It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
OPINION | Death penalty for WhatsApp message – EU condemns blasphemy laws in Nigeria
An appeal is under way for a Nigerian man, Yahaya Sharif-Aminu, a Sufi musician in his early twenties, who is awaiting the death penalty in Kano State in the northern part of Nigeria.
Photo: Blanchi Costela/Getty Images
Tragic human rights violations that inherently accompany blasphemy laws, such as those in Nigeria, need to stop urgently, writes Georgia du Plessis.
Yahaya Sharif-Aminu, a Sufi musician in his early twenties, is imprisoned and awaiting the death penalty in Kano State in the northern part of Nigeria. If his appeal fails, he will be hanged. His "crime"? Sharing a WhatsApp audio message allegedly insulting the prophet Muhammed.
Nigeria is one of only seven countries in the world—including Pakistan, Iran, Afghanistan, Brunei, Mauritania, and Saudi Arabia—with criminal blasphemy laws for which a person can be sentenced to death. Blasphemy laws in Nigeria are an offence found under Islamic law and criminalise religious expressions by the mere fact that they are offensive to some. Despite the Nigerian Constitution stating the contrary, the Kano State Sharia Penal Code mandates the penalty of death by hanging for insulting the Quran or any Muslim prophet. Laws such as this Penal Code, are a flagrant violation of the international right to freedom of religion or freedom of expression (especially articles 18 and 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights) and a grave and inhumane act of censorship.
Condemnation of blasphemy laws
This week, the Parliament of the European Union in Strasbourg almost unanimously condemned blasphemy laws in Nigeria by adopting a resolution specifically focusing on the case of Yahaya - "blasphemy laws are in clear breach of international human rights obligations, in particular the ICCPR, and contrary to the Nigerian Constitution, which guarantees religious freedom and freedom of expression." During the Parliamentary debate on the resolution, Katalin Cseh, Member of the European Parliament, stated that the "fact that a person can be sentenced to death just for expressing themselves is a travesty of justice…"
Yahaya was first arrested and charged with "blasphemy” in March 2020 accompanied by a mob burning down his home. In August 2020, he was convicted and sentenced to death by hanging behind closed doors by the Hausawa Filin Hockey upper-Sharia court. The conviction was overturned, and a new trial ordered based on procedural irregularities. Sharif-Aminu remains in prison without bail while awaiting the Supreme Court's ruling. If he were to be tried again, it is highly unlikely that he would not be convicted and sentenced to death again.
Many others have also been significantly harmed by Nigeria's blasphemy and religious insult laws. Also referred to in the European Parliament resolution is Deborah Samuel Yakubu, a Christian college student from Sokoto. In May 2022, she was stoned and beaten to death by her classmates and her body burnt because of blasphemy allegations.
Despite this bleak outlook, there is a glimmer of hope. The Nigerian Constitution protects the freedoms of thought, conscience, religion, and expression, including the ability to "receive and impart ideas and information without interference." Unlike the six other countries with death penalty blasphemy laws, Nigeria's Constitution prevents both federal and state governments from adopting any religion as state religion. For example, Sharia law can only be adopted for "personal matters". Also, the Supreme Court is Nigeria's highest court, and its word is final in all cases – including blasphemy laws. This case is historical in that it presents the first-ever opportunity for the Supreme Court of Nigeria to declare blasphemy laws unconstitutional.
Violation of the African Charter
Not only does Nigeria's blasphemy laws violate the Nigerian Constitution, but it also violates the African Charter and the international right to freedom of expression and freedom of religion or belief, especially article 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. This is more reason for the Supreme Court to declare the blasphemy laws unlawful.
The case of Yahaya has received significant international attention. For example, the legal advocacy organisation, ADF International, has directly supported this case and its lawyer Kola Alapinni. Advocating for the protection of fundamental freedoms and promoting the inherent dignity of all people, this organisation has been one of the major driving forces to bring attention to the fate of Yahaya and thousands of others subject to these draconian laws. Several major news outlets, such as CNN and BBC have also reported on this matter.
On 28 September 2020, United Nations human rights experts and bodies urged the Nigerian government to overturn the death sentence for Sharif-Aminu saying that "artistic expression of opinion and beliefs, through songs or other media – including those seen to offend religious sensibilities – is protected in accordance with international law. The criminalisation of these expressions is unlawful." His lawyer, Kola Alapinni, spoke on his behalf on the main stage of the 2023 International Religious Freedom Summit and asked everyone to "speak up loudly on Yahaya's behalf".
