Sunday, November 24, 2024

Great Anarchists - Voltairine de Cleyre

 

 

How to defend yourself during a police interrogation

English cover

From Project Evasions

An interrogation is not a harmonious exchange between two individuals. It’s a conflict.
And in this conflict, our ignorance is our strength. Ignorance of the meaning of police work, ignorance of the manipulative techniques used, ignorance of the legal framework and, last but not least, ignorance of our means of defence.
In response to this observation, this book is intended as a tool for self-defense against police interrogation practices of interrogation.

Get the PDF here:
https://projet-evasions.org/how-to-defend-yourself-during-a-police-inter...

Preface to the English version

In summer 2022, 2000 copies of this book were printed in French and 2000 in German. The french version is now sold out, and the Publisher «Ă‰ditions du Commun» had now reissued the book.

The book was written with the intention of serving as a tool of self-defense against the manipulative interrogation strategies employed by the police. As stated in the introduction, “It addresses readers in various countries in which legislation may differ“. And indeed, we soon received feedback that the content conveyed by the book is equally applicable to countries such as Turkey, Morocco, Serbia, Italy, Denmark, and many more. And soon a number of supportive people were offering to translate the book into other languages. This is what happened with the English version, and we’d like to take this opportunity to warmly thank our translator and proofreader for their fine work.

As a consequence of imperialism and colonization, English is spoken today in contexts as diverse as Kenya, Australia and, of course UK and the USA. So many different places from which you may be reading these words, and where the contexts of repression are very different. Most of what is conveyed in the book applies to all these contexts, but, in case of doubts, it makes sense to keep an eye out for certain elements that differ and check them with your local legal team.

Our network lacks relays in the English-speaking world, so let us take this opportunity to pass on the message that we are looking for a publishing house or a collective that would be interested in printing and distributing the book in its geographical regions.

With these words, we wish you a pleasant reading.

Project-evasions – network of anarchist friendships

 

Realities behind the arrest of Nikos Romanos

Text of the image reads: If Nikos is imprisoned, the centre of Athens will burn

This is an attempt to provide information and context for those outside Greece concerning the recent state abduction of anarchist Nikos Romanos.

On 31 October, 2024, an explosion in the Athens neighborhood of Ampelokopoi killed the comrade Kyriakos X and severely injured the comrade Marianna M.

They were both in an apartment where an explosive device detonated, knocking out one wall of the building. The state claims they were planning to detonate a bomb elsewhere and that it exploded prematurely. Both Kyriakos and Marianna are anarchists, respected participants in the movement.

The press in Greece is owned by a handful of old families who control most of the remaining greek assets– those that haven't been sold off to foreign investors. The Greek mainstream media exists to disseminate state narratives, and it immediately began slandering the victims of the explosion as well as engaging in wild speculation– such as that the israeli embassy was the intended target. Whether or not that's true, it is true that israeli mossad agents came to assist the Greek police in their investigations. Since the explosion, the state has made additional arrests of people it claims are somehow connected to the apartment and its lease, sublease, etc.

As the Greek press promoted the propaganda of the state, there commenced activity in some cowardly corners of the left to distinguish the more "guilty" of those accused from the others. This is the question of who to tar with the labels of "anarchist" and "terrorist" — thereby assumed to deserve repression– vs. who is really "innocent."

The anarchist movement itself, both in Greece and internationally, has rejected such division and remained strong in solidarity despite a chilling increase in repression. There were multiple support gatherings outside the hospital where Marianna was held under guard and when, shortly after her second surgery, she was transferred to Korydallos prison, comrades also gathered there. Kyriakos has been honored with actions, banners, marches, events and memorials, and will remain a beloved comrade forevermore. There has been no "disavowal," no step back.

Since the tragedy in Ampelokopoi state repression against those suspected of being "anarchists" has become more aggressive, although this is consistent with an ongoing trend since the pandemic. What we have seen now are not new tactics but an increase in frequency: police actions such as stopping and searching people around the neighborhood Exarcheia, early-morning "preventative detention" of targeted individuals (people considered politically prominent) on the days of demonstrations and marches, and an increase in surveillance of those the greek state has a grudge against, including by parking unmarked cars with surveillance equipment in front of their homes.

Few people in the anarchist movement here have been under as heavy surveillance, long-term, as the comrade Nikos Romanos. He was a friend of the anarchist Alexis Grigoropolous, and witnessed Alexis' murder by police on 6 December 2008. Since that time Nikos has been arrested many times and accused of many crimes, along with false accusations of involvement with the direct action group Conspiracy of Cells of Fire.

