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Friday, February 28, 2025

BEACH FRONT FOLLIES

Trump’s AI Gaza video elicits mockery from Middle East social media users

The US president’s video depicting a future Gaza under American authority was widely shared on Arabic and Hebrew social media, with many Palestinian users criticizing it.


Adam Lucente
Feb 26, 2025
Al-Monitor

Truth Social. Photo collage created by Al-Monitor on Feb. 26, 2025.

The Middle East has reacted with a mix of astonishment and rage to US President Donald Trump posting a video of Gaza made by artificial intelligence. The video follows Trump’s backtracking on his plan to “take over” the Palestinian enclave.

What happened: Trump posted the AI video on his social network, Truth Social, late Tuesday evening. The video starts with scenes of people walking through rubble and bombed-out buildings before the words “What’s next?” appear on the screen.

Children and a woman in a head covering are then shown walking through a tunnel toward pristine beaches. Some of the scenes that follow include billionaire and presidential adviser Elon Musk dancing as paper money falls from the sky, a hotel bearing the name Trump Gaza, and sports cars driving through a narrow street with a high-rise in the background and a gold statue of Trump nearby. The video even includes Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu sunbathing by a swimming pool.


The dance music in the video features lyrics promoting Trump Gaza.

“Trump Gaza shining bright. Golden future, a brand-new light,” the song goes.

Trump expressed his desire for the United States to “take over” and develop the Gaza Strip earlier this month. He later doubled down on the plan, calling on Jordan and Egypt to take in Palestinians from the enclave. His remarks have been rejected by Palestinian leaders as well as the rulers of Jordan, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and other Arab states.

Israel occupied Gaza after the 1967 war and withdrew its troops in 2005. The Palestinian militant group Hamas took over Gaza in 2007 and has since had several military confrontations with Israel. The October 2023 war has largely destroyed Gaza and left over 47,000 Palestinians killed, according to local authorities. The United Nations, the European Union and the World Bank estimated in a joint assessment last week that $53.2 billion would be needed for recovery and reconstruction over the next 10 years.

ceasefire came into effect last month.

Reactions: The video was heavily criticized by Palestinians on social media. Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib, a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council, said the video “makes a mockery of all serious plans to change & transform Gaza.”


Palestinian American author Samar Jarrah described the video as "cultural and moral decadence."




Palestinian social media influencer Khaled Safi said in a post on X that the video "embodies the mentality of colonizers throughout history."

Trump was similarly slammed by some Arabic media professionals. Algerian presenter Ania El Afandi wrote "who told him it was for sale!" in reference to Trump's plans for Gaza.



London-based Egyptian journalist Osama Gaweesh said in a post on X that “Donald Trump has literally lost his mind," calling the images of money falling from the sky “despicable.”

Israel’s Channel 13 referred to the video as “odd.”

Know more: Trump indicated recently that he may be backing away from his Gaza proposal. He told Fox News on Friday that he was “surprised” by Jordan's and Egypt’s opposition given the large amount of US aid they receive, but he added that he would not “force” the plan.

"The way to do it is my plan. I think that’s the plan that really works. But I’m not forcing it. I’m just going to sit back and recommend it,” he told the outlet.


'Pure evil' — Trump, Musk, Netanyahu feature in grotesque AI Gaza clip


Donald Trump posts AI-generated video on his Truth Social network, showing him and his allies partying in reimagined Gaza, prompting many commentators to call it "racist", "anti-Christ" and ethnic cleansing "rebranded as real estate deal."




Others

Trump posts AI-generated video showing a giant golden statue of himself in "future" Gaza and a gift shop with little Trumps sitting on a throne.

Social media users have reacted with outrage and frustration after Donald Trump's official social media accounts posted an AI-generated video depicting Israel-ravaged Gaza rebuilt into a seaside resort, replete with a towering golden statue of the American president.

The video, which racked up millions of views on Instagram and was shared thousands of times on Trump's Truth Social network by Wednesday morning, prompted online backlash, with many commenters calling it "pure evil", "racist" and "ethnic cleansing."

The 33-second clip "Gaza 2025 What's Next?" opens with people on a rubble-strewn street emerging from a tunnel onto a beach with palm trees and yachts.

Trump has floated the idea of US occupation of Gaza under which its Palestinian population would be expelled and never allowed to return — a proposal that has triggered widespread criticism.

He later appeared to soften his plan, saying he was only recommending the idea, and conceded the leaders of Jordan and Egypt had rejected the proposal to move Palestinians against their will.

In the social media clip, the soundtrack includes the lyrics "Donald's coming to set you free, bringing the light for all to see" and "feast and dance, the deal is done, Trump Gaza number one."

Seemingly AI-generated renditions of shirtless Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu sip cocktails in swimsuits by a pool, while other shots show what appears to be billionaire Elon Musk dancing under a shower of cash on the beach.

The video features bearded belly dancers and an image of US president hugging a scantily clad belly dancer.

Musk is shown tossing dollars and enjoying hummus by the beach.

One scene, however, closely resembles an AI-generated image of Trump and Netanyahu drinking cocktails that began circulating in early February.

A larger-than-life golden statue of Trump is also featured. The video also shows a gift shop with little Trumps sitting on a throne.

Biblical symbols were quickly picked by users in the video, with one user saying: "Mr President while I appreciate what you do, is not about you. To God be the glory and the honour, for without Him, you couldn't have accomplished anything. The statue is a symbol of the antichrist, please humble yourself to God."







'Mocks Gaza's humanitarian crisis'

The video "is grotesque — glorifying luxury on a war-torn land while ignoring the suffering of millions," X user Richard Angwin wrote.

"It's a shameless fantasy, not a solution, and mocks Gaza's humanitarian crisis. Disgraceful."

Howard Beckett, UK-based activist and trade unionist, lashed out at the video, calling it "truly racist fascism."

"It needs to be seen to be believed: Trump statues; Musk dancing; Trump & Netanyahu sun bathing & drinking cocktails. Monsters rejoicing in their genocide & ethnic cleansing."

X user Laura Dodsworth called the video as "a psychological warfare."

"A surreal vision of conquest, humiliation, and dominance, wrapped in gold and absurdity."

Another X user pointed at the Trump's crack down on border crossings and mass deportations of immigrants since taking office in January.

"The irony is Trump signed executive orders to stop what he immorally called 'invasion of illegals' yet he's showcasing the illegal invasion of a foreign land."

Dr Shola Mos-Shogbamimu, lawyer and activist, described the video as "ethnic cleansing rebranded as a real estate deal."

"Colonialist White Supremacist Zionism. Pure Evil."



Genocide in Gaza


Nearly 16 months of Israel's genocidal war has killed more than 62,000 Palestinians, wounded over 115,000, left much of Gaza in ruins and most of its population displaced.

Another 10,000 Palestinians have been abducted by Israel and dumped in Israeli jails and torture chambers. Experts and some studies say this is just a tip of an iceberg, and the actual Palestinian death toll could be around 200,000.


UN estimates put the cost of reconstruction at more than $53 billion.


A ceasefire — breached scores of times by Israel — in effect since January 19 has allowed an increase in humanitarian aid into Gaza, though Israel has been frequently blocking the entry of some essential supplies.


Last November, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Netanyahu and his former Defence Minister Yoav Gallant for war crimes and crimes against humanity in Gaza.


Israel also faces a genocide case at the International Court of Justice for its war on the enclave.

SOURCE: TRTWorld and agencies


















Trump shares AI-generated video of Gaza transformation, featuring golden statue and ‘Will Set You Free’ song

Amid controversy over his remarks about “taking over” the Gaza Strip, US President Donald Trump on Tuesday shared an AI-generated video portraying a transformed Gaza, reimagined as a lavish tourist destination.  

The video, titled ‘Trump’s Gaza’, showcases skyscrapers, children gazing at the sky as dollar bills rain down, and Elon Musk enjoying hummus on a Gaza beach. A boy holds a golden balloon resembling Trump’s face, while an enormous golden statue of Trump towers over the city, with people looking up at it. Trump is also depicted dancing in a nightclub, and a building prominently displays the name “Trump Gaza.” Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu appears seated on a deck chair beside Trump, sipping a beverage near a swimming pool with “Trump Gaza” in the background.  

A song playing in the video features lyrics that declare, “Donald Trump will set you free, bringing the life for all to see. No more tunnels, no more fear, Trump’s Gaza is finally here. Trump’s Gaza is shining bright, golden future, a brand new life. Feast and dance; the deed is done. Trump Gaza number one.”  

The video follows Trump’s earlier comments about the US taking control of Gaza and transforming it, remarks that have drawn widespread criticism.  

During a joint press conference with Netanyahu in the US, Trump stated that the ongoing ceasefire-hostage agreement between Israel and Hamas could mark the beginning of a broader and lasting peace. However, his vision faced strong opposition from international leaders, who condemned any notion of taking over Palestinian land.  

Senior Hamas official Sami Abu Zuhri dismissed Trump’s idea as “ridiculous and absurd,” calling it a “recipe for chaos and tension in the region.” Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) Secretary-General Hussein al-Sheikh reiterated the PLO’s firm opposition to any displacement of Palestinians, emphasizing that a two-state solution, in accordance with international law, remains the only path to peace.  

Palestinian UN representative Riyad Mansour stated that people in Gaza should be allowed to return to their original homes in Israel. Saudi Arabia reaffirmed its support for an independent Palestinian state and reiterated that it would not establish diplomatic ties with Israel until such a state is created, with East Jerusalem as its capital.  

(ANI)













Saturday, July 13, 2024

GAZA BEACH FRONT DEVELOPER

EXPOSED
Fogbow, a US firm with military links, eyes maritime plan for Gaza aid


A private US firm run by former military and ex-CIA members is pushing plans to build a movable jetty off Gaza’s coast so more lifesaving goods can get into the besieged Palestinian enclave. But UN officials, aid workers and several European government officials have expressed doubts about the project and voiced scepticism over the group’s origins and motives.


Issued on: 12/07/2024 - 
 France 24

PICTURE POSTCARD
The Gaza coastline near Nuseirat Palestinian refugee camp, with ships in the distance. 


LONG READ


By: Jessica LE MASURIERFollow|Dulcie Leimbach

The bid to get humanitarian assistance to Gaza via a sea route has hit troubled waters over the past few months, but it has not stopped a US company run by former military and CIA officials from pushing its controversial plan to secure maritime access to deliver aid to the besieged Palestinian enclave.

At a press conference on Thursday, US President Joe Biden said he was "disappointed" with the problem-plagued effort to deliver aid to Gaza via a temporary pier.

The $230-million US military pier has repeatedly been detached from the shore because of weather conditions since its initial installation in mid-May.

Biden’s comments came hours after the Pentagon announced that the US military was abandoning efforts to reinstall the pier, which was detached last month due to anticipated high seas.

Despite the repeated problems with the pier, Fogbow, a US private firm, is moving forward with its plan, which it calls Blue Beach, to deliver aid to Gaza via a maritime route.

Fogbow’s backstory is replete with deep military, intelligence and financial interests in a region wracked by the nine-month Gaza war whose death toll keeps rising.

Mick Mulroy, a Fogbow company official, recently told FRANCE 24 and PassBlue that the firm is working with USAID, the UN World Food Programme, the US military and a Fogbow-linked charity to pursue the Blue Beach project despite the failure of the US pier.

Fogbow shipped its first pallets of aid, with the help of the US military, on June 27, according to Mulroy. Some 1,100 tons of flour worth “nearly $1 million” – bought by Fogbow from a Cypriot mill – were shipped from the Larnaca port in Cyprus to Gaza.

Fogbow is not only looking to run aid operations into Gaza but also to play a role in its reconstruction, according to numerous UN and US government sources. But inconsistencies in the firm’s messaging and stated goals have left some of these experts questioning the organisation’s agenda.

PassBlue and FRANCE 24 spoke with two of Fogbow’s principals, Mulroy and Chris Hyslop, on a Zoom call in late June and at least 30 people in the US, Cypriot and other European governments, as well as the UN and other NGOs, to shed light on Fogbow’s plans for Gaza.

A mysterious early-morning call

The call set off her alarm bells. It was 8am and Julia*, a human rights specialist, whose reputed NGO has an office near UN headquarters in New York, had just stepped out of the shower when the phone rang. “I’d like to speak to your events manager,” the caller barked.

“Sorry, we don’t have an events organiser. How may I help you?” she asked. The caller said she was from Fogbow, a group Julia had never heard of, which the woman said was exploring alternative ways of getting humanitarian aid into Gaza.

“I explained to the woman on the phone that we are also interested in getting aid into Gaza and suggested we might be able to collaborate,” said Julia.

“There was no, ‘Oh well, let’s all work together’ – which tends to be what the humanitarian community does,” Julia said.

“No,” the Fogbow woman said unequivocally to suggestions of collaborating. “'We are a private company.' What she wanted was to host an event with us in our space in New York.”

After Julia got off the phone, she Googled “Fogbow” and saw that it is mostly made up of former US military and intelligence people. “I thought: ‘Why are they interested in working with us? What are they up to?’”

That’s the same question that a UN front-line aid worker asked himself when a former member of the UN’s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs turned up in his office in early February on a charm offensive. Chris Hyslop, a Fogbow official, came armed with a PowerPoint presentation laying out his company’s Blue Beach proposal for a movable pier. He was accompanied by Eric Oehlerich, a former US Navy Seal.
A slide showing Fogbow's 'Blue Beach Plan' presentation. © France 24

The humanitarian aid, Hyslop said, would be bought by Fogbow and shipped through the Amalthea maritime route from the Larnaca port in Cyprus to Gaza that is being promoted by the Cypriot government. The presentation obtained exclusively by FRANCE 24 and PassBlue detailed plans for a “quay” on Gaza’s coastline.

A slide showing Fogbow's 'aid delivery zone'. © France 24

The presentation even addressed plans for “crowd control management” at the “depot area”.

There was good reason to consider crowds: More than 100 people were killed in a stampede in Gaza City in February as people desperately tried to grab some sacks of flour from a food convoy and Israeli forces fired on them.

Fogbow presentation showing Gaza Industrial Estate. © France 24

“They (Hyslop and Oehlerich) claimed they’d met at a kind of county fair, somewhere in the middle of nowhere in America,” the worker said in an interview with PassBlue and FRANCE24.

But for those involved in aid distribution, the plan seemed almost comically out of touch with the realities on the ground in Gaza, where Israel’s relentless bombing in retaliation for the Hamas October 7 massacre has complicated if not halted deliveries as famine looms.

“We sniggered because none of it made any sense,” the UN aid worker continued. “It was so removed from the political reality. It sounded like a crackpot scheme, to be honest.”

“There was something fishy from the start.”

The Fogbow team told the UN worker they had financial backing from “wealthy individuals” and the government of the United Arab Emirates. They said they had also secured the support of the Israel Defence Forces, or IDF, and a tentative green light from COGAT – Israel’s aid coordination cell in the Palestinian territories – to move ahead with the plan.

Who runs Fogbow?


The Fogbow military veterans who run the show include Sam Mundy and Mulroy. The latter is a former naval specialist with the CIA who served in the Trump administration as deputy assistant secretary of defence for the Mideast.

Mulroy was also a director of the Yemen Steering Initiative, “a $50 billion program designed to jumpstart the process to prevent Yemen from becoming a failed state”, according to his LinkedIn page. The initiative was devised, four years ago, by the RAND corporation, a think-tank closely tied to the US defence-intelligence apparatus.

RAND also did a study on the Gaza Arc in 2005, which included plans for a floating maritime dock.

Mundy served as a commander of the Marine Corps Forces Central Command (MARCENT), which is responsible for Marines deployed in the Mideast and participated in a 2022 JINSA Program in Israel focused on underscoring the importance of the US-Israel defence relationship to US national security.

Hyslop brought the UN connections to Fogbow. His LinkedIn bio says he was involved with UN “security” when he worked for the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

Mulroy told Passblue and FRANCE 24 that Fogbow is owned by three American businessmen: Steven Fox, Robb Fipp and Brook Jerue. Fogbow's website lists the three men as its founders. Fox is also the founder of the corporate intelligence firm Veracity Worldwide, which is based in New York City, and where Jerue is a managing director. Fipp, formerly with Veracity, is in venture capital.


Screen grab from Fogbow's website. © France 24

Fox formerly worked for the State Department, specialising in Israeli and Palestinian affairs, among other regions, according to Fogbow’s website. Yet according to Eamon Javers’s “Broker, Trader, Lawyer, Spy,” a 2011 book about the secret world of corporate espionage, Fox also formerly worked for the CIA.

Mulroy said that Fox, Fipp and Jerue approached him and Hyslop in 2022 to put together an “international humanitarian assistance and disaster relief force to deliver aid to crisis-hit countries, devastated by natural disasters or war”.

That was the initial plan, until “all of a sudden Gaza started”.

“They shifted and said, ‘Can you guys look at what you could do right now in Gaza?’”

Details about Fogbow’s history and operations are scarce on its website, even as it promotes its work without citing examples of “executing complex logistical challenges delivering aid”.

Screen grab from Fogbow's website. © France 24

The site also says that Fogbow “supports the UN’s Connecting Business Initiative”. The UN initiative, however, told FRANCE 24 and PassBlue it had no dealings with Fogbow and had asked repeatedly for the claim to be removed from the organisation's website, without success.

Fogbow describes itself as a provider of humanitarian aid logistics. “We don't pretend to be a humanitarian organisation,” Hyslop said in the Zoom call with him and Mulroy, saying the firm operates merely as a “transporter”.

Hyslop told FRANCE 24 and PassBlue that funding for Fogbow’s movable pier plan would come from the Maritime Humanitarian Aid Foundation (MHAF), a Geneva- and US-based charity run by a former US diplomat, Cameron Hume, who is also an adviser for Veracity.

MHAF has secured funding commitments “in excess” of $50 million “as seed funding from donor governments”, Mulroy said.

“Based on Fogbow’s work under contract with the foundation, there is an expectation of securing significant additional funding from GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) and other donors.”

Other top advisers at Veracity include Richard Dearlove, who was head of the British intelligence agency known as MI6 (a role known informally as "C”) from 1999 to 2004, including during the US/British invasion of Iraq.

Anatomy of a pier

Mulroy and Hyslop said that they went to the White House twice, in early 2024, to discuss their Blue Beach project. The meetings were set up by Curtis Ried, Chief of Staff of the US National Security Council and Assistant to Brett McGurk, Senior Advisor to the US President for Middle East Affairs. In May, Ried was promoted as the US representative to the OSCE (Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe), with the rank of ambassador. They said they also met with Terry Wolff, a retired three-star Army general.

President Joe Biden announced in his State of the Union address on March 7 that he was directing the US military to establish a temporary pier in the Mediterranean near Gaza to bring more food and other essentials into the Palestinian enclave.

The timing was urgent: Three senior UN officials warned the UN Security Council on February 27 of “imminent famine in the Gaza Strip”, pushing for “immediate action to avert humanitarian disaster in a territory where many Council members alleged the use of hunger as a weapon of war”.

But aid groups and others have insisted that the overland routes into Gaza blockaded by Israel’s military operation remain the best way to get aid into the enclave.

US Army Major Harrison Mann described the US jetty as a PR stunt, saying: “The pier and the airdrops look like they were intended to satisfy Americans who were concerned about the suffering of Palestinians, but I’m not sure what segment of the population both deeply cares about the welfare of Palestinians but is not engaged enough to see the failure of both the pier and the airdrop projects,” he told FRANCE 24 and PassBlue.

Major Mann was the first US military and intelligence officer to resign publicly over the Biden administration’s support of Israel’s war on Gaza.

Meanwhile, Fogbow was negotiating a role in the maritime route from Cyprus to Gaza. Fogbow tried to clinch contracts with USAID and the State Department, but they were unsuccessful – partly because the firm had no history of delivering aid in the region, according to government sources who did not want to speak on the record.

Stacy Gilbert, who spent over two decades working for the State Department’s Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration, said that maritime aid plans would do little to alleviate the suffering in Gaza.

“For people who know anything about humanitarian assistance, the US pier doesn't make any sense because the whole reason we are doing it is because our ally Israel is blocking humanitarian assistance,” she said, adding that the money used to build the pier could have been better spent.

Gilbert resigned from the Biden administration after a controversial report to which she contributed (the NSM-20 report released May 10) concluded that Israel was not obstructing humanitarian aid to Gaza despite credible evidence to the contrary.

A USAID branch called the Bureau of Humanitarian Assistance spearheads global aid in crisis situations, with a US government source saying, “When there’s an international disaster [it] is the lead – period.”

The source said that Fogbow’s lack of respect for the lead agency (USAID) and their lack of a track record reek of “profiteering”.

“When DoD is invited to support a response, then they can use the resources they have (such as ships) to speed things up. When it comes to working with a private firm like Fogbow it has to be contracted out by the DoD," the US government source told FRANCE 24 and PassBlue. "Typically, DoD lawyers would say no, unless it was for something specific to their needs like vessel recovery.”

Fogbow said it did make some of its leased tugboats available to support the US pier operation.

Avoiding pitfalls

In an email to PassBlue, Ann Wright, a member of the Freedom Flotilla Coalition, a nongovernmental organisation that has been trying to sail aid into Gaza, was dubious about the role Fogbow is striving to play in the region. Wright served in the US Army and Reserves for 29 years as well as 16 years as a diplomat. She resigned in 2003 in opposition to the US war in Iraq.

“The fact that most of the Fogbow staff are retired US military and CIA officials definitely has a ‘smell to it’ of a US covert operation,” Wright wrote in her email.

Gilbert noted: “Humanitarian organizations use former military [experts] in various roles. I think what gives us pause is when the Department of Defence is contracting for work in humanitarian assistance that they (the military) should not be doing.”

In the interview with FRANCE 24 and PassBlue in late June, Hyslop took umbrage with assumptions about Fogbow’s motives simply because of its principals’ extensive CIA and military backgrounds.

“I've never heard any humanitarian ask Maersk or APL (logistics) or major global shippers if they have former military people on their staff,” Hyslop said on the Zoom call. “Of course they do. All their logisticians primarily come from world militaries and no questions are asked. But they're asked of us. And I understand it.”

“But I also ask for some understanding from the perspective of the humanitarians, and to give our boys a chance to explain that these are not active military people,” he added. “They've properly and respectfully served their countries and now they're bringing these skills now in support of the humanitarian community, not to take over in any way.”

Mulroy told PassBlue and FRANCE 24 that the firm plans to build the movable pier as outlined in the Blue Beach proposal: a $20 million structure with a crane that will be better adapted to rough seas than the US pier has been.

Fogbow’s offshore project would involve their ocean-going barges being pushed by tugs from the Larnaca port, carrying up to 150 truck-equivalent units.

The landing zone would bring an “additive route” to overland roads and be “impervious to weather conditions and wave heights”, Mulroy said, describing how the project would work. “It's essentially on the beach and it has sea breaks and all that stuff.”

There would be a “short quay wall” and a “dredged slot” that the barges can be pulled onto the beach. Then “the containers are just offloaded with no dock or causeway”, Mulroy said.

Fogbow emphasised that their design would avoid the technical problems encountered by the US military pier.

A Palestinian billionaire, Bashar al Masri, is in discussions about partnering with Fogbow for storage and distribution of aid, according to UN sources. Al Masri previously financed the reconstruction of the Gaza Industrial Estate after it was destroyed in Israel’s 11-day offensive on Gaza in 2021. Masri built the enclave’s first luxury hotel, called Blue Beach, which was near the spot where the US pier was constructed.

But a Gazan photographer, Mohammed Hajjar, who is based in the enclave, said that Al Masri is regarded with suspicion by the local population, “Most Gazans don’t know him. We don’t know his politics, his goals, what his political programme is. My opinion [is] he is not in a position to be part of any solutions in post-war Gaza.”

“He came to Gaza once and seemed interested in trade. All of his solutions were for-profit options.”

Salman Al-Zurai’i, a Palestinian researcher and policy analyst based in Gaza, said to FRANCE 24 and PassBlue about Al Masri: “I think that Al Masri – and generally the private sector – are going to play a large role in the day after the war in Gaza.”

“The involvement of the Palestinian private sector, local stakeholders and Gazan clans in running post-war Gaza implies that neither the Palestinian Authority nor Hamas will play a role, resulting in a political vacuum in Gaza,” he added.

“The Israelis want to prevent Palestinian political actors from participating in post-war Gaza; this is a major Israeli approach that has been ongoing for 17 years and led to cementing the political separation of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank.”

The idea for a sea entry point into Gaza was floated by Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu in October 2023, according to The Jerusalem Post. It was not the first time Israel had proposed a floating island off the coast of Gaza purportedly to facilitate aid delivery.

Israeli media reported in March on Netanyahu’s post-war vision for the Gaza strip, known as “Gaza 2035”. The document, later published online by Netanyahu’s office (on May 3), promotes the idea that Gaza “can become a significant industrial production centre for the shores of the Mediterranean with … access to… energy and raw materials from the Gulf while leveraging Israeli technology”.

Image from Israeli PM Netanyahu's Gaza 2035 plan. © France 24

The plan would keep Gaza under Israeli control – and allow it to exploit the enclave’s offshore energy reserves, estimated at 1.1 trillion cubic feet of natural gas – while an Arab Coalition (including the UAE and Saudi Arabia) would create a body called the Gaza Rehabilitation Authority to oversee the reconstruction efforts. The plan does not appear to give Palestinians any operative role.

UAE Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan denounced Netanyahu’s plans on X shortly after their release, making it clear that the Israeli PM had not consulted Abu Dhabi.

“The UAE stresses that the Israeli Prime Minister does not have the legal capacity to take this step, and the state refuses to be drawn into any plan aimed at providing cover for Israeli presence in the Gaza Strip,” the post read.
Fogbow eyes postwar reconstruction

Humanitarians expressed concern about the prospect of Fogbow playing a role in Gaza’s rebuilding once the war ends.

Jamie McGoldrick met with Fogbow three times earlier this year when he was the UN’s humanitarian aid coordinator for the Occupied Palestinian Territory, along with David Satterfield, then the US special envoy for the Middle East. McGoldrick said the firm was “not very transparent” about their intentions, including sources of funding – as Fogbow’s name, which means ghost rainbow, might suggest.

During a first meeting in February with McGoldrick and Satterfield, Fogbow’s representatives pitched a project not directly related to humanitarian assistance: a maritime corridor to be used for the reconstruction of Gaza. They said that the corridor could help with aid delivery if needed, but that was not its original purpose.

“What they told us about was this idea of having a supply route for reconstruction into Gaza because they saw an opportunity there – initially they were in conversations with Qatar then shifted to UAE for support,” McGoldrick said.

“They needed something like $300 million to set the whole thing up,” he added. “And they were looking for suitors, that was one of the reasons why I think they were in the room with Satterfield and others – to try and convince them to contribute to this or to be part of it.”

McGoldrick said that Fogbow’s operations in the region may be a way for the US to get into the Gaza reconstruction market.

A representative from the team of Sigrid Kaag, the US-backed senior UN humanitarian aid and reconstruction coordinator for Gaza, was also in one of the meetings with Fogbow. Her team has not responded to our questions sent by email.

McGoldrick said that conversations about the future of Gaza are now under way: Will it go from “Mogadishu on the Med to Singapore on the Med or another Dubai?", he asked. UN officials calculate that Gaza’s postwar reconstruction could cost $30 to $40 billion, but no one is saying where the money will come from.

“I worked in many places” – including in Yemen – “where I came across these private firms,” McGoldrick added, referring to Fogbow.

“And, you know, they're not there for the human dimension of things, they’re there for profit,” he said. “American Navy SEALS, nice, shiny, connected politically and they have financial muscle behind them. You've always got to be suspicious of it.”

A model for post-war Gaza similar to the post-US invasion reconstruction operation in Iraq has been floated, McGoldrick noted. The US government official Paul Bremer ran the Coalition Provisional Authority after the 2003 US invasion and was unofficially governor of Baghdad. Both former British Prime Minister and Mideast Quartet negotiator Tony Blair – who has an office in Tel Aviv – and Kaag, who is also a former Dutch politician, have been name-dropped as possible main players in the post-reconstruction effort.

By using the Cyprus maritime corridor from Larnaca to the Gaza coast, prospectors could sideline “the Egyptians in Port Said.” Such a project, McGoldrick added, would create a channel “that’s controlled more by the Emirates and other Gulf countries who want to get a piece of Gaza”.

“The project could cut Palestinians out of the picture,” noted McGoldrick, as it “likely increases the separation of Gaza from the West Bank”.

“I think it's dangerous … because you want to create a settled environment there if you're going to have a prospect for peace for Gaza,” he said. “It's got to be Gaza for Gazans.”

*Name has been changed

Saturday, December 28, 2024



Opinion

Popcorn, cotton-candy and massages. Inside Israel’s new army ‘resort’ in northern Gaza


A new report by Israeli news outlet Ynet reveals a disturbing picture: as Palestinians in north Gaza face starvation and extermination, a nearby 'resort' has been established for Israeli soldiers to relax and unwind in between their deployment.
 December 25, 2024
MONDOWEISS
Standing next to a popcorn machine, Israeli soldiers make cotton candy inside an army ‘resort’ for soldiers in north Gaza. (Via Ynet News)


As human rights organizations amass reports on Israel committing genocide in Gaza, Israeli society is producing a wall of denial, separating itself from the catastrophic reality in Gaza. Nothing is more evident of that than a new report of a seawater desalination plant doubling as an Israeli army ‘resort’ in Gaza.

On Monday, Israeli news website Ynet published a piece in Hebrew by their military correspondent Yoav Zeitoun, titled “Desalination facility and holiday resort with café; Documentation: This is how IDF [Israeli military] is preparing for prolonged stay in Gaza”.

Zeitoun, who was embedded with the military, visited the resort, which is located near the beach in the western part of north Gaza. Though the exact location of the ‘resort’ is not revealed, Zeitoun does mention Jabalia – the area in north Gaza where Israel has launched a brutal ethnic cleansing campaign in recent months – as being nearby.

Photos and videos reveal the inside of this new ‘resort’ for soldiers: popcorn machines next to a cotton-candy machine, PlayStation video games, a lounge with a “hotel” breakfast, and meat on the grill. Elsewhere, a physiotherapist even gives massages.
Reality check

The whole piece is a big celebration. But here is where we should start making some reality checks, out from this Israeli bubble.

First, the desalination facility is huge. It produces 60,000 liters of water per day, enough for the soldiers to have clean drinking water and take showers.

This stands in start contrast to the recent Human Rights Watch report on Israel’s “extermination and acts of genocide”, which focused mostly on water. The report noted how, while Israelis consume about 250 liters of water per day (about 66 Gallons), Gazans today are forced to consume about 2 to 9 liters per day.

Because of the genocide, Palestinains in Gaza are forced to literally drink the sea, and dehydrated mothers feed their infants baby-formula with poisonous water. “When we cannot get drinking water, taking a shower is a dream”, said a woman cited in the report.

But why should the soldiers in the resort care at all? The desalination facility can produce fresh water which can suffice over 240 Israelis who each consume about 50 times more water than the average starved, dehydrated Gazans.

Imagine if the Israelis invested in such facilities for the Gazans, rather than blowing up their water reservoirs. But they don’t care about that, despite it being their obligation to suffice the basic needs of the occupied population.
A bubble in a concentration camp

In the report, the journalist Zeitoun laments that the soldiers cannot go down to the beach.

“The murmur of the waves is well heard in the nearby beach, but IDF does not permit the soldiers to go down to it, and a pyramid of mounds separates between the unusual compound and the Gazan beach strip,” he writes.

Admittedly, though not critically, he notes that the soldiers are living in a bubble:

“Nonetheless, the scenery of the sea and the calm atmosphere do theirs, completing the bubble-like sense”, Zeitoun writes.

The resort provides military companies (usually around two hundred soldiers) a resort day every ten days, in circulation. A military logistics officer describes it to Zeitoun:

“As each company finishes this refreshment day, which they get every 10 days on average, they return in the night to rest in their combat area in Jabalia, and continue refreshed in their combat missions… As the company completes its day of fun in this compound, we clean it and set it up anew in the night, preparing it for the company that will arrive the next day, and so forth. Just like a conveyor belt”.

It’s about making people forget they’re in Gaza. The officer continues:

“You remember that you are in Gaza, yes? We give a feeling of home, with ice-coffee, espresso, protein drinks, toast and Shakshukas in various flavors for breakfast, and of course also fruit and ice cream when the weather is warm. We make dreams come true for the soldiers”.

While the soldiers’ dreams are coming true, having cappuccinos and grilling meat, Palestinians in Gaza are living in famine-like conditions.

Two days ago, I talked with my friend Ditte, just before the demonstration against the Israeli genocide, in Copenhagen. She updated me about her beloved Fadi in Deir al-Balah, she said he managed to get some meat to eat just the other day – it was the first time in 4 months, and he was ecstatic about it. He never complains, she says, despite living in a tent and now freezing in the night.
‘Zone of Interest‘

But it is not merely the soldiers who need to dream – it is the Israeli population at large. When Orly Noy, chair of B’tselem and journalist, shared a post about this horrendous piece on her Facebook page yesterday, several commentators were drawn to associations with the film Zone of Interest, a film from last year which focused on a family of Nazis living right against the walls of Auschwitz, in their own bubble of normalcy.

In response to the Ynet piece, Noy published a piece in the Local Call publication , titled “Sweet cotton-candy at the heart of the valley of killings.” She writes:

“Thus, soldiers sit in the valley of killings, grilling meat in stands that work non-stop, and do not know where the smell of burnt meat that fills their nostrils originates from – whether it is from the carcasses of the animals that were brought there for them, or from bodies of the people in whose beach they may not wade.”

But this is arguably even worse than “Zone of Interest”, because the soldiers are not outside of the concentration camp – but inside it. That Gaza is a concentration camp has been said for decades. Now, with Israel’s systematic extermination, it is indeed an extermination camp. The bubble is surrounded with death from all sides.

The Ynet piece is reminiscent of another report from February this year, published by Haaretz. The piece was a feel-good story about how soldiers make food from goods that they steal from Palestinian private kitchens, in homes that they stole.

In that wretched and crass piece, the authors sought futilely to provoke moral righteousness, noting that while they occupied and looted the homes of the Gazans they displaced, the soldiers nonetheless cooked “with mixed feelings”.

But it would appear that Zeitoun and Ynet’s piece goes even beyond that. There is no attempt to assuage any guilt that the soldiers may have. There are no mixed feelings.

There are in fact, no feelings at all for the Palestinians, who just next to the resort, are starving and drinking dirty water. The Palestinians simply do not exist in the entirety of the piece, not even as a reflection.

The total absence of Palestinians from the narrative, who are undergoing a genocide committed by the soldiers at this resort, reveals the reality of where Israeli society now exists. This is the conceptual preparation for the Israelis who are now at the next stage of their colonization of Palestine.

It is the conceptualization that Gazans do not exist. It is a land without a people, for the Israelis who always need more land.
Permanent presence in Gaza

Towards the end of his piece, Zeitoun is pushing the idea that the resort also serves the purpose of normalizing a permanent Israeli presence in Gaza, as is also indicated in the title.

“It does not seem as if the forces will move out of [Jabalia], and it’s already clear that we are not speaking of a mere raid, which is a short-term military operation that includes entry and exit from enemy territory,” he writes.

“In the gigantic separation corridor of Netzarim [Wadi Gaza, about 2.5 miles wide cutting Northern Gaza off from east to west] as well as the Philadelphi route [in the south, separating Gaza and Egypt], the IDF has already built similar refreshment facilities, which include also pedicure stations to treat soldiers’ feet, but not at such scope and level as in this new “holiday resort”.”



Wednesday, December 27, 2023

BEACHFRONT PROPERTY CALL GAZA 666
Amid war and large-scale displacement in Gaza, Israeli settlers plan their return

More than 80% of Palestinians in Gaza have been displaced. The fear they may never be allowed back to their homes is bolstered by a growing movement in Israel to resettle in the Gaza Strip.

The World
December 26, 2023 · 
By Rebecca Collard






An ad from an Israeli real estate company, advertising a sea-front home in Gaza, transposed on the rubble of Palestinian homes, posted on Dec. 13, 2023. The post and the Instagram account have since been deleted after receiving elevated criticism on social media.

Screenshot from Instagram


 This month, as the Israeli Air Force continued to bombard the Gaza Strip, an Israeli real estate company posted images of Israeli settlements transposed on top of the rubble of Palestinian homes in Gaza.

“Wake up, a beach house is not a dream,” reads the ad, which includes a map of the future Israeli settlements in Gaza. “Now at pre-sale pieces.”

The company advertising beach-front homes for Israelis in the Gaza Strip also has settlements in the West Bank. And, while there has been no Israeli government approval of any new settlements in Gaza, the ad is part of a growing movement among Israeli settlers to return to Gaza, heightening fears that Palestinians displaced by the fighting may not be allowed to return to their homes.

Israeli Knesset member Limor Son Har Melech posted a video of herself in a boat with other settlers off the coast of Gaza earlier this month, as the war raged inside.

“First of all, it’s all very exciting,” said Son Har Melecha, a member of Israel’s far-right Jewish Power party. She goes on to call the return of Israeli settlements to Gaza a true picture of victory.


“Settlement in every part of the Gaza Strip … A large, extensive settlement without fear, without hesitation, without humiliation. This land is the land that the creator of the world gave to us.”

Returning Jewish settlements to Gaza is much more than messianic rhetoric.


A timeline line of Jewish presence in Gaza on the wall of the Gush Katif Museum


The boat trip wrapped up a day-long conference that included plans and logistics for building Israeli settlements in Gaza. In a WhatsApp group for would-be settlers, there is an online registration form asking applicants about their family size and current residence.

A leaked Israeli government document from October proposed relocating Gaza’s population to Egypt, and it’s something that has been alluded to by Israeli politicians.

“Oct. 7 definitely provided a lot more emboldening and legitimacy for those on the right who have been talking about expanding settlements,” said Mairav Zonszein, who is with the International Crisis Group. “Basically, one Jewish supremacist state between the river and the sea.”

Israel occupied Gaza and the West Bank in the 1967 war, and soon after, Israelis began settling there, even though it’s illegal under international law to establish settlements in an occupied territory. By 2005, when Israel withdrew from Gaza in what it called its unilateral disengagement, there were around 9,000 Israeli settlers in more than 20 settlements in Gaza. The numbers were much smaller than those in the West Bank, but as the Second Intifada raged, it took more soldiers and resources to protect those settlers.

The Gush Katif Museum in Jerusalem is named after the biggest of those settlement blocks. Gush Katif, which translates to the ‘Harvest Bloc,’ was built in the southwest of the Strip between, Rafah and Khan Yunis.

Here, the emboldening Zonszein talks about can be seen in piles of bright orange shirts stacked on tables and chairs, reading: “Going home. Going back to Gush Katif.”
 

A pile of ‘Return to Gush Katif’ T-shirts for sale at the Gush Katif Museum.

Credit: Rebecca Collard/The World

The movement to return Israeli settlements in Gaza is not new.


Since Israel’s 2005 disengagement, settlers have kept the flame of reoccupation and resettlement alive, but motivation, planning and general Israeli support for that have risen sharply. Avner Franklin, a guide and group co-ordinator at the Gush Katif Museums, said they are selling a hundred times more shirts than before.

Until recently, returning Israeli settlements to Gaza seemed like a pipe dream of Israel’s religious right movement, but according to a poll by Israel’s Channel 12 last month, more Israelis supported the re-occupation and return of settlements in Gaza than opposed it.


Photos in the Gush Katif Museum show Israel’s 2005 withdrawal from Gaza.
Credit: Rebecca Collard/The World


Mani is visiting the museum to buy return-to-Gush-Katif shirts for her six children. She’s originally from Washington, DC. She did not want to give her last name because she said she is related to people who are in the US government. She said Hamas’ attack on Oct. 7, which left around 1,200 Israelis dead and hundreds more as hostages in Gaza, is proof Israel needs those settlements to keep Israelis safe.

“Sending Jews back into Gaza to live there will strategically help us both as a state and as a Jewish people to secure our future in Israel for hundreds and thousands of years to come,” she said. Americans need to understand that Israel is fighting the war in Gaza not just on behalf of Israel but the US and the entire world, Mani added.

“This is a war against evil,” she said.

But the US has said they do not want to see Israel reoccupy Gaza in any long-term way, and in recent days — as the death toll in Gaza has soared to over 20,000 — has urged Israel to use more resistance and avoid civilian deaths. But so far, Washington has not stopped arms transfers to Israel or been willing to use any of its other real levers to rein in the Israeli military offensive.


A six-foot tall menorah in the Gush Katif Museum. In December, Israeli soldiers brought it to Gaza and lit it for Hanukkah.
Credit: Rebecca Collard/The World

“Settlements do not bring security. Settlements are one of the main obstacles in this conflict to any kind of resolution,” said Zonszein.

One room of the museum is dedicated to Israel’s 2005 withdrawal from Gaza, with videos on a loop of Israeli soldiers forcibly removing Jewish settlers. Then Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, who had pushed for Israel to build settlements in occupied territories after the 1967 war, was also the one who pushed for the Gaza disengagement. His finance minister at the time, current Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, voted in favor of the plan at first but then resigned in protest, laying the groundwork for his return to the prime minister's office five years later.


A room in the Gush Katif Museum showing images of Israel’s 2005 withdrawal from Gaza.

Credit: Rebecca Collard/The World

Zonszein said that for now, it is not Israeli government policy to resettle in Gaza, but she said, as the war goes on, if Israel develops a military presence in northern Gaza, settlers could make attempts to set up settlements.

“I don't see that happening right now…,” Zonszein said, “But it could happen in a more kind of tacit way. I wouldn't rule it out. Let's put it that way.”

Related: Stateless Palestinians in Jordan struggle to make a future

Tuesday, March 26, 2024

Special Report-Destruction, lawlessness and red tape hobble aid as Gazans go hungry


John Davison, Michelle Nichols, Emma Farge, Emily Rose and Farah Saafan
REUTERS
Mon, March 25, 2024 









CAIRO (Reuters) - In mid-March, a line of trucks stretched for 3 kilometers along a desert road near a crossing point from Israel into the Gaza Strip. On the same day, another line of trucks, some 1.5 kilometers long, sometimes two or three across, was backed up near a crossing from Egypt into Gaza.

The trucks were filled with aid, much of it food, for the more than 2 million Palestinians in the war-ravaged enclave. About 50 kilometers from Gaza, more aid trucks – some 2,400 in total – were sitting idle this month in the Egyptian city of Al Arish, according to an Egyptian Red Crescent official.

These motionless food-filled trucks, the main lifeline for Gazans, are at the heart of the escalating humanitarian crisis gripping the enclave. More than five months into Israel’s war with Hamas, a report by a global authority on food security has warned that famine is imminent in parts of Gaza, as more than three-quarters of the population have been forced from their homes and swathes of the territory are in ruins.

Galvanized by reports and images of starving children, the international community, led by the United States, has been pressuring Israel to facilitate the transfer of more aid into Gaza. Washington has airdropped food into the Mediterranean enclave and recently announced it would build a pier off the Gaza coast to help ferry in more aid.

U.N. officials have accused Israel of blocking humanitarian supplies to Gaza. The European Union’s foreign policy chief alleged Israel was using starvation as a “weapon of war.” And aid agency officials say Israeli red tape is slowing the flow of trucks carrying food supplies.

Israeli officials reject these accusations and say they have increased aid access to Gaza. Israel isn’t responsible for delays in aid getting into Gaza, they say, and the delivery of aid once inside the territory is the responsibility of the U.N. and humanitarian agencies. Israel has also accused Hamas of stealing aid.

Reuters interviewed more than two dozen people, including humanitarian workers, Israeli military officials and truck drivers, in tracing the tortuous route that aid takes into Gaza in an effort to identify the chokepoints and reasons for delays of supplies. Reuters also reviewed U.N. and Israeli military statistics on aid shipments, as well as satellite images of the border crossing areas, which revealed the long lines of trucks.

Before the aid shipments enter Gaza, they undergo a series of Israeli checks, and a shipment approved at one stage of the process can later be rejected, according to 18 aid workers and U.N. officials involved in the aid effort. At one crossing from Israel into Gaza, goods are twice loaded off trucks and then reloaded onto other trucks that then carry the aid to warehouses in Gaza. The aid delivery process can also be complicated by competing international demands, with some countries wanting their contributions to be prioritized.

Aid that does make it into Gaza can be ransacked by desperate civilians, sometimes fall prey to armed gangs, or get held up by Israeli army checkpoints. Half the warehouses storing aid in Gaza are no longer operational after having been hit in the fighting.

“It’s upsetting watching these aid trucks go nowhere and vast humanitarian supplies sit in warehouses when you think about what’s happening, right now, to the people who need them,” said Paolo Pezzati, an Oxfam worker who recently visited the queue of aid trucks near the Egypt-Gaza border.

Before the war began, an average of 200 trucks carrying aid entered Gaza each day, according to U.N. figures. A further 300 trucks laden with commercial imports, including food, agricultural supplies and industrial materials, also entered each day via Israel. Since the start of the war, an average of around 100 trucks have entered Gaza daily, according to a review of U.N. and Israeli military statistics on aid shipments.

While the trucks struggle to get into Gaza, the need for aid has risen dramatically, both because of the vast number of displaced people and the devastation of key infrastructure in Israel’s assault. This includes the destruction of bakeries, markets, and farmland whose crops met some of Gaza’s food needs.

“Previous wars weren’t like this,” said Alaa al-Atar, a municipal official, referring to conflicts in Gaza. “There wasn’t the destruction of all sources of subsistence – homes, farmland, infrastructure. There’s nothing left to survive on, just aid,” said Atar, who was displaced from the north to the south of Gaza early in the war.

To meet its minimum needs, aid agencies and U.N. officials say Gaza currently requires 500 to 600 trucks a day, including humanitarian aid and the commercial supplies that were coming in before the war. That’s about four times the number of trucks getting in now.

In March there has been an uptick, with an average of 150 trucks entering Gaza each day.

Some deliveries are being made by international air drops and via sea, but they aren't making up for shortfalls on the land routes. In the first three weeks of March, the equivalent of some 50 truckloads of aid was airdropped and brought in by sea, a Reuters tally based on Israeli military statistics showed.

The recent food security report, known as the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC), found that a lack of aid means almost all households in Gaza are skipping meals every day and adults are cutting back on meals so their children can eat. The situation is particularly dire in northern Gaza, it said, where in nearly two-thirds of households, “people went entire days and nights without eating at least 10 times in the last 30 days.”

The war was triggered by a Hamas-led attack on communities in southern Israel on Oct. 7 that killed 1,200 people and resulted in more than 250 being taken hostage, according to Israel. Since then, Israel’s assault on Gaza has killed more than 31,000 people, according to Gaza health authorities.

A senior Hamas official said Israel is responsible for the inadequate aid flows. The “biggest threat” to the distribution of aid is Israel’s ongoing attacks in Gaza, Hamas official Bassem Naim told Reuters. “The biggest obstacle to getting the aid to the people who need it is the continued gunfire and the continued targeting of aid and those who are handling it,” he said.

WAITING IN THE DESERT


Before some of the aid begins its journey to Gaza, it is flown to Cairo or shipped by sea to Port Said, which borders Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula, about 150 kms to the west of Al Arish. From there, it is trucked to the city of Al Arish, on the Mediterranean coast. Some aid is also flown directly to the Egyptian city.

Once in Cairo or Al Arish, the aid undergoes its first check. International agencies submit a detailed inventory of each shipment to the Israeli military via the U.N. for clearance. Israel has long banned “dual use” items that it says could be used by Hamas to make weapons.

Of 153 requests made to the Israeli authorities for goods to enter Gaza between Jan. 11 and March 15, 100 were cleared, 15 were rejected outright and another 38 were pending, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs told Reuters. U.N. officials didn’t specify whether a request referred to a specific number of trucks or volume of aid. It takes almost a month on average to get a response, according to minutes of a meeting of aid agencies seen by Reuters.

The Israeli military says it approves almost 99% of the Gaza-bound trucks it inspects and that once the goods are inside the enclave, it is the responsibility of the international aid organizations to distribute it. The inspection process “isn’t the impediment” to aid “getting into the Gaza Strip,” said Shimon Freedman, a spokesman for COGAT, the Israeli military branch that handles aid transfers.

Diplomatic wrangling by countries donating aid can also create snarls in the delivery process. U.N. officials told Reuters that because aid comes not only from international agencies but also directly from individual donor countries, the process of deciding which trucks go to the front of the queue can be thorny even before they depart Al Arish.

The Egyptian Red Crescent official said donor countries “drop off aid in Al Arish or at Al Arish airport and walk away and say, ‘We gave out aid to Gaza.’” It is the Red Crescent and Egyptian authorities who then bear the responsibility of getting the aid to Gaza, he said.

From Al Arish, the trucks make the 50-kilometer journey to the Rafah crossing point on the Egypt-Gaza border.

Next stop: Israel’s truck-scanning centers.

Once they reach the Rafah crossing, some trucks are then required to drive along the Egypt-Israel border for 40 kilometers to an inspection facility on the Israeli side called Nitzana. Here the goods are physically checked by Israeli soldiers who use scanning machines and sniffer dogs, according to U.N. and other aid agency staff.

Some items get rejected during the physical inspection, in particular ones Israel believes could be used by Hamas and other armed groups for military purposes. Some shipments carrying dual-use items are sent back to Al Arish. The same item that is let through one day, can be rejected on another day, U.N. officials and aid workers said.

U.N. agencies say solar panels, metal tent poles, oxygen tanks, generators and water purification equipment are among the items the military has rejected.

Pezzati, the Oxfam worker, said he saw a warehouse in Al Arish in early March that was filled with items banned by Israel. “There were crutches, camping toilets, hygiene kits, disinfectants for doctors, for surgery,” he said.

COGAT’S Freedman said there is a publicized list of what constitutes dual-use items, but there isn’t a “blanket ban” on these goods. If Israeli authorities “understand what exactly it is necessary for, we can coordinate it,” he said. But Israel wants to be sure that goods aren’t going to be “used by Hamas for terrorist activities,” he said.

Israel’s inspections, Freedman said, aren’t the reason for any backlog in aid. “We have the capacity to inspect more humanitarian aid than the international organizations can distribute,” he said.

The Israeli military says it can scan a total of 44 trucks an hour at Nitzana and at a crossing from Israel into Gaza where aid trucks are inspected, at Kerem Shalom. But aid agency officials say the actual number scanned is fewer. The military declined to say how many hours Nitzana and Kerem Shalom are open each day.

Once the trucks pass inspection at Nitzana, they make the 40-kilometer journey back to Rafah, where they wait to cross into Gaza.

In late January, groups of Israelis, including friends and relatives of the more than 130 people still being held hostage by Hamas, began protesting against the delivery of aid to Gaza. Between late January and early March, the protests effectively shut down either Nitzana or Kerem Shalom for a total of 16 days, according to aid agencies.

At the Kerem Shalom crossing, goods are unloaded from the scanned trucks and reloaded onto trucks that have been vetted by the Israeli army, according to U.N. and aid agency workers. These “sanitized” trucks then make a 1 kilometer journey to a warehouse inside Gaza where the aid is again offloaded. The goods are then placed on trucks driven by Palestinians and taken to mostly U.N.-run warehouses in Rafah.

Under growing international pressure, Israel earlier this month initiated a new route for the delivery of aid directly to northern Gaza, known as the 96th gate. By March 20, COGAT said at least 86 international aid trucks had entered via the new crossing.

“There is a sufficient amount of food entering Gaza every day,” said Col. Moshe Tetro, a COGAT official overseeing Gaza.

The new route was initiated “as part of a pilot in order to prevent Hamas from taking over the aid,” COGAT said in a post on social media site X. Freedman, though, said he didn’t have “specific evidence” he could share about Hamas pilfering aid.

Hamas official Naim rejected the accusation that the group was stealing aid. “We have been cooperating and are cooperating with every single state and humanitarian organization so that the aid reaches people in dire need,” he said.

AN ARDUOUS JOURNEY

Once inside Gaza, the aid shipments face more challenges.

Several convoys have been attacked on the stretch of road from Kerem Shalom to Gaza warehouses by people carrying crude weapons such as axes and box-cutters, according to U.N. officials and truck drivers. Deeper inside Gaza, others have been swarmed by crowds of people desperate for food.

In an incident that galvanized aid efforts, more than 100 people were killed in late February when a crowd descended on an aid convoy organized by Israel.

Security for food convoys traveling the short distance from the crossing points to warehouses in Rafah also deteriorated after several strikes by the Israeli military killed at least eight policemen in Gaza, according to U.N. officials. Israel says all police are members of Hamas.

“Whether they’re Hamas or not I don’t know, but they were doing a job for us in terms of crowd control,” said Jamie McGoldrick, a senior U.N. official. “The police are less willing to do that now.”

Aid agencies mostly now negotiate their own security with local communities, McGoldrick said.

Reuters reported recently that armed and masked men from an array of clans and factions in Gaza had begun providing security to aid convoys.

Police officers in Gaza “are Hamas, they are part of the Hamas terrorist organization,” COGAT’s Freedman said. Israel doesn’t target humanitarian convoys, “we try to assist them, but Hamas is our enemy.”

Storing aid in Gaza has also become a problem. Warehouses have been damaged by the fighting and occasionally looted. Of the 43 warehouses in Gaza that were operational before the war, only 22 are now working, according to the Logistics Cluster, a U.N.-run logistics facilitator for aid agencies.

In mid-March, an Israeli airstrike hit a U.N. food distribution center in southern Gaza, killing several people. Israel said it killed a Hamas commander in the attack. Hamas said the man targeted by Israel was a member of its police force.

From the warehouses, aid is delivered to southern Gaza, where the majority of the population is now located.

Making deliveries to northern Gaza is more fraught.

Roads to the north have been bombed by Israel and there are delays as trucks are held up or denied access at Israeli army checkpoints, say U.N. and other aid agency officials. Aid convoys are also often looted before reaching their destination by crowds of people desperate for food, U.N. officials said.

U.N. officials told Reuters that humanitarian agencies had made 158 requests to the Israeli military to deliver aid to northern Gaza from the beginning of the war to March 14. Of those, the military denied 57, they said.

COGAT’s Freedman said some requests to move aid inside Gaza have been rejected because aid agencies didn’t coordinate sufficiently with Israel.

“They weren't able to tell us exactly where that aid was going,” he said. “And if we don't know where it's going to, we don't know it's not going to end up in the hands of Hamas.”

In southern Gaza, residents are desperately waiting for aid.

“People have nothing to eat at all, nor do they have a place to stay, or a refuge,” said Suleiman al-Jaal, a local truck driver who said he has been attacked transporting aid in Gaza. “This is not a life. No matter how much aid they bring in, it’s not enough.”


AFP
Mon, March 25, 2024 

Mutliple foreign nations have resorted to airdropping aid into Gaza, with the humanitarian situation increasingly dire (-)

A military plane banked over the war-ravaged ruins of Gaza City dropping dozens of black parachutes carrying food aid.

On the ground, where almost no building within sight was still standing, hungry men and boys raced towards the beach where most of the aid seemed to have landed.

Dozens of them jostled intensely to get to the food, with scrums forming up and down the rubble-strewn dunes.

"People are dying just to get a can of tuna," said Mohamad al-Sabaawi, carrying an almost empty bag on his shoulder, a young boy beside him.

"The situation is tragic, as if we are in a famine. What can we do? They mock us by giving us a small can of tuna."

Aid groups say only a fraction of the supplies required to meet basic humanitarian needs have arrived in Gaza since October, while the UN has warned of famine in the north of the territory by May without urgent intervention.

The aid entering the Gaza Strip by land is far below pre-war levels, at around 150 vehicles a day compared to at least 500 before the war, according to UNRWA, the UN agency for Palestinian refugees.

With Gazans increasingly desperate, foreign governments have turned to airdrops, in particular in the hard-to-reach northern parts of the territory including Gaza City.

The United States, France and Jordan are among several countries conducting airdrops to people living within the ruins of what was the besieged territory's biggest city.

But the aircrews themselves told AFP that the drops were insufficient.

US Air Force Lieutenant Colonel Jeremy Anderson noted earlier this month that what they were able to deliver was only a "drop in the bucket" of what was needed.

The air operation has also been marred by deaths. Five people on the ground were killed by one drop and 10 others injured after parachutes malfunctioned, according to a medic in Gaza.

Calls have mounted for Israel to allow in more aid overland, while Israel has blamed the UN and UNRWA for not distributing aid in Gaza.

"Palestinians in Gaza desperately need what has been promised -- a flood of aid. Not trickles. Not drops," UN chief Antonio Guterres said on Sunday after visiting Gaza's southern border crossing with Egypt at Rafah.

"Looking at Gaza, it almost appears that the four horsemen of war, famine, conquest and death are galloping across it," he added.

The war was sparked by Hamas's unprecedented October 7 attack on Israel, which resulted in about 1,160 deaths in Israel, mostly civilians, according to an AFP tally of official Israeli figures.

Israel launched a retaliatory bombardment and invasion of Gaza aimed at destroying Hamas that has killed at least 32,333 people, according to the health ministry in Hamas-run Gaza.

Returning home in Gaza City with little to keep his family going, Sabaawi said their situation was miserable.

"We are the people of Gaza, waiting for aid drops, willing to die to get a can of beans -- which we then share among 18 people."

bur-fg/jm/dcp


Israel besieges two more Gaza hospitals, demands evacuations, Palestinians say

Nidal al-Mughrabi
Updated Sun, March 24, 2024 









By Nidal al-Mughrabi

CAIRO (Reuters) -Israeli forces besieged two more Gaza hospitals on Sunday, pinning down medical teams under heavy gunfire, the Palestinian Red Crescent said, and Israel said it had captured 480 militants in continued clashes at Gaza's main Al Shifa hospital.

Israel says hospitals in the Palestinian enclave, where war has been raging for over five months, are used by Hamas militants as bases. It has released videos and pictures supporting the claim.

Hamas and medical staff deny the accusations.

The Palestinian Red Crescent said one of its staff was killed when Israeli tanks suddenly pushed back into areas around Al-Amal and Nasser hospitals in the southern city of Khan Younis, amid heavy bombardment and gunfire.

Israeli forces began operating around Al-Amal, the military said, following "precise intelligence ... which indicated that terrorists are using civilian infrastructure for terror activities in the area of Al-Amal."

Israeli armoured forces sealed off Al-Amal Hospital and carried out extensive bulldozing operations in its vicinity, the Red Crescent said in a statement.

"All of our teams are in extreme danger at the moment and are completely immobilised," it said.

The Red Crescent said Israeli forces were now demanding the complete evacuation of staff, patients and displaced people from Al Amal's premises and were firing smoke bombs into the area to force out its occupants.

A displaced Palestinian was killed inside the hospital compound after being hit in the head by Israeli fire, the Red Crescent said in a later update.

The health ministry in Hamas-run Gaza said dozens of patients and medical staffers had been detained by Israeli forces at Al Shifa in Gaza City in the enclave's north that has been under Israeli control for a week.

The Hamas-run government media office said Israeli forces had killed five Palestinian doctors during their seven-day-old swoop on Al Shifa.

The Israeli military did not immediately respond to a request for comment on that report. It said earlier that it had killed over 170 gunmen in the raid, which the Palestinian Health Ministry said had also caused the deaths of five patients.

Al Shifa is one of the few healthcare facilities even partially operational in north Gaza, and - like others - had also been housing some of the nearly 2 million civilians - over 80% of Gaza's population - displaced by the war.

"Right now, Hamas and Islamic Jihad terrorists are barricading themselves inside Shifa hospital wards," said Israeli military spokesperson, Rear Admiral Daniel Hagari.

Hagari said Hamas gunmen were firing at soldiers from inside the emergency and maternity wards of the hospital, and also firing mortars at troops in the hospital, causing damage.

The Hamas-run government media office said they "categorically refute this."

"How can they claim this while their soldiers roam and frolic inside the complex with ease, conducting interrogations with displaced persons, patients, and the wounded," said media office director Ismail Al-Thawabta.

AIR STRIKE KILLS SEVEN IN RAFAH

Reuters has been unable to access Gaza's contested hospital areas and verify accounts by either side.

Khan Younis residents said Israeli forces had also advanced and formed a cordon around Nasser Hospital in the city's west under cover of heavy air and ground fire.

In Rafah, Gaza's southernmost town on the Egyptian border that has become the last refuge for half of Gaza's uprooted population, an Israeli air strike on a house killed seven people, health officials said.

At least 32,226 Palestinians have been killed, among them 84 in the past 24 hours, and 74,518 injured in Israel's air and ground offensive into the densely populated coastal territory since Oct. 7, its health ministry said in a Sunday update.

Israel launched the offensive after Hamas-led Islamist militants attacked its south on Oct. 7, killing 1,200 people and taking 253 hostages back to Gaza, according to Israeli tallies.

U.S.-backed mediation by Qatar and Egypt has so far failed to secure a Hamas-Israel ceasefire, prisoner releases and unfettered aid to Gaza civilians facing famine, with each side sticking to core demands.

Hamas wants any truce deal to include an Israeli commitment to end the war and withdraw forces from Gaza. Israel has ruled this out, saying it will keep fighting until Hamas is eradicated as a political and military force.

U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres described the backlog of aid destined for Gaza as a moral outrage during a visit to the Egyptian side of the Rafah border crossing on Saturday.

Speaking in Cairo on Sunday, Guterres said the only effective and efficient way to deliver heavy goods to meet Gaza's humanitarian needs was by road.

The United States and other countries have tried using air drops and ships to deliver aid, but U.N. aid officials say deliveries can only be scaled up by land, accusing Israel of impeding relief, which Israel denies.

(Reporting by Nidal al-Mughrabi and Emily Rose; editing by Mark Heinrich, Tomasz Janowski and Marguerita Choy)