Now, further international pushback and pressure comes from the European Parliament resolution condemning the fate not only of youngsters like Deborah and Yahaya but also of all those affected by such blasphemy laws and persecuted due to their faith. The resolution calls upon Nigeria to immediately withdraw the use of capital punishment for blasphemy and take steps towards the full abolition of such laws.
These tragic human rights violations that inherently accompany blasphemy laws, such as those in Nigeria, need to stop urgently. The strong condemnation of blasphemy laws in Nigeria by the European Union will hopefully prompt the Nigerian government to release Yahaya, abolish blasphemy laws altogether and free all others convicted under these draconian laws.
- Georgia du Plessis is a Legal Officer at ADF International, and a Research Fellow at University of the Free State.
Police officers stand guard outside a cathedral during a Sunday service, in Lahore, Pakistan, 20 August 2023, after a mob attacked several Christian churches over blasphemy allegations. ARIF ALI/AFP via Getty Images
Report highlights that the rise of the internet has led to an increase in blasphemy prosecutions in the country.
This statement was originally published on pakvoices.bk on 19 April 2024.
A new report by Bytes for All, Pakistan, a leading digital rights organization, sheds light on the concerning rise of online blasphemy cases in Pakistan and the ongoing legal challenges. Titled “State of Online Blasphemy Cases and Unfolding Legal Saga”, the report delves into Pakistan’s legal framework surrounding blasphemy and its impact on online religious expression.
The report highlights that the rise of the internet has led to an increase in blasphemy prosecutions in Pakistan. Social media platforms are often used to disseminate allegedly blasphemous content. The misuse of blasphemy laws has a chilling effect on freedom of expression online. Religious minorities are particularly vulnerable to blasphemy accusations.
Pakistan’s constitution guarantees freedom of speech, but restricts speech deemed offensive to religious sentiments. The penal code includes blasphemy laws, criticized for misuse and abuse, enabling prosecution for online content deemed to disrespect Islam. The report emphasizes a concerning surge in online blasphemy prosecutions in Pakistan with the internet’s rise. Social media platforms are identified as a common hotspot for the spread of alleged blasphemous content. The report underscores the misuse of blasphemy laws as a barrier to free religious expression in online spaces. Individuals expressing themselves freely online risk facing blasphemy accusations, fostering a climate of fear and self-censorship.
The report underscores the particular vulnerability of religious minorities, including Hindus, Christians, and Ahmadis to blasphemy accusations. Ahmadiyya, a faith based group, not recognized as Muslim by the statute, are targeted specially, as documented in this report.
The report urges the Pakistani government to undertake a legislative reform to ensure blasphemy laws comply with international human rights standards. The report further emphasizes the need for measures safeguarding religious minorities from baseless blasphemy charges, including establishment of a redress mechanism enabling blasphemy accused to access legal remedies, for example, lawyers.
The politics of blasphemy: Why Pakistan and some other Muslim countries are passing new blasphemy law
Ahmet T. Kuru, Professor of Political Science, San Diego State University
THE CONVERSATION Mon, February 6, 2023 People gather around the body of a man who was killed when an enraged mob stoned him to death for allegedly desecrating the Quran, in eastern Pakistan in February 2022. AP Photo/Asim Tanveer
On Jan. 17, 2023, Pakistan’s National Assembly unanimously voted to expand the country’s laws on blasphemy, which carries the death penalty for insulting the Prophet Muhammad. The new law now extends the punishment to those deemed to have insulted the prophet’s companions, which could include thousands of early Muslims, with 10 years in prison or life imprisonment.
Pakistan has the world’s second-strictest blasphemy laws after Iran. About 1,500 Pakistanis have been charged with blasphemy over the past three decades. In a case covered by the international media, Junaid Hafeez, a university lecturer, was sentenced to death on the charge of insulting the prophet on Facebook in 2019. His sentence has been under appeal.
Although no executions have ever taken place, extrajudicial killings related to blasphemy have occurred in Pakistan. Since 1990, more than 70 people have been murdered by mobs and vigilantes over allegations of insulting Islam.
My research shows that blasphemy laws historically emerged to serve the political and religious authorities, and they continue to have a role in silencing dissent in many Muslim countries. Blasphemy and apostasy
Of the 71 countries that criminalize blasphemy, 32 are majority Muslim. Punishment and enforcement of these laws vary.
Laws on apostasy are quite popular in some Muslim countries. According to a 2013 Pew survey, about 75% of respondents in Muslim-majority countries in Southeast Asia, the Middle East, North Africa and South Asia favor making sharia, or Islamic law, the official law of the land. Among those who support sharia, around 25% in Southeast Asia, 50% in the Middle East and North Africa and 75% in South Asia say they support “executing those who leave Islam” – that is, they support laws punishing apostasy with death. Firefighters in a factory torched by an angry mob in Jhelum, Pakistan, after one of the factory’s employees was accused of desecrating the Quran, Nov. 21, 2015.STR/AFP via Getty Images
The ulema and the state
My 2019 book “Islam, Authoritarianism, and Underdevelopment” traces the roots of blasphemy and apostasy laws in the Muslim world back to a historic alliance between Islamic scholars and government.
Starting around the year 1050, certain Sunni scholars of law and theology, called the “ulema,” began working closely with political rulers to challenge what they considered to be the sacrilegious influence of Muslim philosophers on society.
Muslim philosophers had for three centuries been making major contributions to mathematics, physics and medicine. They developed the Arabic number system used across the West today and invented a forerunner of the modern camera.
The conservative ulema felt that these philosophers were inappropriately influenced by Greek philosophy and Shiite Islam against Sunni beliefs. The most prominent name in consolidating Sunni orthodoxy was the respected Islamic scholar Ghazali, who died in the year 1111.
In several influential books still widely read today, Ghazali declared two long-dead leading Muslim philosophers, Farabi and Ibn Sina, as apostates for their unorthodox views on God’s power and the nature of resurrection. Their followers, Ghazali wrote, could be punished with death.
As modern-day historians Omid Safi and Frank Griffel assert, Ghazali’s declaration provided justification to Muslim sultans from the 12th century onward who wished to persecute – even execute – thinkers seen as threats to conservative religious rule.
This “ulema-state alliance,” as I call it, began in the mid-11th century in Central Asia, Iran and Iraq and a century later spread to Syria, Egypt and North Africa. In these regimes, questioning religious orthodoxy and political authority wasn’t merely dissent – it was apostasy. Wrong direction
Parts of Western Europe were ruled by a similar alliance between the Catholic Church and monarchs. These governments assaulted free thinking, too. During the Spanish Inquisition, between the 16th and 18th centuries, thousands of people were tortured and killed for apostasy.
Blasphemy laws were also in place, if infrequently used, in various European countries until recently. Denmark, Ireland and Malta all recently repealed their blasphemy laws. But they persist in many parts of the Muslim world.
In Pakistan, the military dictator Zia-ul-Haq, who ruled the country from 1978 to 1988, is responsible for its harsh blasphemy laws. An ally of the ulema, Zia updated blasphemy laws – written by British colonizers to avoid interreligious conflict – to defend specifically Sunni Islam and increased the maximum punishment to death.
From the 1920s until Zia, these laws had been applied only about a dozen times. Since then, they have become a powerful tool for crushing dissent.
Some dozen Muslim countries, including Iran and Egypt, have undergone a similar process over the past four decades.
Dissenting voices in Islam
The conservative ulema base their case for blasphemy and apostasy laws on a few reported sayings of the prophet, known as hadith, primarily: “Whoever changes his religion, kill him.”
But many Islamic scholars and Muslim intellectuals reject this view as radical. They argue that Prophet Muhammad never executed anyone for apostasy, nor encouraged his followers to do so. Criminalizing sacrilege isn’t based on Islam’s main sacred text, the Quran, either. It contains over 100 verses encouraging peace, freedom of conscience and religious tolerance.
In Chapter 2, Verse 256, the Quran states, “There is no coercion in religion.” Chapter 4, Verse 140 urges Muslims to simply leave blasphemous conversations: “When you hear the verses of God being rejected and mocked, do not sit with them.”
By using their political connections and historical authority to interpret Islam, however, the conservative ulema have marginalized more moderate voices. Reaction to global Islamophobia
Debates about blasphemy and apostasy laws among Muslims are influenced by international affairs.
Across the globe, Muslim minorities – including the Palestinians under Israeli occupation, Chechens of Russia, Muslim Kashmiris of India, Rohingya of Myanmar and Uyghurs of China – have experienced persecution. The Rohingya of Myanmar are among several Muslim minorities facing persecution worldwide. Rakhine state, Myanmar, Jan. 13, 2020. STR/AFP via Getty Images
Such laws and policies can create the impression that Muslims are under siege and provide an excuse for the belief that punishing sacrilege is a defense of the faith.
Moreover, these laws contribute to anti-Muslim stereotypes about religious intolerance. Some of my Turkish relatives even discourage my work on this topic, fearing it fuels Islamophobia. But my research shows that criminalizing blasphemy and apostasy is more political than it is religious. The Quran does not require punishing sacrilege: Authoritarian politics do. This is an updated version of a piece first published on February 20, 2020. This article is republished from The Conversation, an independent nonprofit news site dedicated to sharing ideas from academic experts. If you found it interesting, you could subscribe to our weekly newsletter.
Pakistan: Activists sound alarm over hate crimes, blasphemy claims
Activists and members of minority communities say Pakistan's culture of impunity, along with state inaction, is fueling the rise of hate crimes and blasphemy accusations.
Accusations of blasphemy can spark deadly mob attacks in Pakistan
A handicapped man was set ablaze in Ghotki, Pakistan on October 1, 2022. When the victim jumped into a nearby pond to extinguish fire, the attacker, apparently a student of a religious seminary, followed him, strangling him to death. The reason, according to media reports, were accusations of blasphemy. The video of the killing went viral online.
The killing sent shockwaves across Pakistani society, especially among minority communities in the deeply religious country where most people identify as Sunni Muslims.
Just a few days later, Shiite scholar Naveed Ashiq was killed in the eastern Punjab province.
In a separate incident, a radical Sunni cleric in the same province called for the killing of pregnant women from the Ahmadi religious sect. The Ahmadi are not recognized as Muslim under Pakistani law.
Claims of blasphemy can be especially dangerous in Pakistan. Human rights groups believe most accusers use these claims to settle personal scores and property disputes as well as other minor issues.
Records show that 1,415 people were accused of blasphemy between 1947 and 2021. According to the Center for Research and Security Studies, a Pakistani think thank, 81 of the accused were killed — 71 men and 10 women.
Hate crimes on rise
Disturbingly, the number of incidents which involve accusations of blasphemy and hate crimes against minorities appears to be rising.
Recently, a school in the city of Attock, in the same eastern province, expelled four Ahmadi children. The reason provided by the school was merely that they were Ahmadi, said Amir Mahmood, Punjab spokesperson for Jamaat-e-Ahmadi, an Ahmadi organization.
The Ahmadi representative told DW that social media was awash in hate literature against his community, complete with anti-Ahmadi banners and posters. This has, in some cases, led to blasphemy allegations, Mahmood said.
No action from the state
Recently, a gathering of a Sunni extremist outfit in Islamabad openly chanted slogans against Shiite Muslims. Several politicians and even one of Pakistan's top judges have also openly denigrated minorities in recent years.
Activists and minority communities point to the culture of impunity as one of the reasons behind the attacks on minorities and blasphemy accusations which can also target Muslims
Even high-ranking politicians are not immune against extremist attacks. Pakistan's current planning minister, Ahsan Iqbal, was shot and wounded in 2018 by an Islamist hardliner. Iqbal served as the country's interior minister at the time.
Asad Butt, co-chair of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, also believes that the number of hate crimes and blasphemy claims is on the rise. He slammed the Pakistani government for ignoring the problem.
"Instead of taking action, the government is talking to the Taliban who killed Christians, Ahmadis and many Muslims and extremist groups that spread hate against minorities," he told DW.
This attitude encourages extremists to peddle hate against minorities and encourage lynchings against those accused of blasphemy, Butt said.
Element of fear
Activist Sadia from Okara in Punjab believes that the extremist groups wield immense influence in Pakistani society. This influence is enough to deter people from questioning the claims of those accusing others of blasphemy, she said, adding that if a person is accused of blasphemy, people simply start gathering outside their residence without subjecting the claims to any scrutiny.
"In such matters the sense of fear is so profound that you can't dare to ask those who accuse anyone of blasphemy," Sadia told DW.
This element of fear encourages extremists in their lynchings and hate campaigns, and neither politicians nor ordinary people are ready to break this fear-based framework, she said.
Some activists believe that unregulated growth of religious seminaries has fed the increase in hate crimes and claims of blasphemy. The killer of handicapped man in Ghotki is said to be a student of a religious seminary.
Political activist Naghma Iqtidar points out that religious seminaries can now be found in every part of the Pakistani province of Sindh, marking a significant change compared to two decades ago.
"Hate crimes and accusations of blasphemy have also risen during the same period," she told DW.
TLP gaining strength
Pakistan has witnessed an immense popularity of a religious group called Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) during the last 14 years. The far-right group fiercely opposes any amendments to the country's blasphemy laws. In 2017, it paralyzed the capital Islamabad by staging a massive sit-in and demanding the resignation of Zahid Hamid, who was the justice minister at the time. Hamid eventually stepped down.
LIFE IN AFGHANISTAN UNDER THE TALIBAN New but old dress code Although it is not yet mandatory for women to wear a burqa, many do so out of fear of reprisals. This Afghan woman is visiting a local market with her children. There is a large supply of second-hand clothes as many refugees have left their clothes behind. 123456789
A follower of the group is believed to be responsible for the killing of an Ahmadi man in Chiniot in late September 2022.
Many critics claim that the organization not only carries out vitriolic attacks on minorities but also on anyone daring to challenge them.
Punjabi activist Sadia believes the TLP is more powerful than any other religious group in Pakistan today. Naghma Iqtidar from Sindh claims their rise has created more intolerance in society, leading to more accusations of blasphemy.
Human rights commission chair Butt notes that the group has tens of thousands of voters across Pakistan and has even managed to win two seats in the province of Sindh.
Government's stance
Critics believe a vast number of hate crimes go unreported. Anis Haroon, a member of the National Commission on Human Rights, says no institution in Pakistan records such incidents.
But Muhammad Jalal-ud-din, the leader of the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam party (the Party of Islamic Scholars), which is part of the ruling coalition, rejects claims that hate crimes are on the rise.
He told DW that minorities in Pakistan are awarded all rights under the country's constitution. The politician insisted that the government was not lenient towards anyone preaching hatred. Jalal-ud-din also rejected the alleged link between religion-fueled violence and talks with the Taliban, saying that the talks were a completely separate issue.
"Anyone breaking the law would be brought to justice, including those attempting to stir hatred," he said.
Furqan* spends his days and nights in immense mental anguish and inadequate security in the notorious Adiala jail in Rawalpindi.
Around six months ago, the Catholic Christian was picked up by the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) from an impoverished neighbourhood in Karachi and whisked away to Islamabad to face trial under the blasphemy law.
A rights activist, who recently met Furqan in Adiala, said the allegation against him is that he had sent a text message to a Muslim friend who claimed it contained blasphemous content, hurting the latter’s religious feelings.
“Initially, the FIA team travelled all the way from the federal capital to Karachi to arrest Furqan’s younger brother. After subjecting him to physical torture and incarcerating him in Adiala jail for a month, the FIA released him, and arrested Furqan,” added the activist, who wished to not be named due to the sensitivity of the matter.
“In jail, I surprisingly had the chance to meet around 150 other inmates, who are also languishing — from months to years — under the same allegations of having blasphemed the Muslim majority’s religion,” the activist says. The case against Furqan was lodged in 2021-2022. However, this case is just the tip of a rock-hard iceberg that shows no signs of melting in the foreseeable future.
A difficult year
Despite the distressing circumstances Furqan is currently in, his family believes he is lucky to be alive since the prison at least protects him from vigilante mobs like those that were behind the recent Jaranwala incident.
Hundreds of enraged men had torched dozens of churches and many more houses following rumours that two Christian brothers had desecrated pages of the Holy Quran.
“The incidents show a pattern and a replication of what happened in Shanti Nagar in 1997, Sangla Hill in 2005, Gojra in 2009 and many other incidents, where frenzied mobs are collected through provocative announcements on the pretext of blasphemy,” said Peter Jacob, executive director of the Centre for Social Justice Pakistan (CSJ), sharing the preliminary facts of the incident.
The CSJ has been keeping a record of cases against religious minorities nationwide since the promulgation of blasphemy laws by military dictator Ziaul Haq in the 1980s. More specifically Sections 295, 295-A, 295-B and 295-C that deal with blasphemy were introduced to the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC), under Gen Zia.
The watchdog says the year 2023 has witnessed a worryingly high number of blasphemy-related incidents. “In 2023, there has been an exponential increase in the abuse of blasphemy laws. Till August, 16,198 persons have been accused [of blasphemy] with 85 per cent [of them] Muslims, 9pc Ahmadis, and 4.4pc Christians,” said Jacob.
When did the matter exacerbate?
Jacob believes that the rise in blasphemy cases is deeply rooted in the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf’s (PTI) former government, and the rising religio-political party Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP).
Commenting on the CSJ’s 2023 report, he stated that it is unfortunate that the highest number of blasphemy cases in recent years have been reported under the PTI regime. According to the CSJ, 499 blasphemy cases were reported during the PTI’s three-and-a-half-year-long tenure between 2018-2022. This number had only been exceeded under Gen Pervez Musharraf’s regime with 503 cases over 2000-2007.
“The PTI government’s tenure was the worst compared to its predecessors in terms of victimisation of religious minorities and Muslims alike over allegations of blaspheming the majority religion,” he says.
There is a clear upward trend in the use of blasphemy laws over the years.
Government-wise statistics show that in the years after the law was promulgated, Zia’s regime (1987-1988) saw only 31 cases compared to the recent hundreds. Sixteen cases were filed in the PPP’s 1989-1990 government, 98 during PML-N’s 1991-1993 rule, 76 in PPP’s second tenure (1994-1996) and 195 during PML-N’s 1997-1999 regime. While the numbers already saw an exponential rise, it was during the Musharraf regime that the numbers crossed the 500 mark.
The successive civilian governments that followed the Musharraf dictatorship failed to control the misuse of the laws with 441 blasphemy cases registered during the PPP’s 2008-2013 and 261 during PML-N’s 2014-2018 tenures.
After the PML-N, the number surged close to 500 once again during the PTI government.
Asad Iqbal Butt from the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan also agreed that there was a clear rise in blasphemy cases during the PTI government’s tenure. “It was firstly because former prime minister Imran Khan was openly in support of having a dialogue with terrorists and militant outfits,” he opined.
“Then, the TLP, which has a very radical view about one specific Muslim sect, was allowed to be launched. They not only lodged blasphemy cases against religious minorities but also didn’t spare Muslims,” he told Prism. He noted that TLP activists and supporters had also been involved in the Jaranwala incident.
However, Amir Mufti Qasim Fakhri of TLP’s Karachi chapter denied allegations that his party was involved in the arson and violence at Jaranwala.
However, Fakhri admitted that his party’s leaders and activists had lodged a large number of blasphemy cases across the country, saying: “If anyone blasphemes our Prophet (PBUH) and other personalities, it is our duty to stop them.”
Fakhri declared that the punishment for blasphemy is the death sentence, as it is clearly defined in Section 295-C of the PPC.
The cleric alleged that the media and other elements which “toe American and Western lines”, portray a bad image of the TLP over the issue of blasphemy.
He also hit out at reports that linked the group to the violence in Jaranwala and demanded the stories be retracted.
Politicisation of law
In recent years, the use of blasphemy laws against opponents seems to have become a regular occurrence.
On the grassroots level, common people have been using blasphemy allegations as a tool to settle personal scores, most commonly monetary and land disputes, by accusing opponents — from religious minorities — of blaspheming Islam. In 2013, at least 125 houses in a Christian community were burned down by mobs for the sole purpose — as it transpired later — of dispossessing them of prime lands in the Badami Bagh outskirts of Lahore and usurping the same.
This practice of false blasphemy allegations has also been observed with politicians and religious outfits that openly use it to settle personal scores against rivals.
PML-N vs PTI
In September last year, the PTI announced legal action against PML-N Vice President Maryam Nawaz for what it called her “controversial social media campaign” accusing PTI Chairman Imran Khan of blasphemy that could potentially endanger his life.
Earlier, Maryam had uploaded two purported statements of Imran Khan and as many verses of the Holy Quran on her X (formerly Twitter) account to draw comparisons between them. She also posted saying: “This man (Imran) is using religion for his politics and promoting his false narrative. Save your faith and the country from this devil.”
Most recently, the PML-N resorted to using the religious card against Imran when reports emerged that the PTI was engaging human rights barrister Geoffrey Robertson — who had reportedly represented Salman Rushdie — to represent Imran in international courts in relation to unlawful detention and human rights abuses. The PML-N alleged that Imran was “conspiring against Islam and Pakistan” while Maryam insisted that this shows Imran’s double standards.
In a post on September 2, 2023, she said: “Isn’t it strange that Imran Khan chose a man to fight his case internationally who represented Salman Rushdie, a blasphemer. This shows two faces of Imran Khan. In Pakistan, Khan makes a claim of striving for Riasat-i-Madina and outside the country, he seeks the help of an anti-Islam firm.”
A PTI spokesperson rejected all claims of hiring a foreign law firm clarifying that Imran never supported any such initiative even in the face of the worst state operation.
Rushdie was also used by the PTI to attack the PML-N.
PTI goes after PML-N
In September 2022, PTI claimed that Maryam’s post against Imran Khan was followed by over 65,000 posts targeting the PTI chairman. There were also posts critical of Maryam, telling her not to drag religion into politics, which could endanger one’s life.
Fawad Chaudhry, then a leader of the PTI, had declared that: “We will not let this matter go unnoticed. Legal action will be taken against Maryam Nawaz for using the tool of blasphemy to endanger the life of the PTI chairman.”
In September last year, then-prime minister Shehbaz Sharif had met French President Emmanuel Macron on the sidelines of the 77th session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York. In August, he had also thanked the French president in a post for expressing solidarity with the flood-ravaged people of Pakistan.
In 2021, the TLP spearheaded a campaign to pressure Islamabad to expel French envoys from Pakistan over “blasphemous” comments by the French president and for allowing caricatures of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) to be drawn.
At the time, PTI leader Yasmin Rashid took to X to highlight how Imran Khan had penned a letter to leaders of Muslim states on how the Holy Prophet’s (PBUH) honour was a “red line” for Muslims after Macron had defended the publication of blasphemous caricatures.
Rashid had railed against Shehbaz and Maryam, adding in the post that “uncle (Shehbaz) was making merry with an individual who had defended blasphemy the world over while his niece (Maryam) was using the blasphemy card against Imran Khan”.
On Aug 7 this year, the Senate passed a bill to increase the punishment for using derogatory remarks against revered personalities — including the Holy Prophet’s (PBUH) family, wives and companions, and the four Caliphs — from three to at least 10 years of imprisonment.
The bill’s statement of objectives and reasons highlight that some individuals are involved in “blasphemy on the internet and social media”, and that acts of disrespect towards revered personalities, including the Holy Prophet’s (PBUH) companions, were a cause of “terrorism”, “disruption in the country” and hurt to people from all walks of life.
It terms the current punishment for the offence “simple”, adding that it led to people punishing the suspects on their own, leading to an increase in violence.
Earlier, in February, then-human rights minister Riaz Hussain Pirzada had urged Shehbaz to undo the amendments, arguing that their purpose was to “please a specific group” and that they had been approved without “fulfilling the norms of parliamentary proceedings”.
In a letter to the premier, Pirzada had said the state had a duty to protect religious minorities as it was an Islamic injunction as well as a constitutional obligation.
“Minority groups have raised their eyebrows on ignoring a good practice in parliamentary business followed for amending a law to eliminate technical defects rather intending to persecute a specific group,” the letter said.
Six months later, the Senate passed the bill after PML-N Senator Hafiz Abdul Karim presented it. The Senate agenda also mentioned Jamaat-i-Islami’s Senator Mushtaq Ahmad as a mover of the bill.
In his argument in favour of the legislation, Ahmad maintained that acts of blasphemy were being witnessed on social media. He highlighted that the current law was somewhat “ineffective” and the bill aimed to fine-tune it to make it more effective.
“This bill should be passed unanimously,” he asserted.
Similarly, Religious Affairs Minister Senator Talha Mahmood maintained that the bill did not hurt anyone’s sentiments and that it should be passed unanimously.
However, some members of the House, prominently PPP’s Sherry Rehman, insisted that the bill should be referred to the relevant committee for review.
“There’s an inclination of passing bills in haste,” Rehman pointed out, adding that they — the lawmakers — had not even seen the bill. “We do care about the respect of all prophets … but a bill should not be passed without analysis, in the name of religion,” she said.
But Karim insisted that the bill be put to vote, and so it was. And it was passed.
For people like Furqan, who are languishing in their dark cells, their families wonder if lawmakers will ever go beyond empty promises and actually pass legislation to help them. Given the lawmakers’ track record this year, it seems like an impossible ask.
*The name of the accused has been changed due to security concerns.
*Header Image:Rioters burn a pile of furniture and a cross during violence in Lahore’s Joseph colony over alleged blasphemy in 2013.—Reuters/file