Because Nikos is a living witness to the shameful conduct of the state, he has been labeled a terrorist by politicians and the mass media many times over. Of their many accusations, however, the only crime the judiciary has ever pinned on him is a bank robbery, for which he served a prison sentence. During the time he was imprisoned, Nikos went on hunger strike for 31 days to (successfully) demand access to education, something he was entitled to under law but which the state had refused him. His steadfastness in this matter inspired solidarity actions throughout Greece and internationally, and is still well remembered.

Again, there are few people in Greece as relentlessly surveilled as Nikos, which made it all the more absurd that he was arrested on 18 November and accused of unspecified involvement in the explosion, on the basis of the state claiming to have discovered a single fingerprint from him on a trash bag "found" in the destroyed apartment.

Some or all of the above you may already know. The purpose of this piece is to contextualize the arrest and repression of Nikos in Greece's overall economic collapse and the scandals of the Greek state's ruling party, New Democracy, as well as to condemn those who respond to the greek state's abuse of Nikos with gleeful excitement (because they anticipate spectacular resistance) and those who promote state narratives about Nikos, including the lie– proven to be a lie in court! — that he was involved in the group Conspiracy of Cells of Fire.

Nikos has been put through hell by the state for nearly his entire life, from the horror of watching his childhood friend murdered in front of his eyes to years of repression, intimidation, violence, false accusations and imprisonment. Anyone who repeats the state and state-media slanders about Nikos, using buzzwords like "terrorist" or breathlessly associating him with guerrilla groups he wasn't involved in, is promoting the state's narrative and serving the greek state's agenda.

On 22 November, the state used the flimsy pretext of the fingerprint to imprison Nikos more or less indefinitely, pre-trial, furthering the outrage. Even some of the right-wing TV talking heads were at a loss to explain this, which only provides (additional) evidence that the supposedly impartial judiciary of Greece is no more than a weapon of the ruling class, in this case of Prime Minister Mitsotakis and New Democracy.

Nikos is being held under article 187A, an antiterrorism statute passed by the "progressive" socialist government previous to new democracy. The excuse for 187A at the time was that it was necessary to prosecute Golden Dawn, a neo-fascist organization– but it wasn't used for that. Instead, we see in the detention of Nikos the penal code's true purpose. All state tools of "anti-extremism," including those that claim to be protection from fascists or to repress the far right, will end up used against anarchists.

Article 187A, which applies to terrorist organizations, states that a terrorist organization must be at least three people. So, we have the martyr Kyriakos, the injured Marianna… and because the state needed a third, like magic, they discover a bag with a fingerprint and kidnap Nikos.

Prime Minister Mitsotakis went and toured the site of the explosion personally, a bizarre and cynical media circus, and then pulled a true Reality TV stunt: he announced that a benevolent construction company (also, of course, owned by one of Greece's ruling families) would be providing free reconstruction of the building to give the other residents homes again.

The recent imprisonment of Nikos is likewise a stunt, but a cruel, barbaric stunt using a man's life and freedom to try and score political points. Not only has New Democracy been delegitimized by scandals– to name just a few: a mass-casualty train crash directly caused by austerity and privatization, deliberate mass drownings of immigrants, and being caught using illegal israeli spyware to monitor political rivals– but the economy of Greece is collapsing. Rent in most cities is unaffordable relative to wages, the healthcare system is being stripped for parts, and the schools are in shambles.

The abduction of Nikos Romanos is a provocation by the ruling party towards the anarchist movement, timed immediately after the anniversary of the Polytechnic uprising and just before the anniversary of the police murder of Alexis. Mitsotakis wants to focus attention on the anarchists, because his coalition of neoliberal austerity privatizers is losing ground to a growing fringe far-right. Arbitrarily imprisoning a high-profile anarchist (and thus perhaps triggering a response) is perfect red meat for the kind of reactionary droolers who have been lately abandoning the technocratic soft-authoritarianism of new democracy for more overtly fascist political parties.

We can see the heavy hand of the Greek state in not just conventional media, but social media. Shameless, ignorant, parastatal parasitic "extremism" experts parrot the lies of Nikos' involvement in matters he was acquitted of, reactionaries and liberals casually refer to Nikos as a "terrorist," and Facebook auto-bans Nikos' name, much as it did the name of the revolutionary Dimitris Koufontinas during his 2021 prison hunger strike.

There is a parallel to the case of Tasos Theophilou, an anarchist-communist who was sentenced to 25 years in prison for a bank robbery he didn't commit. Tasos also was falsely accused of membership in Conspiracy of Cells of Fire (despite not sharing their ideology), and the state's evidence against him was the anti-terrorism task force claiming they found his DNA on a hat near the bank– although the hat in question wasn't in the list of items collected and photographed at the scene of the robbery.

Although Tasos' conviction was eventually overturned and he successfully sued the state for his five years of false imprisonment, the government and its media parrots defamed Tasos for years based on these false accusations. After all, he's an anarchist!

There are many more instances and incidents I could invoke here, but I hope that this helps establish that

1.) the arbitrary imprisonment of Nikos in the wake of an unrelated tragedy is a sick political game by the state, and

2.) those who accept and repeat the Greek state's lies about Nikos are de facto agents of state repression.

Let us reject not only the continued abuse of Nikos Romanos and other prisoners by the state, but the state's narratives and slanders.

As has been said elsewhere, "May Athens get the December it deserves"


Intervention in Humboldt University

From Kontrapolis
November 17, 2024

Intervention in Humboldt University at the event "50 Years ‚Μεταπολίτευση‘ -The Restauration of Democracy in Greece"

Yesterday, around 10 people carried out an intervention at an event in Humboldt University that was trying to instrumentalize the ‘73 uprising in Athens against the US-backed military junta. We interrupted the opening of the event with slogans and a banner. A statement was given and flyers were distributed. Everybody left safely.

It might be of concern to taxpayers in greece, that the diplomatic corps in Germany is getting well payed for participating in classroom-sized events that hardly anybody else than their surrounding of corrupt establishment is interested in. At least the cleaning of hundreds of flyers in the event space might justify a tiny part of their earnings that evening.

Freedom for Marianna M., Dimitra Z. and Dimitris

In memory of the fallen fighter Kyriakos Xymitiris

Freedom for all!

Here is the text that was given out and read as a speech:

HANDS OFF OUR ANARCHIST COMRADE MARIANNA
KYRIAKOS XYMITIRIS ONE OF US, FOREVER WITH US ON THE PATHS OF FIRE
FREEDOM TO COMRADE DIMITRIS & ANARCHIST COMRADE DIMITRA

The struggle of November 1973 was a struggle for liberation and freedom. For the 50 years of „Metapolitefsi“ , the deans of Polytechnio and ASOEE proceeded to a three day full lock out of the public space of the Universities.
The belief that th fall of „Junta“ regime resulted in democracy, is an illusion. In the past years there have been many examples proving that. The justice system convicts groups and individuals based on made-up evidence, condemning them to years of imprisonment, or in cases of immigrants, threatening with deportation.
Meanwhile, the rights of prisoners for access to education and leaves are systematically denied. Tasos Theofilou, Irianna, V. Stathopoulos, migrants from Pylos shipwreck are only a few examples.
At the same time, people face police brutality on the streets and in police stations, to the extent of rape and murder.
In just the last months 5 people have been murdered by cops inside police stations. It’s more than evident that the greek state and its mechanisms are exhausting people financially, mentally and physically. Not to mention the number of people who have been drowned by the greek navy in the mediterranian sea.

You talk about resistance as if it’s history.
Resistance is daily and everywhere.

So here we are, after the greek „democratic“ state imprisoned our anarchist comrade Dimitra and comrade Dimitris with no sufficient evidence, as well as abused comrade Marianna by taking her fingerprints while she was unconscious in intensive care.

The Restoration of Democracy in Greece never happened.
– 17th of November is not a celebration
– Junta did not end in 1973

 

Bash Back Summer 2025: The Cumming Insurrection

Why don’t we declare our own war?

An orgy of violence, even slightly expanding the small window of allowed gestures into millions of precincts burning, writhing together in unlimited grief, unlimited pleasure.

There are so many people who feel safe calling for our deaths. They are the ones that should feel that their end is coming, because it is.

Face to face, the fragility of our enemies is fucking laughable. They put billions of dollars into protecting their fragile egos, their joke little suburban families, militarizing the borders around their sad little sexualities. Gender failures, living in constant fear, praying to stave off this inevitable unraveling. The more they attempt to police and groom nature into this arrangement, the more chaos they create.

But chaos is our language, not theirs. That's why in a slightly squatted forest, they imagine us as the Viet Cong. Their fantasies of a trans menace ravaging their safety becomes the manifestation of their next era, our era. In every one of their predatory projections, every law they pass, they beg and beg for us to consume them. To suck the flesh off their bones and spit the remains into a hole seeping back into the earth. This desire haunts their waking nightmares.

We already know, via sex work and porn searches that the "western man" wants to fully submit to us. The more repressed he gets, the more he yearns for us. Salivating for trans seed, paying top dollar to suck us off in dark alleys and fuck us in hotel rooms in members only clubs. The more he exposes his vulnerabilities, the more opportunities we will find to strike.

It’s come time for us to declare war. As if it hasn't been declared already.

Our eradication announced in an executive order.

The time of being humanized by liberal attempts to normalize and domesticate us is obviously over. This approach has failed a million times, hypnotizing everyone and killing us with a death of a thousand cuts.

It is time for us to remember what it means to be queer and alive.

We’ve lost our sacred thread, the ecstasy of our first anal orgasm, the shallow breaths of our souls awakening, the primordial right to our sacred sexualities. We’re even losing the thread of intergenerational protection and nurturing of young queer souls, leaving them with the fetishistic internet for a mother, which at best is a panopticon, at worst a police state.

Those that came of age in an earlier time experienced wild, chaotic, free spaces and were nurtured by queer elders IRL who fought for their wildness and protection. These spaces have been systematically destroyed by real estate and police fascism, forcing further generations to be raised by Reddit, or a middle aged Grindr hookup - the remaining spaces converted to expensive cocktail venues and blanched fine art non-profit “spaces”.

We all know that what we’re looking for is not just watching a band or DJ. Its an orgiastic experience where the sky opens up and everything is possible. Communal ekstasis changes your heart.

Our strategy of war, as much as it is to tear holes in rich men’s safety, is to also open up these portals, sacred holes in society where everyone can enter and experience the ecstasy of being a liberating body - someone who opens more holes of their own, until all desires for control and order are eroded and consumed by our mutualistic orgiastic horde.

The orb of goddess consciousness, this primordial cosmic force urges a time of

Endless music, Endless affection, Endless care, Endless cooperation, Endless Violence, And constant expression, Expansion.

Before you even think about killing yourself...
Burn every bridge, attack everything.
Fuck wildly in the woods, get guns.

Form a cell/crew/affinity group/gang.
Learn opsec, attack, start small.
Set larger and larger goals.

Become painfully beautiful.

Get good, Get really good.

Get everything.

Come find us.
Los Angeles, May 2025
Bash Back Summer

 

Book Review: Safety Through Solidarity

From Freedom News UK

Burley and Lorber’s project is both honourable and necessary, but why do they let Marxist antisemitism off the hook?

Jay Arachnid ~

Poor timing or perfect timing? Re-centring American Jewish voices crying out against the weaponisation of Jewish trauma by extremist right-wing/quasi-fascist Israeli politicians while at the same time deflecting and minimising the homicidal oppression of Palestinians (and now Lebanese)? I ordered this book prior to the audacious October 7 Hamas attacks; the authors had to scramble to incorporate something about it in their introduction and toward the end of the text.

Sadly, their attempt to acknowledge the shock in the Jewish diaspora (as well as inside Israel) falls a bit flat after the ensuing – and typically – hideously disproportionate response by the Israeli military in Gaza and paramilitary settlers in the occupied West Bank, facilitated by the easy flow of weapons from the USA. And now (as of this writing) in Lebanon, Yemen, and Syria (and perhaps Iran by the time this is published). Given the public outrage against Israeli massacres of non-combatants, the targeted assassinations of journalists, and the bombing of schools and hospitals, it feels uncomfortably self-centred to read a book about mostly non-deadly Jew-hatred.

To their great credit, Burley and Lorber have provided a concise but still excellent history of antisemitism in the first 138 pages (chapters one through six). Also excellent are the ways they briefly interrogate others’ analyses of Jew-hatred as inadequate, obsolete, or in the case of chapter two (Neither Eternal, Nor Inevitable: New Perspectives on ‘The Oldest Hatred’), politically biased. Yet in chapter five (The Socialism of Fools: Antisemitism and Anti-Capitalism), they succumb to their own. Despite being known as anarchists for years, they have a soft analytical spot for some broad Left, even while taking various leftists to task for harbouring, maintaining, and sometimes promoting a vulgar populist-driven antisemitism. On pages 100-101, they write:

“Unlike the Right, the early European Left tended less to look backward at restoring a nostalgic past, and more to look forward, to the building of a more equal society. But they, too, often propagated antisemitism in misguided attempts to ‘punch up’ at the root of capitalism, and the ‘Jewish question’ was a fiercely common debate among Leftists. In the mid-nineteenth century, influential anarchist theorist Mikhail Bakunin railed against ‘the whole Jewish world, which constitutes a single exploitative sect, a sort of bloodsucker people, a collective parasite, voracious… every popular revolution is accompanied by a massacre of Jews: a natural consequence’. Anarchist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon went further, insisting that ‘the Jew is the enemy of the human race. One must send this race back to Asia or exterminate it’”.

The very name of the Lorber and Burley’s chapter cries out for an explanation of Marx and Marxist Jew-hatred. Yet despite correctly raking the old-guard anarchists over the coals — insinuating that anarchists (alone? especially?) are the ones to watch out for — the authors pointedly and inexplicably ignore (or is it censor?) the contributions of Marx and his many followers to this unfortunate discourse; they briefly mention Red Army pogroms in Ukraine during the Russian Civil War as well as the idiocies of the German Communist Party in the 1930s, who made the accusation that “Nazis help Jewish capital” (p 106). Also mentioned in passing are Stalinist anti-Jewish purges in the former Soviet Union “and satellite states like Czechoslovakia”, (p 107), accusing Jews of being Zionist agents (despite the Soviet Union being among the first governments to recognise the new state of Israel in 1948); here, “Zionists” was clearly a codeword for Jews, aka “rootless cosmopolitans”, generally accused of dual loyalty, and therefore politically unreliable. They rightly accuse contemporary leftists of minimising and/or ignoring antisemitism because “Jews are white and therefore oppressors” (and other similar nonsense), but never bother to question where these prejudices might come from.

Since Burley and Lorber are (anarcho-)leftist organiser-activists, it’s taken for granted that there should be – indeed, must be if there isn’t already – a mass movement for social justice based on anti-capitalism and anti-imperialism, and that this renewed mass movement (the incipient stages of which are allegedly seen in the Palestinian solidarity movement[s]) needs to take antisemitism seriously if it to succeed. They write, “It is through… building community and organizing a mass movement, that we can build safety through solidarity, and win a just world” (p 325). This is perhaps their primary reason for avoiding taking Marxism to task for being just as mired in anti-Jewish caricature-based prejudice as Bakunin and Proudhon; the risk of alienating people with a history of Marxist-dominated mass movements is just too great. But if radical social justice activists are allowed to challenge pro-Palestinians for their support of Hamas and Hezbollah (“despite those groups’ reactionary beliefs”, p 214 –I would call this kind of truncated and facile anti-imperialism the other socialism of fools), shouldn’t they equally be able to challenge a truncated anti-capitalism that includes the Jew-hatred in which Marx was mired, and which too many of his followers continue to perpetuate? Or is there no historical throughline within the socialism of fools?

The topic of antisemitism requires a multilayered and nuanced analysis in order to defy the too-easy conflation of Jews and Israelis – or making diaspora Jews responsible for and representative of Israeli policies (not coincidentally the shared wet dream of zionists and antisemites). And in the wake of the latest round of seemingly endless and increasingly horrifying Israeli atrocities, the potential targeting of non-Israeli Jews for retaliatory violence is sadly real. Burley and Lorber’s project to counter the mundane racism of collective guilt/responsibility is both honourable and necessary, and they have provided anarchists and other radicals a critical entry-point into the discourse.    

Safety Through Solidarity: A Radical Guide to Fighting Antisemitism, by Shane Burley and Ben Lorber. Melville House Publishing, 2024. 375 pages.

 

Combat Sports and Revolution

From It's Going Down

Original title: "Combat Sports and Revolution: A Report Back from Fight Weekend in North Carolina"

A report from North Carolina on a recent gathering benefiting anarchist political prisoner Michael Kimble featuring combat sports.

Through the weekend of October 18th-20th, the triangle-area of North Carolina hosted a series of events to bring combat sports and revolutionary politics together. This weekend was put together by a handful of comrades and friends who have been training, fighting, and coaching together, some of us for more than a decade.

Our intention with this weekend was to nurture the culture of martial arts and combat sports training in North America, which is generally far, far behind European and Latin American anarchists’ building of this tradition. Over the years we’ve been inspired by anarchist smokers in Philly, Oakland, Montreal, and Mexico City, etc. The disparate nature of radical martial artists organizing in the margins of our cities often leaves us feeling disconnected. In an effort to feel less alone in our commitment to training combat sports, Fight Weekend was a long-overdue celebration of how far we’ve come and what is possible.

Among often unfriendly political communities increasing in convoluted social allegiances and intellectual abstractions, we want to be in our bodies first and foremost. We believe that physically training together among our varying experiences and capacities offers us something that other, often culturally and racially segregated silos of dance parties, punk shows, or activist events do not. This is not just for the relevance of the skills themselves, but the opportunities for trust-building under stress, and vulnerability through play. We have experienced firsthand how this kind of togetherness is a hugely gratifying and applicable practice, helping to shake off some of the “beautiful loser” mentality that troubles our communities as we fight against the daily horrors this world offers us.

THE WEEKEND

The weekend began on Friday with a Welcome Cookout as people trickled in to town. A huge amount of food was brought, largely thanks to the support of local folks helping to run a nearby mutual aid disaster warehouse, who were pulling double duty between running a supply warehouse for western NC hurricane relief and helping with the weekend of events. A big projector screen was set up and played fight footage of various rad fighters, as well as a sweet tribute video to a local anarchist pro-MMA fighter who recently retired. We gave out programs with the weekend schedule, and had a small letter-writing station where participants could sign a group card to Alabama prison rebel Michael Kimble, for whom the fight night itself was a fundraiser.

We also had impromptu “face-offs” between people who were scheduled to fight each other the following night. These were beautiful and hilarious, as people from different towns walked around the cookout finding their opponents. Following the suggestion of a Philly comrade, next time we want to hype the spectacle of these face-offs even more. A comradely and over-the-top, campy spectacle!

The next day was kicked off with a group self-defense workshop at a nearby gym led by local pro-fighter D’juan Owens. After a series of individual drills we practiced as a large crowd intervening in various situations where an attacker was grabbing or holding/choking one of our own. Highly relevant!

A few hours later, our Fight Night fundraiser kicked off at Raleigh United Mutual Aid Hub in downtown Raleigh. Adorned with banners and lights, about 20′ by 20′ of mat space, and a big table of zines and t-shirts that Michael Kimble helped design, around 140-150 people filled the space through the night. There were twelve matches – six jiu jitsu, four muay-thai, and two boxing – and they were amazing! The crowd was screaming, bodies were falling all over, people went fucking HARD.

When matching people for their fights, we asked fighters to respond with their stats: age, general walking weight, and experience level. We also asked their thoughts on potential opponents based on their gendered experiences and on gender affirming hormone therapy. We received a range of responses, allowing every fighter to self-determine what was and wasn’t important to them to help make a fight they felt comfortable taking. This was as important to us as was letting the fighters know they are welcome however and whoever they are. We take huge pride in how a lot of the matches that night were an absolute gender-fuck-you to the entirely ridiculous combat sports industry.

Halfway through we had an intermission and played a 9 minute interview with Michael to give a background on his case and his organizing behind bars. He also managed to call one of us immediately beforehand, so in addition to playing his recorded interview, we were able to have some loud group chants into the phone for his benefit. It is an ongoing and sometimes difficult task to bring our revolutionary ancestors, elders, and prisoners into the political spaces we create, but Michael felt present, and his words set a really beautiful tone for the rest of the night.

After the fights officially finished with a final bout of beautifully technical muay-thai violence, people shared hugs and dancing before we took a big group pic for Michael. The crowd started to dissipate, some to an after-party, others to help break down the space. We ended up raising over 3k for his post-release fund!

The weekend officially finished with an open mat and group conversation at a local gym the following morning. People who had been frantically trying to punch and choke each other in front of a rowdy crowd the night before got to hang more casually, doing padwork or having light sparring or grappling rounds, asking each other technical questions, problem-solving certain positions, or just stretching and decompressing from the night before.

We closed out open mat with an hour-long facilitated group conversation spanning different themes related to how training has affected people’s political practice and the movements and projects we are a part of. This was the only formally planned conversational space of the weekend, and it was intentionally limited to those who actively train in combat sports.

The range of insights and “Holy shit, yes, that is what I’ve been trying to find the words for!,” moments during that convo are too numerous to mention. But of note, people discussed how our training has been crucial to work through trauma endured in street fights with fascists and cops, how it has worked to build trust in the decision-making instincts of our affinity groups, how it grounds our perspective on what kinds of interpersonal conflict are “worth it” vs. what kinds can be set aside, how martial arts can be a vehicle for inviting in new people that would normally be alienated or turned off by activist subcultural bullshit, and how coaching has in turn made us better at teaching other kinds of skills and ideas. It was a beautiful privilege to have a weekend where we could approach some of these questions with others who share the passion for and experiences of fighting.

IN CLOSING

First and foremost, we owe a huge thanks to the many people (Em, you were incredible!) who stepped into last minute roles for this weekend, to help with everything from housing to sound, tabling, door, reffing, and MCing at Fight Night. Impromptu ring babes pulled it all together with fiery, sexy outfits and hand-made round cards. And obviously, huge shout out to everyone who traveled to town to take part and compete. Extra appreciation for all the people who helped out even as they were responding to the disaster in western NC.

As enthusiasm continues to grow for combat sports in radical political communities, there will be ample models to choose from on how to move forward and organize these spaces. At our fight night, there were fighters who train strictly at autonomous, “political” gyms, others like us who coach and train at primarily normal “apolitical” gyms, and others who are able to combine the two. The shared wisdom seems to be that there are pros and cons to both, with the former being more affordable and offering a higher degree of political and social intimacy, and the latter more consistency and a higher level of instruction. Regardless, we encourage people to test themselves. If you can, compete at least once or twice in order to be honest with yourself. Don’t wait until a street fight with fascists goes awry to learn that you have absolutely no idea how to escape a basic RNC.

For our part, we tried to adopt certain lessons we’ve learned from attending and fighting at sanctioned fight events over the the last ten years, in terms of matchmaking and how to smoothly run an event, while dispensing with other aspects that clashed with our values or seemed a bad fit for a revolutionary (and non-sanctioned) card.

Ultimately, this was really an open experiment for us, and we think it worked amazingly well. If you’re interested in putting on something similar but have questions, hit us up at fightweekend@protonmail.com!

No pasarĂ¡n,

fight weekend crew

 

Still worth fighting: Nicolas Walter remembered

From Freedom News UK

The great anarchist historian and activist left us a message for these dire times

Natasha Walter ~

How do we keep hope and faith alive? People keep asking that question as we watch the climate slide into crisis, war crimes stream across our social media platforms, and authoritarian leaders take power. While our problems may feel newly pressing, a pamphlet published in 1969 was already discussing how easy it is in dark times to fall into a state of permanent protest — “the practice of many active anarchists who keep their beliefs intact and carry on as if they still hoped for success but who know—consciously or unconsciously—that they will never see it”. From this point of view, “there is no hope of changing society… What is important is not the future… but the present, the recognition of bitter reality and constant resistance to an ugly situation”.

Still, the writer continues, “it is just as dogmatic to say that things will never change as to say that things are bound to change, and no one can tell when protest might become effective and the present might suddenly turn into the future”. And so, those who resist are “scouts in a struggle which we may not win and which may never end but which is still worth fighting”.

These words come from About Anarchism, by my father, Nicolas Walter (1934-2000). This combination of cynicism about the present together with a continuing commitment to a better future is characteristic of his work. Today, on what would have been his 90th birthday, I feel the absence of his voice ever more keenly.

At the recent undercover policing inquiry hearings I was amused to hear that Roger Pearce, the undercover police officer who spied on Freedom in the 1980s, gave this assessment of Nicholas Walter to his superiors: “a cautious, alert individual whose sardonic temperament is met with respect or intense dislike, but never indifference”. True enough, but he inspired a great deal of affection and love among those who knew him best.

Pearce also shared his judgement of Nicolas’s key work: “This well-written pamphlet, produced by probably the most prominent of today’s intellectual anarchist genre, is of inestimable value to anyone seeking a survey of the anarchist scene which is both comprehensive and concise. It is cited time and again as the publication which guided the political and apolitical alike to espousal of anarchism”.

Front page of The Sun, 10 July 1967

While an undercover policeman is hardly an objective reviewer of anarchist philosophy, that does seem a fair assessment. About Anarchism still bears re-reading, as does much of the rest of Nicolas’s output on anarchist history and ideas, which ran like a steel thread through Freedom – and related publications such as AnarchyThe Raven and Wildcat – all the way from 1959 to 2000. While so many of these articles and reviews were keyed into the historical legacy of anarchism, rather than its contemporary practice, his own ideas and writing now come into ever sharper focus.

Whenever I go back to Nicolas’s work now I’m struck by how current, unfinished and probing it still seems. Although Nicolas had such unparalleled grasp of the history of anarchism, his work grew out of his activism as much as out of his research. Richard Taylor chose to end his recent book English Radicalism with an essay on Nicolas, whom he has described as “the most erudite and eloquent anarchist historian and analyst in post 1945 Britain. He was, moreover, a leading civil disobedience activist in the peace movement”.

For Nicolas, there was no distinction between theory and practice. It was in the rise of the Committee of 100, the nuclear disarmament group dedicated to civil disobedience, that he found the chance to put the ideas that he had been exploring into practice in the early 1960s, and he seized that moment.

This was the time when he came to the insight that he himself thought was central to his political philosophy, the idea that there can be no distinction between means and ends. He first explored this in a discussion of Gandhi’s philosophy in his 1962 pamphlet on civil disobedience, Nonviolent Resistance: Men Against War. “In the Indian dharma, as in the analogous Chinese tao, the way and the goal are one”, he wrote, and went on to state that this leads to “a healthy refusal to make any convenient distinction between ends and means”, as opposed to the views of western philosophers who “have tended to believe that if one takes care of the ends, the means will take care of themselves. This line of reasoning leads to Auschwitz and Hiroshima”.

Nicolas returned frequently to the moral and political importance of remembering that the means and the ends are one. In one article published, unusually for him, in the Guardian (collected in David Goodway’s Damned Fools in Utopia), he laid it out with particular force. “Everyone says something should be done – we say do it yourself. The politicians say: If you want peace, prepare for war. We say: If you want peace, prepare for peace. They say the end justifies the means – we say means are ends”.

The great force of this insight helped Nicolas and others to steer the political culture of the Committee of 100 and other groups that flowered at that time (such as the Spies for Peace and Solidarity) away from the hierarchies and discipline of the old Left and into the anarchist way of organising that attempts to build the non-hierarchical society we want, here and now.

Committee of 100 sitdown in Whitehall, April 1961. Walter on far right, sitting down.

In his 2023 book If We Burn, a study of recent resistance movements across the world, Vincent Bevins examines that key political insight and blames it for such movements’ inability to build conventional power structures. In doing so Bevins states that the idea that “means are ends’ was first enunciated by David Graeber in 2002. “In the 1960s, the New Left had insisted that means also mattered in addition to the ends. David Graeber… went even further. In a 2002 essay for New Left Review, he explained that … the means were the ends”.

But Bevins and other observers of social movements need to look well further back for this idea — certainly 40 years earlier to Nicolas Walter, as well as to the anarchists and proto-anarchists who influenced him. As Nicholas said in 1962, when he saw to his irritation that people were putting forward anarchist ideas as totally new: “Are Winstanley, Rousseau, Godwin, Fourier, Owen, Proudhon, Bakunin, Morris, Kropotkin, Cole and all the rest really nothing more than names? Has the anarchist stream really been driven so far underground?”

Too often our radical histories are ignored, our personal and political roots are pulled up, and it is hard to hear the roar of those underground rivers of dissent. When I hear protesters today stating that their prison sentences for protest are unprecedented, I remember that when my parents and their friends set up the Spies for Peace group in 1963, which broke into government nuclear bunkers to publish the secrets of the warfare state, they knew they were running the risk of much longer sentences than protesters risk today. In my recent book Before the Light Fades, in which I tell the story of my parents’ involvement in the Spies for Peace, I quote my mother Ruth Walter: “We knew we were risking twenty years imprisonment, and that was scary but we knew it was the right thing to do. I was quite prepared to do it”.

The Spies for Peace got away with their illegal actions, but Nicolas went on to be arrested for protest throughout his life, and was imprisoned for heckling a politician in 1968. He did that in protest at the Vietnam War, and in hindsight no serious commentator would argue that the protesters had got it wrong and the warmongers had got it right. Just as few would argue that the British government was right to keep secret from the people the plans for surviving nuclear war in the 1960s. Anarchists are so often doing the work that needs to be done in order to challenge the free operation of authoritarian governments, and yet now just as then, their reward is mockery and imprisonment.

Nicolas Walter in 1996, in his wheelchair (he was disabled by side effects of radiation for cancer)

We cannot afford to keep losing the histories of our movements, when we so badly need them, not just to understand the past, but to help us consider the possibilities of the present. We need to understand that there were always other forks in the road, and that those paths may still be rediscovered now. Nicolas Walter’s understanding of the anarchist past was a key to his continued faith in the future. As he once stated with disarming confidence, “It is through disobedience that progress has been made, through disobedience and through rebellion”.


Natasha Walter is an author, journalist, and founder of Women for Refugee Women