaining Traction in Latin America

The electoral strength of the right is pushing Latin America’s leftists away from progressive causes.
Peruvian President-elect Pedro Castillo speaks at a campaign rally in May.Miguel Yovera/Bloomberg

It’s no secret that the Latin American left has a strongman problem. From Havana to Caracas to Managua, self-proclaimed socialists are notorious for taking office only to never step down. But while left-wing autocrats and their human rights abuses garner much media attention, an emerging crop of leftist politicians in Latin America poses a more insidious threat: they’re embracing regressive social values. If they continue to fail in elevating the causes of equality, diversity and individual freedom, the new leaders on the left will leave the region’s most vulnerable and underrepresented communities at great risk.       

Socially progressive causes began to lose their luster in the mid-2010s, especially as evangelical groups with hardline stances on abortion and LGBTQ rights – and equipped with mega-churches – expanded as a voting bloc. Right-wing politicians like Brazil’s Jair Bolsonaro swept back into office, styling themselves as defenders of “traditional family values.” Donald Trump proved a convincing example to follow.  

Now, after years spent championing the cause of women and minorities, Latin American leftists have veered to the right on social issues, leaning into traditionally conservative positions on gender equality, abortion access, LGBTQ rights, immigration, and the environment. The left’s conservative turn leaves marginalized communities bereft of their traditional political allies and jeopardizes freedom and safety. And if an economically populist yet socially conservative platform continues to prove a winning electoral formula, as it did earlier this month in Peru, regionwide poverty relief may ultimately come at the cost of individual rights.     

On the gender equality front, evidence of this shift is everywhere. Mexico’s President Andrés Manuel López Obrador campaigned on rectifying the gender pay gap and gender-based violence. But rather than meeting with women protesting the country’s record-setting levels of femicide, López Obrador shut out the protesters’ chants by erecting a ten-foot-high wall around the presidential palace.  

Peru’s new socialist president-elect, Pedro Castillo, chalked up his country’s femicide problem to male “idleness,” blasting what he calls “gender ideology” taught in Peruvian schools. And Ecuador, governed by leftist administrations for most of the last two decades, has among the strictest anti-abortion laws in the world. Rafael Correa, in office from 2007 to 2017, even pressured his own party to keep the abortion ban in place. 

Despite the expansion of LGBTQ rights during a wave of left and center-left presidents in the early 2000s, these communities have fared poorly under some on the left.

While strongmen like Nicolás Maduro have never been shy about using homophobia for political gain, the Dominican Republic’s “social democrat” president, Luis Abinader, disappointed activists when he publicly rejected same-sex marriage protections under considerable pressure from religious leaders; he, too, has backtracked on liberalizing abortion access. El Salvador’s populist president, Nayib Bukele, who started his career on the political left as mayor of the country’s capital and once declared himself an “ally” to LGBTQ people, has since come out against marriage equality and stopped his government’s sexual diversity work.

Around the world, xenophobia against immigrants is often the calling card of the radical right. In Latin America, the inverse is sometimes true. López Obrador has militarized Mexico’s southern border, deploying tear gas and rubber bullets against Central American migrant caravans. Peru’s Castillo insists that undocumented migrants will be given 72 hours to flee the country after he takes office. And Argentina’s leftist president recently sparked outrage with his remark that “Brazilians emerged from the jungle but we Argentines arrived on boats. On boats from Europe.” 

In Latin America, environmental policy is also a social issue because the costs of climate change land heavily on ethnic and racial minorities. Leftist politicians – who often rely on natural resources to achieve their priority of redistributing wealth – have all too frequently sided against the environment and its defenders in the process.   

In Ecuador’s April election, progressive presidential candidate Andrés Arauz – who narrowly lost – dug in his heels on oil drilling in the Amazon over loud objections by indigenous groups. Bolivia’s socialist President Luis Arce, too, was chided by the environmental movement for allowing agribusinesses to run wild with deforestation, fueling catastrophic forest fires while he served as finance minister in 2019. 

Who to turn to?

For decades, left and center-left parties oversaw a period of expanding rights and protections for women and minorities, challenging the status quo in a region long dominated by conservativism and the Catholic church.  

But now, many on the left, eager to reclaim power, capitalized on the trend sweeping voters by parroting social conservatives. The shift wasn’t all-encompassing. Some important voices, like Chile’s Michele Bachelet and Costa Rica’s Carlos Alvarado, stuck by their progressive roots. But more leftists have opted for the right-wing veer than not.  

Photo by Alexandre Schneider/Getty Images











2022 will be a decisive year. Brazil and Colombia, two of the Americas’ most populous countries, will hold presidential elections. Conservative candidates are polling poorly and will have to face down popular leftist challengers. Brazil’s former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who governed as a social progressive, is likely to make a comeback bid and, should he win, has the credibility and appeal to corral new consensus across borders.

In a region that is both young and increasingly urban, the writing is on the wall: the electoral advantage the left stands to gain today by echoing the right is a risky gamble – one that could translate into lasting credibility losses among the voters of tomorrow. Individual rights need a political champion. If not the right or the left, then who? 

Angelo is a fellow for Latin America studies at the Council on Foreign Relations. Freeman is the Central America research fellow at the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA).