Showing posts sorted by relevance for query KASHMIR IS INDIA'S GAZA. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query KASHMIR IS INDIA'S GAZA. Sort by date Show all posts

Friday, February 16, 2024

Kashmir’s Struggle for Self-Determination

#KASHMIR IS #INDIA'S #GAZA

February 13, 2024
Source: Counterpunch

Image by Alisdare Hickson, Creative Commons 4.0

Together with Palestine, the state of Kashmir is one of the longest existing political and territorial conflict remaining from the aftermath of the British Empire. Kashmir, together with its sister state of Jammu, were granted a quasi-autonomy at the end of British rule in the subcontinent. The status of the states was to be determined by a popular referendum, which has yet to occur. Arguably, the reason it has not occurred is because India fears it would lose any claim and the people of Jammu/Kashmir would vote for independence, while leaning toward Pakistani and its Muslim foundations. The conflicts between India and Pakistan over Kashmir has erupted into wars between Delhi and Islamabad at least twice. Furthermore, an intensification of Indian repression and military occupation led to an armed insurgency in 1989. Recently, India’s Hindu nationalist government overturned laws protecting the states’ autonomy when, according to the US-government-funded (and not a friend of liberation movements as a rule) Freedom House, “what had been the state of Jammu and Kashmir was reconstituted as two union territories under the direct control of the Indian central government. The move stripped residents of many of their previous political rights. Civil liberties have also been curtailed to quell ongoing public opposition to the reorganization. Indian security forces are frequently accused of human rights violations, but perpetrators are rarely punished.”

In essence, this move by the Indian regime made Kashmir and Jammu part of India, ignoring United Nations resolutions, centuries of history and, most importantly, the people living in those states. It is this history and the proclaimed desires of the majority of Kashmiris that inform a new book on the subject. Written by Dr. Farhan Mujahid Chak, the book titled Nuclear Flashpoint: The War Over Kashmir is a knowledgeable discussion of Kashmir’s history and a critical examination of India’s manipulation of that history to deny Kashmir’s liberation struggle.

The narrative provided by Chak, who also serves as the Secretary-General of Kashmir Civitas—an organization that exists to fight for Kashmiri self-determination, is a narrative that explains the religious, economic and political history of Kashmir over several centuries. It is a story that involves invasions, settlements, and political and financial deals between royals and conquerors. Likewise, it is a chronicle of Kashmir’s long tradition of resistance and struggle; a tradition that exists even today despite the presence of over 500,000 Indian troops that occupy much of the region. The harsh nature of the Indian military’s repression and occupation is a major reason why even a mainstream organization like the aforementioned Freedom House gave the country a rating of “not free.”

It is the contention of the text that India’s repression has intensified since the rise of the Hindu Nationalist Party and its leader Narendra Modi. The author describes the thinking of this extreme right-wing party and its government as one that sees its adherents and supporters as exceptional, creating an Indian exceptionalism in a manner similar to the exceptionalism assumed by many US and Israeli citizens in their justifications for invasions, colonization and crimes against humanity. Chak describes some of the manifestations of this exceptionalist thinking; the rewriting of history and an insistence on religious and cultural uniformity according to the ruling party being primary among them. In a parallel manner, Chak discusses the political spaces where the non-sectarian elements of India’s political system are as opposed to Kashmiri self-determination as the Hindu nationalists. In short, the scenario Chak has written about India and its relation to Kashmir is a scenario that is synonymous with that practiced by other settler-colonial nations, especially the United States and Israel.

By revealing the situation in Kashmir as one now all too similar to the tragedy the world is watching unfold in Gaza, Chak makes clear that the situation of the people of Kashmir is one of colonial occupation. He describes military actions by the occupying troops and the replacement of Kashmiri political structures with those imposed by Delhi. He remarks on the distortion of cultural and religious histories, including attempts by Indian scholars and others to rename the Buddhist communities of Kashmir as Hindu while portraying Muslims as nothing but invaders. The rewriting of history is a neverending process that leaves nothing out. Indeed, the reader is told how the current Indian regime has elevated previously unimportant Hindu religious treks to places in Kashmir into required pilgrimages. The resulting popularity of these treks are then used them as an excuse to expropriate land to build facilities for the pilgrims. One cannot help but think about similar “pilgrimages” sponsored by the Israeli government that are designed to bring more settlers to the territory it illegally occupies.

The inclusion of the words “nuclear flashpoint” in Chak’s title are why the fate of Kashmir is important to the world. As noted before, India and Pakistan have fought two wars over Kashmir. The situation remains tense with armed skirmishes a regular event along the so-called Line of Control that nominally separates the region India controls with the region Pakistan controls. Although there are elements in Pakistan’s ruling elites who might like to see Kashmir as part of Pakistan, the overwhelming consensus in the Pakistan seems to be that an independent and sovereign Kashmir would be to Islamabad’s benefit. Meanwhile, India’s ongoing aggressive occupation indicates it considers Kashmir to belong to India and India alone. Chak’s text is an excellent history of the resulting conflict from its beginnings to the present.


Ron Jacobs is the author of Daydream Sunset: 60s Counterculture in the '70s, The Way the Wind Blew: A History of the Weather Underground (Verso 1997) the novels, Short Order Frame Up, The Co-Conspirator’s Tale and a collection of essays titled Tripping Through the American Night. He is a frequent contributor to Counterpunch. His articles, reviews and essays have appeared in anthologies and numerous print and online journals, including Jungle World Berlin, Monthly Review, The Sri Lanka Guardian, Vermont Times, Alternative Press Review and the Olympia, WA based monthly Works In Progress.

Wednesday, November 08, 2023


India bars protests that support the Palestinians. Analysts say a pro-Israel shift helps at home
THEY ARE BOTH ISLAMOPHOBES


 India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi, right gestures and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu waves to the media as they arrive for a meeting in New Delhi, India, Jan.15, 2018. Modi, a staunch Hindu nationalist, was one of the first global leaders to swiftly express solidarity with Israel and call the Hamas attack “terrorism.” Modi became the first Indian prime minister to visit Israel in 2017. Netanyahu, travelled to New Delhi the following year and called the relationship between New Delhi and Tel Aviv a “marriage made in heaven.” 

BY AIJAZ HUSSAIN AND SHEIKH SAALIQ
November 7, 2023

SRINAGAR, India (AP) — From Western capitals to Muslim states, protest rallies over the Israel-Hamas war have made headlines. But one place known for its vocal pro-Palestinian stance has been conspicuously quiet: Indian-controlled Kashmir.

Indian authorities have barred any solidarity protest in Muslim-majority Kashmir and asked Muslim preachers not to mention the conflict in their sermons, residents and religious leaders told The Associated Press.

The restrictions are part of India’s efforts to curb any form of protest that could turn into demands for ending New Delhi’s rule in the disputed region. They also reflect a shift in India’s foreign policy under populist Prime Minister Narendra Modi away from its long-held support for the Palestinians, analysts say.

India has long walked a tightrope between the warring sides, with historically close ties to both. While India strongly condemned the Oct. 7 attack by the militant group Hamas and expressed solidarity with Israel, it urged that international humanitarian law be upheld in Gaza amid rising civilian deaths.

But in Kashmir, being quiet is painful for many.

“From the Muslim perspective, Palestine is very dear to us, and we essentially have to raise our voice against the oppression there. But we are forced to be silent,” said Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, a key resistance leader and a Muslim cleric. He said he has been put under house arrest each Friday since the start of the war and that Friday prayers have been disallowed at the region’s biggest mosque in Srinagar, the main city in Kashmir.

Anti-India sentiment runs deep in the Himalayan region which is divided between India and Pakistan and claimed by both in its entirety. In 2019, New Delhi removed the region’s semiautonomy, drastically curbing any form of dissent, civil liberties and media freedoms.

Kashmiris have long shown strong solidarity with the Palestinians and often staged large anti-Israel protests during previous fighting in Gaza. Those protests often turned into street clashes, with demands for an end of India’s rule and dozens of casualties.

Modi, a staunch Hindu nationalist, was one of the first global leaders to swiftly express solidarity with Israel and call the Hamas attack “terrorism.” However, on Oct. 12, India’s foreign ministry issued a statement reiterating New Delhi’s position in support of establishing a “sovereign, independent and viable state of Palestine, living within secure and recognized borders, side by side at peace with Israel.”


Two weeks later, India abstained during the United Nations General Assembly vote that called for a humanitarian cease-fire in Gaza, a departure from its usual voting record. New Delhi said the vote did not condemn the Oct. 7 assault by Hamas.

“This is unusual,” said Michael Kugelman, director of the Wilson Center’s South Asia Institute.

India “views Israel’s assault on Gaza as a counterterrorism operation meant to eliminate Hamas and not directly target Palestinian civilians, exactly the way Israel views the conflict,” Kugelman said. He added that from New Delhi’s perspective, “such operations don’t pause for humanitarian truces.”


India’s foreign minister, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, sought to justify India’s abstention.

“It is not just a government view. If you ask any average Indian, terrorism is an issue which is very close to people’s heart, because very few countries and societies have suffered terrorism as much as we have,” he told a media event in New Delhi on Saturday.

Even though Modi’s government has sent humanitarian assistance for Gaza’s besieged residents, many observers viewed its ideological alignment with Israel as potentially rewarding at a time when the ruling party in New Delhi is preparing for multiple state elections this month and crucial national polls next year.

The government’s shift aligns with widespread support for Israel among India’s Hindu nationalists who form a core vote bank for Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party. It also resonates with the coverage by Indian TV channels of the war from Israel. The reportage has been seen as largely in line with commentary used by Hindu nationalists on social media to stoke anti-Muslim sentiment that in the past helped the ascendance of Modi’s party.

Praveen Donthi, senior analyst with the International Crisis Group, said the war could have a domestic impact in India, unlike other global conflicts, due to its large Muslim population. India is home to some 200 million Muslims who make up the predominantly Hindu country’s largest minority group.

“India’s foreign policy and domestic politics come together in this issue,” Donthi said. “New Delhi’s pro-Israel shift gives a new reason to the country’s right-wing ecosystem that routinely targets Muslims.”

India’s foreign policy has historically supported the Palestinian cause.

In 1947, India voted against the United Nations resolution to create the state of Israel. It was the first non-Arab country to recognize the Palestinian Liberation Organization as the representative of the Palestinians in the 1970s, and it gave the group full diplomatic status in the 1980s.

After the PLO began a dialogue with Israel, India finally established full diplomatic ties with Israel in 1992.

Those ties widened into a security relationship after 1999, when India fought a limited war with Pakistan over Kashmir and Israel helped New Delhi with arms and ammunition. The relationship has grown steadily over the years, with Israel becoming India’s second largest arms supplier after Russia.

After Modi won his first term in 2014, he became the first Indian prime minister to visit Israel in 2017. Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, travelled to New Delhi the following year and called the relationship between New Delhi and Tel Aviv a “marriage made in heaven.”

Weeks after Netanyahu’s visit, Modi visited the occupied West Bank city of Ramallah, a first by an Indian prime minister, and held talks with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas. “India hopes that Palestine soon becomes a sovereign and independent country in a peaceful atmosphere,” Modi said.

Modi’s critics, however, now draw comparisons between his government and Israel’s, saying it has adopted certain measures, like demolishing homes and properties, as a form of “collective punishment” against minority Muslims.

Even beyond Kashmir, Indian authorities have largely stopped protests expressing solidarity with Palestinians since the war began, claiming the need to maintain communal harmony and law and order.

Some people have been briefly detained by police for taking part in pro-Palestinian protests even in states ruled by opposition parties. The only state where massive pro-Palestinian protests have taken place is southern Kerala, which is ruled by a leftist government.

But in Kashmir, enforced silence is seen not only as violating freedom of expression but also as impinging on religious duty.

Aga Syed Mohammad Hadi, a Kashmiri religious leader, was not able to lead the past three Friday prayers because he was under house arrest on those days. He said he had wanted to stage a protest rally against “the naked aggression of Israel.” Authorities did not comment on such house arrests.

“Police initially allowed us to condemn Israel’s atrocities inside the mosques. But last Friday they said even speaking (about Palestinians) inside the mosques is not allowed,” Hadi said. “They said we can only pray for Palestine — that too in Arabic, not in local Kashmiri language.”

KHASMIR IS INDIA'S GAZA


 Kashmiris pray for Palestinians killed in Israel’s military operations in Gaza, inside a mosque in Budgham, northeast of Srinagar, Indian controlled Kashmir, Oct. 13, 2023. In Indian-controlled Kashmir, known for its vocal pro-Palestinian stance, authorities have barred any solidarity protest and asked Muslim preachers not to mention the conflict in their sermons. Analysts say the new restrictions on speech reflect a shift in India’s foreign policy under the populist Prime Minister Narendra Modi away from its long-held support for the Palestinians. (AP Photo/ Dar Yasin, File)

 Activists of Socialist Unity Center of India (Communist) burn an effigy of U.S. President Joe Biden and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu during a rally to protest against Israel’s military operations in Gaza and to show solidarity with the Palestinian people, in Kolkata, India, Nov. 1, 2023. Indian authorities have largely stopped protests expressing solidarity with Palestinians since the war began, claiming the need to maintain communal harmony and law and order. Some people have been briefly detained by police for taking part in pro-Palestinian protests even in states ruled by opposition parties. (AP Photo/Bikas Das, File)

-People hold placards in solidarity with Israel in Ahmedabad, India, Oct. 16, 2023. In Indian-controlled Kashmir, known for its vocal pro-Palestinian stance, authorities have barred any solidarity protests. Analysts say the new restrictions on speech reflect a shift in India’s foreign policy under the populist Prime Minister Narendra Modi away from its long-held support for the Palestinians. The government’s shift aligns with widespread support for Israel among India’s Hindu nationalists who form a core vote bank for Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party. (AP Photo/Ajit Solanki, File)

An elderly Kashmiri shouts slogans against Israel’s military operations in Gaza, inside a mosque in Budgham, northeast of Srinagar, Indian controlled Kashmir, Oct. 13, 2023. In Indian-controlled Kashmir, known for its vocal pro-Palestinian stance, authorities have barred any solidarity protest and asked Muslim preachers not to mention the conflict in their sermons. Analysts say the new restrictions on speech reflect a shift in India’s foreign policy under the populist Prime Minister Narendra Modi away from its long-held support for the Palestinians. (AP Photo/ Dar Yasin, File)

 A student activist resists detention while gathering to protest against Israel’s military operations in Gaza and to support the Palestinian people, in New Delhi, India, Oct. 27, 2023. Indian authorities have largely stopped protests expressing solidarity with Palestinians since the war began, claiming the need to maintain communal harmony and law and order. Some people have been briefly detained by police for taking part in pro-Palestinian protests even in states ruled by opposition parties. (AP Photo/Altaf Qadri, File)
___

Find more of AP’s Asia-Pacific coverage at https://apnews.com/hub/asia-pacific

AIJAZ HUSSAIN
Hussain is a correspondent based in Kashmir, India

SHEIKH SAALIQ
Saaliq is a reporter based in New Delhi, India


Tuesday, December 21, 2021

#KASHMIR IS #INDIA'S #GAZA
India and Pakistan fought 3 wars over Kashmir – here’s why international law and US help can’t solve this territorial dispute


An armed conflict in Kashmir has thwarted all attempts to solve it for three quarters of a century.

Kashmir, an 85,806-square-mile valley between the snowcapped Himalaya and Karakoram mountain ranges, is a contested region between India, Pakistan and China. Both India and Pakistan lay claim to all of Kashmir, but each administers only part of it.


Map of Kashmir. Central Intelligence Agency, Washington, 2002, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

During the British rule of India, Kashmir was a feudal state with its own regional ruler. In 1947, the Kashmiri ruler, Maharaja Hari Singh, agreed that his kingdom would join India under certain conditions. Kashmir would retain political and economic sovereignty, while its defense and external affairs would be dealt with by India.

But Pakistan, newly created by the British, laid claim to a majority-Muslim part of Kashmir along its border. India and Pakistan fought the first of three major wars over Kashmir in 1947. It resulted in the creation of a United Nations-brokered “ceasefire line” that divided Indian and Pakistani territory. The line went right through Kashmir.

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Despite the establishment of that border, presently known as the “Line of Control,” two more wars over Kashmir followed, in 1965 and 1999. An estimated 20,000 people died in these three wars.

International law, a set of rules and regulations created after World War II to govern all the world’s nation-states, is supposed to resolve territorial disputes like Kashmir. Such disputes are mainly dealt with by the International Court of Justice, a United Nations tribunal that rules on contested borders and war crimes.

Yet international law has repeatedly failed to resolve the Kashmir conflict, as my research on Kashmir and international law shows.

International law fails in Kashmir

The U.N. has made many failed attempts to restore dialogue after fighting between India and Pakistan over Kashmir, which today is home to a diverse population of 13.7 million Muslims, Hindus and people of other faiths.

In 1949, the U.N. sent a peacekeeping mission to both countries. U.N. peace missions were not as robust as its peacekeeping operations are today, and international troops proved unable to protect the sanctity of the borders between India and Pakistan.

In 1958, the Graham Commission, led by a U.N.-designated mediator, Frank Graham, recommended to the U.N. Security Council that India and Pakistan agree to demilitarize in Kashmir and hold a referendum to decide the status of the territory.

India rejected that plan, and both India and Pakistan disagreed on how many troops would remain along their border in Kashmir if they did demilitarize. Another war broke out in 1965.

In 1999, India and Pakistan battled along the Line of Control in the Kargil district of Kashmir, leading the United States to intervene diplomatically, siding with India.

Since then, official U.S. policy has been to prevent further escalation in the dispute. The U.S. government has offered several times to facilitate a mediation process over the contested territory.

The latest U.S. president to make that offer was Donald Trump after conflict erupted in Kashmir in 2019. The effort went nowhere.

Why international law falls short


Why is the Kashmir conflict too politically difficult for a internationally brokered compromise?


The maharaja of Kashmir agreed to join India in 1947.

For one, India and Pakistan don’t even agree on whether international law applies in Kashmir. While Pakistan considers the Kashmir conflict an international dispute, India says it is a “bilateral issue” and an “internal matter.”

India’s stance narrows the purview of international law. For example, regional organizations like the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation cannot intervene on the Kashmir issue – by convening a regional dialogue, for example – because its charter prohibits involvement in “bilateral and contentious issues.”

But India’s claim that Kashmir is Indian territory is hotly debated.

In 2019, the Indian government abolished the 1954 law that gave Kashmir autonomous status and militarily occupied the territory. At least 500,000 Indian troops are in Kashmir today.

Pakistan’s government denounced the move as “illegal,” and many Kashmiris on both sides of the Line of Control say India violated its 1947 accession deal with Maharaja Singh.

The U.N. still officially considers Kashmir a disputed area. But India has held firm that Kashmir is part of India, under central government control, worsening already bad relations between India and Pakistan.

Military coups and terror


Another obstacle to peace between the two nations: Pakistan’s military.

In 1953, Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and Pakistani Prime Minister Mohammad Ali Bogra agreed in principle to resolve the Kashmir problem through a U.N. mediation or with an International Court of Justice proceeding.

That never happened, because the Pakistani military overthrew Ali Bogra in 1955.

Several more Pakistani military regimes have interrupted Pakistani democracy since then. India believes these non-democratic regimes lack credibility to negotiate with it. And, generally, Pakistan’s military governments have preferred the battlefield over political dialogue.

Terrorism is another critical factor making the Kashmir situation more complex. Several radical Islamist groups, including Lashkar-e-Toiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed, operate in Kashmir, based primarily on the Pakistani side.

Since the late 1980s the terrorist groups have conducted targeted strikes and attacks on Indian government and military facilities, leading the Indian military to retaliate in Pakistani territory. Pakistan then alleges that India has breached the borderline, defying international treaties like the 1972 Simla Agreement to conduct its anti-terror attacks.

India has increased its military presence in Kashmir to at least 500,000 troops. 

Intractable struggles

In many cases, treaties and international court decisions cannot be enforced. There is no international police force to help implement international law.

If a country ignores an International Court of Justice ruling, the other party in that court case may have recourse to the Security Council, which can pressure or even sanction a nation to comply with international law.

But that rarely happens, as such resolution processes are highly political and any permanent Security Council member can veto them.

And when conflicting parties are more inclined to view a conflict through the lens of domestic law – as India views Kashmir and Israel views the Palestinian territories – they can argue that international law simply does not apply.

Kashmir is not the only contested territory where international law has failed.


The Israeli-Palestinian conflict over the Gaza and West Bank territories is another example. For decades, both the U.N. and the United States have repeatedly and unsuccessfully intervened there in an effort to establish mutually acceptable borderlines and bring peace.

International law has grown and strengthened since its creation in the 1940s, but there are still many problems it cannot solve.

Author
Bulbul Ahmed
Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Faculty of Security and Strategic Studies, Bangladesh University of Professionals

Saturday, December 23, 2023

Khurram Parvez, wrongfully incarcerated, completes two years in prison in India



Screenshot from YouTube video: ‘Is creating a culture of accountability in Kashmir, a problem? Khurram Parvez asks the Govt.’ Interview on Video Volunteers channel. Fair use.

On November 21, Khurram Parvez, the globally renowned Kashmiri human rights defender, completed two years in India’s maximum-security District Jail of RohiniParvez is symbolic of what has been called a large-scale crackdown on democratic dissent and human rights in the Indian-administered Kashmir. The pattern of Indian crackdown in Kashmir has grown exponentially under the rule of the right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), a party that has been the political arm of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Hindu rightwing outfit since 2014.

In 2019, the  Indian government unilaterally and militarily removed Kashmir’s autonomy. The policies of the Indian government have proceeded at an extraordinary speed, choking and diminishing any remnants of free space and expression. It has passed an array of laws to speed up its settler-colonial policies.

Read our special coverage: Inside Kashmir's crisis

Since 1991, Kashmir has been under the Armed Forces Special Act (AFSPA) imposed to suppress the insurrection against the Indian military occupation. Even though official numbers vary, past reports have estimated around 700,000 Indian troops occupy the region. Kashmir is one of the world's densest militarized regions and is often called an open-air prison. AFSPA requires prior “sanctions” from the government to prosecute any member of the Indian forces. The “sanctions” have been used as an immunity mechanism for Indian forces to shield them from prosecution for all criminal offences. Not a single member of the Indian forces deployed in Kashmir over the past three decades has been tried for human rights violations in a civilian court. Thus, Indian forces have acted with impunity and complete disregard for the civil and human rights of Kashmiris.

According to human rights groups, gross human rights violations have resulted in 70,000-plus killings of Kashmiris, both combatants and civilians, and 8,000–10,000 estimated enforced disappearancesrape as a weapon of warpolitical incarcerations, and injuries like the world’s first mass blindings.

Khurram Parvez has headed the Jammu and Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society (JKCCS) for the past two decades. JKCCS has extensively documented human rights violations in the region and mentored and trained countless young activists and rights defenders. It is a non-funded and voluntary network of individuals and groups that organized in 2000 to create a culture of independent rights-based dialogue and documentation of human rights violations. Parvez is the lead coordinator of one of the two Association of Parents of the Disappeared Persons (APDP) groups, which are seeking justice for Kashmiris forcibly disappeared by the Indian forces. Both APDPs were awarded the Rafto Prize for human rights in 2017. In 2004, while monitoring elections, Parvez lost his left leg in a land-mine blast while two of his colleagues were killed.

Even while incarcerated, Parvez was re-elected as the president of the Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD), which he has led since 2014. In April, Khurram was unanimously elected deputy secretary general of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH). In her remarks, the president of FIDH, Alice Mogwe, expressed support and admiration for Parvez and his untiring passion for human rights work. In addition to past international awards, this year, Parvez received the Martin Enals Human Rights Defender Award for his human rights work in Kashmir. Prominent human rights watchdogs and advocates, including UN Rapporteurs, global peace activists, and writers the world over, have continued to highlight Khurram’s unflagging service to human rights defence. They strongly condemn his ongoing arbitrary detention as a reprisal for his activism.

The Indian state has, for the last 75 years, steadily criminalized all democratic dissent in Kashmir, and this has now been institutionalized. Anyone challenging the state’s narrative is promptly booked under sedition, terrorism, and other repressive “legal” charges with the singular aim of silencing critical voices. Parvez, too, has been charged under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), known as India’s most abused counterterrorism law. UAPA is a draconian piece of legislation that is notorious for arbitrarily labelling an individual a “terrorist” and implying guilt until proven innocent, and bail is extremely hard to get. International rights groups concur that India is misusing its legal mechanisms, such as the UAPA, to target human rights defenders in Kashmir and across India.

As reported, in Kashmir, even journalists and scribes are facing persecution. In 2020, a new media policy was imposed. Strict censorship has been a historical reality in Kashmir, but now it is fully institutionalized. Journalists, human rights defenders, writers, and opinion leaders are unable to report freely the ground realities. Even social media users are under the scanner. Notably, journalists Asif Sultan and Sajad Gul were booked under arbitrary allegations. The Commission for Protection of Journalism says that the media in Kashmir is at a breaking point. Kashmiri journalists face the impounding of passportsloss of writing and archivesbans, and the blocking of their websites. In October, the government of India reignited a 10-year-old case of sedition against Arundhati Roy, the 1997 Booker Prize winner and an activist, and a Kashmiri former professor, Sheikh Showkat Hussain. Roy has been one of the strongest voices in India to speak against Indian policies in Kashmir.

The research and documentation on human rights violations by the Indian armed forces by the JKCCS is impeccably researched, painstakingly collected, and independently verified by well-known global human rights watchdogs, like Amnesty International, which validates the work of JKCCS. Even Amnesty’s office in India had to shut down after it was raided and its financial assets frozen in 2020. Amnesty called it a “witch-hunt” and part of a large-scale crackdown against human rights organizations, particularly in Kashmir. Human rights work in Kashmir is effectively banned, as is any form of protest.

On November 9, the Indian armed forces tribunal suspended the life sentence of an Indian army captain. In 2020, the officer was found guilty of killing three Kashmiri youths in a staged encounter after labelling them “terrorists.” Staged encounters have been used as an extra-judicial method of counterinsurgency by the Indian army, accruing human rights violations and abuses against Kashmiris.

Since human rights and civil society activism are under severe repression, no public protest was possible even though the families were outraged. This is where human rights defenders and journalists played a pivotal democratic function in Kashmir. Now, any form of human rights defence or investigative journalism that challenges the Indian narrative is seen as a threat and labelled “anti-India”. Such is the level of silencing in Kashmir that in the wake of the ongoing genocide in Gaza, even pro-Palestinian protest is banned by India. The police have ordered mosques not to mention the genocide and if people want to pray for Palestine, they can do so only in Arabic and not Kashmiri.

Marking the second anniversary of Parvez's incarceration, global human rights organizations have once again called for his immediate and unconditional release and that of his former colleague at JKCCS and journalist Irfan Mehraj. Alice Mogwe, president of the International Federation of Human Rights (FIDH), stated:

The UN ruling on Khurram Parvez’s case authoritatively confirms that his detention is an act of reprisal for his human rights work, and an attempt to silence him and Kashmiri civil society as a whole. The Indian authorities must implement the UN’s recommendations and immediately release Khurram.”

What we need the most is strong political commitment and global solidarity to urge the Indian government to Free Khurram Parvez and free journalists Irfan Meraj and Asif SultanFree all Kashmiri political prisoners!

On December 11, 2023, the Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh High Court quashed the detention order of journalist Asif Sultan under the Public Safety Act (PSA). It is still unclear when he will be released. Sultan was granted bail in April 2022 but ended up being booked under fresh charges, and his detention continued.

Sunday, September 15, 2024

HINDUTVA IMPERIALISM

India’s Modi campaigns in Kashmir assembly elections after soldiers killed

Modi says ‘terrorism is on its last legs’ in the disputed territory, a day after two soldiers were killed in a gunfight with suspected rebels.

KASHMIR IS INDIA'S GAZA

Modi addresses a rally at the Moulana Azad Stadium in Indian-administered Kashmir's Jammu area [File: Channi Anand/AP]

Published On 14 Sep 202414 Sep 2024

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi says “terrorism is on its last legs” in Indian-administered Kashmir while campaigning in the disputed territory, a day after two soldiers were killed in a gunfight with suspected rebels.

Indian-administered Kashmir has seen a rise in fighting between rebels and security forces before the region’s first local assembly polls in a decade. Voting begins next week.

Keep reading


‘Vote against jail’: How two Modi critics won India election from prison

The Himalayan region in India has been without an elected local government since 2019 when Modi’s Hindu nationalist government cancelled the region’s semiautonomy.

“The changes in the region in the last decade are nothing short of a dream,” Modi told thousands of supporters at a rally on Saturday in Doda, a town in the Hindu-majority southern area of Jammu.

“The stones that were picked up earlier to attack the police and the army are now being used to construct a new Jammu and Kashmir. This is a new era of progress. Terrorism is on its last leg here,” he said, referring to the region’s official name in India.
Indian army officers pay tribute to colleagues killed in Indian-administered Kashmir [Channi Anand/AP]

Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) say the government’s changes to the territory’s governance have brought a new era of peace and rapid economic growth.


Kashmir politician released from jail: Provincial elections for first time in a decade

Modi pledged at Saturday’s rally that his party would “build a secure and prosperous” Indian-administered Kashmir “that is free of terrorism and a haven for tourists”.

But this year’s local polls, which begin on Wednesday before results are announced next month, follow a spike in gunfights between security forces and rebels.

In the past two years, more than 50 soldiers have been killed in clashes with rebels, mostly in the Jammu area.

The Indian army said another two soldiers died on Friday during a firefight in the Kishtwar region as it paid tribute to the “supreme sacrifice of the bravehearts” in a post on the social media platform X.



Muslim-majority Kashmir has been divided between rivals India and Pakistan since their independence from British rule in 1947 and is claimed in full by both countries. Rebels have fought Indian forces for decades, demanding independence or a merger with Pakistan.

About 500,000 Indian soldiers are deployed in the region, battling a 35-year rebellion that has killed tens of thousands of civilians, soldiers and rebels since 1989.

India accuses Pakistan of backing the region’s rebels and cross-border attacks inside its territory, claims Islamabad denies.

The nuclear-armed neighbours have fought several conflicts for control of the region since 1947.



Election in Jammu and Kashmir, the first in nearly a decade, marks new chapter for region

The Lal Chowk square in Srinagar, capital of Jammu and Kashmir.
 ST PHOTO: NIRMALA GANAPATHY

Nirmala Ganapathy
India Bureau Chief
Updated
Sep 15, 2024

ANANTNAG/SRINAGAR/PULWAMA – With the picturesque Pir Panjal mountain range in northern India’s Kashmir forming the background, a young man with a mop of curly hair wiped sweat off his face as he stood on top of a mini-truck, addressing a crowd in an election rally in a town called Dooru Shahabad.

“Engineer Rashid is not an agent of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). He is an agent for Kashmir. Only he understands the pain of Kashmiris,” said Mr Abrar Rashid, 23, as he asked for votes for his father, Mr Sheikh Abdul Rashid, popularly known as Engineer Rashid.

The 57-year-old engineer-turned-politician is the leader of the Awami Ittehad Party.


The party came to national prominence after Mr Rashid, who contested the 2024 General Election while in jail, pipped former Jammu and Kashmir chief minister and National Conference (NC) chief Omar Abdullah, to become MP in his maiden attempt.

Mr Rashid and his son have often referenced the BJP in their speeches to deny criticism from the two main Kashmir parties – NC and the People’s Democratic Party – that their party is a proxy for the BJP and would either divide votes or strike a post-election alliance with the BJP.

Engineer Rashid, who has been in jail for 5½ years on terror financing charges, is also on the campaign trail after getting interim bail for 22 days from Sept 11.

Their followers chanted: “Pressure cooker, pressure cooker” – the party’s election symbol – at the rally on Sept 12, ahead of the first state election in nearly a decade.


Awami Ittehad Party leader Sheikh Abdul Rashid, popularly known as Engineer Rashid, has been in jail on terror financing charges and is on the campaign trail after getting interim bail. PHOTO: EPA-EFE


Jammu and Kashmir is holding its three-phase election on Sept 18, Sept 25 and Oct 1, with the counting scheduled for Oct 8.

This will be the first assembly election there since the repeal of Article 370 of the Indian Constitution in 2019.

The article gave special status to the territory, allowing it to make its own laws in all matters except finance, defence, foreign affairs and communications.


The state was also bifurcated in 2019, with a separate union territory of Ladakh carved out of Jammu and Kashmir, and downgraded to a union territory, which has less autonomy than a state.

In the 90-seat assembly, Muslim-majority Kashmir has 47 seats and Hindu-majority Jammu has 43.

The election is a key inflection point for the Muslim-majority region, which is seeing new trends like the entry of separatists, who for decades boycotted the polls, and voters who have found their political voice and are keen to vote.

Many independents and smaller regional parties are contesting, giving voters multiple choices but potentially dividing votes that would have otherwise gone to the two main parties.

At the heart of the political discourse is the BJP, because of its decision in 2019 to strip the region of its autonomy.

The key battle is seen to be between the BJP – which is hoping to pick up seats in Hindu-majority Jammu and expected to tie up with smaller regional parties and independents in Kashmir – and NC, which is in alliance with the main national opposition party Congress.

A participant holds a balloon with a message during a Systematic Voters’ Education and Electoral Participation campaign on Sept 13. PHOTO: EPA-EFE

The BJP kicked off its campaigning in Kashmir on Sept 14 with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who said “terrorism is on its last legs” in the state, while addressing a rally in Doda in the eastern part of Jammu.

He pledged that the BJP would “build a secure and prosperous” Kashmir “that is free of terrorism and a haven for tourists”.

During the state election in 2014, the BJP won 25 seats, the Congress 12, and major regional parties People’s Development Party 28 and the NC 15, apart from other smaller parties and independents.

In the 2024 parliamentary election, BJP won the two seats in Jammu while the NC won two of the three seats in Kashmir, with Engineer Rashid winning the remaining seat.

Opposition leaders in India's Kashmir accuse government of sabotaging their campaigns

Loss of special status

Nearly nine million people are registered to vote for the current election.

While voters believe the special status cannot be reinstated, many still harbour anger and disappointment over the move, posing a challenge for the BJP, which seeks to increase its footprint in Kashmir.

“I will vote so that only those who represent the true interest of Kashmiris come to power. They took away our special status, how can we forgive them? Yes, Article 370 is an issue for me in these elections,” said a shopkeeper in Srinagar, the largest city and summer capital of Jammu and Kashmir, who did not want to give his name.

In the four years since the abrogation of Article 370, critics have also accused the federal government of human rights violations as dozens of Kashmiris, including separatist leaders, were jailed and a crackdown on dissent led to an uneasy calm.

But the BJP has dismissed these allegations, instead highlighting that peace has been restored in Kashmir in the last four years, claiming that anti-India sentiment has decreased and tourism has made a strong comeback.

Since gaining independence from the British, India and Pakistan have clashed over control of Kashmir for decades, with three wars fought over the region.

“Our focus is on peace first. BJP has maintained peace here (since the abrogation of Article 370),” said Mr Mohammad Rafiq Wani, a BJP candidate from Anantnag West, one of 17 candidates the party has fielded in Kashmir. “It is not true that the BJP is unpopular.”

The BJP did not field any candidates in the parliamentary election in Kashmir in June but won two seats from Jammu.

Mr Abdullah noted that the BJP strategy appeared to be to pick up as many allies as possible in Kashmir.

“Most of the regional parties and independents are clearly available to the BJP, which would suggest the BJP’s interest is in getting more of them elected and fewer of us,” he said.

Mr Mohammad Rafiq Wani from Anantnag West is one of 17 candidates that the Bharatiya Janata Partyhas fielded in Kashmir. ST PHOTO: NIRMALA GANAPATHY


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From bunkers to homestays: Border regions in Kashmir hope to ease violence with tourism

Desire to vote

Moving away from polls boycott, which used to be the norm in Kashmir, many youngsters in particular said it was crucial to have local representation to get local issues an airing.

“We don’t have anyone to go to right now with complaints or requests (on any issue) because we don’t have a state government,” said Mr Wahid Ahmed Bhatt, whose family cultivates saffron, a spice that Kashmir is famous for, in Pulwama district.

He said that saffron farming, for instance, requires aid from the government to improve irrigation facilities.

The 2024 parliamentary election saw a 58.46 per cent voter turnout, as opposed to 19.16 per cent in the 2019 edition, which was held amid a polls boycott.

Even a key separatist organisation, Jamaat-e-Islami, which boycotted elections for the last four decades, has now entered the fray, gauging the changing public mood.

Jamaat is a banned socio-religious-political group, often described as the ideological fountainhead of the terror outfit Hizb-ul Mujahideen.

Dr Talat Majeed is contesting the Pulwama Assembly constituency as an independent for the Jamaat-e-Islami, a banned party. 
ST PHOTO: NIRMALA GANAPATHY

Dr Talat Majeed, who is contesting the Pulwama assembly constituency as an independent for the Jamaat-e-Islami, said: “The 2024 Parliament elections have proved that India really is the mother of democracy. As assembly elections are being held in the same way as the parliamentary elections, there is no reason (for us) to be away from elections.

“The Majlis-e-shura (the highest decision-making body in the Jamaat) decided to participate in elections but not in the name of the Jamaat because we are under a ban, and they have decided to field independent candidates.”

Other issues

Still, Kashmir is facing multiple issues such as unemployment and drug use among youth.

According to the 2022-2023 Annual Periodic Labour Force Survey Annual Report, the unemployment rate in India stood at 3.2 per cent, while it was 4.4 per cent in Jammu and Kashmir.

Then there is the economy, which is for now dependent on tourism, with negligible manufacturing activity or services sector activity restricted to restaurants, hotels and shops.

The People’s Democratic Party, which was last in power in a tie-up with the BJP, claimed in its manifesto that it will restore Jammu and Kashmir to its original status, and protect land and employment rights, with locals getting first right over all government tenders including mining contracts.

Supporters of the Jammu and Kashmir Peoples Democratic Party head to a rally in Pulwama in Kashmir. 
ST PHOTO: NIRMALA GANAPATHY


The Jamaat has promised a cancer hospital in south Kashmir, while the BJP has promised to create 500,000 jobs and give 3,000 rupees (S$46) to college students.

The election comes at a time when ties between India and Pakistan remain tense. India blames Pakistan for fuelling decades-long militancy in Kashmir.

While India has ruled out any talks with Pakistan, local parties have maintained that talks with Pakistan have to take place to find a lasting solution to peace and this has also been a part of their polls campaign.

Political analysts said Kashmir is going through a new phase where disillusionment and existential questions are now mixed with a sense of hope and a focus on livelihood issues from jobs to economic development.

“In this election, people are participating with a certain degree of enthusiasm. Possibly, they have a point to make,” said Dr Noor Ahmad Baba, a Kashmir-based political analyst and professor of political science.

“This election gives an opportunity for people to express whether they approve of reshaping of the state or not.

“Lots of new parties and independents have emerged, creating uncertainty about the final outcome. We need to watch what happens in the election. I anticipate a good number of people to come out to vote.”

Friday, September 23, 2022

INDIAN IMPERIALISM  
Conflict Tourism: Kashmir Hottest New Destination For Indians
#KASHMIR IS #INDIA'S #GAZA

By Parvaiz BUKHARI
09/22/22 
Kashmir, India's hottest new travel destination, is also the site of its deadliest insurgency

Standing on a fortified Kashmir street, an Indian tourist poses triumphantly for her husband's camera, clutching the national flag in each hand and flanked by two soldiers carrying rifles.

India's hottest new travel destination is also the site of its deadliest insurgency, where regular skirmishes break out between separatist militants and Indian troops, half a million of whom are stationed in Kashmir.

A big-budget tourism campaign, inaugurated early last year, is luring Indians to Kashmir with the promise of stunning Himalayan scenery, snow-covered hill stations and the remote Hindu shrines dotting the Muslim-majority region.

More than 1.6 million Indian travellers visited the disputed territory in the first six months of this year -- a new record, according to local officials, and four times the number that visited over the same period in 2019.

Many fraternise and take selfies with soldiers, and are dismissive of the regular firefights between troops and rebels taking place out of sight from popular destinations.


"Now everything is fine in Kashmir," Dilip Bhai, a visitor from India's Gujarat state, told AFP while waiting in queue outside a restaurant guarded by paramilitary forces.

"The news of violence we hear in media is more rumour than reality," he said, adding that whatever armed clashes were happening "on the side" did not worry him.

Security forces have tightened a chokehold on Kashmir -- also claimed and partly controlled by Pakistan -- since 2019, when India's government revoked the limited autonomy constitutionally guaranteed to the region.

That year, thousands of people were taken into preventative detention to forestall expected protests against the sudden decision, while authorities severed communications links in what became the world's longest-ever internet shutdown.

Public protests have since been made virtually impossible, local journalists are regularly harassed by police and the region is shut off to foreign reporters.

But clashes still break out in the territory almost every week, with officials counting 130 suspected rebels and 19 members of the security forces killed over the first six months of the year.

The constitutional change opened up land purchases and local jobs to Indians from outside Kashmir, and for residents, this year's influx of travellers is the final insult.

"Promotion of tourism is good, but it is done with a kind of nationalist triumphalism," a leading Kashmiri trader told AFP, asking not to be named for fear of government reprisal.

"It's like war by other means," they added. "The way tourism is being promoted by the government is telling Indians: go spend time there and make Kashmir yours."

A 1989 rebellion against Indian rule in Kashmir started a long-running insurgency that killed thousands of people and sparked a panicked migration of Hindu residents from the Muslim-majority valley.

Periodic attempts to revive the tourism market faltered, with three popular uprisings between 2008 and 2016 leaving more than 300 civilians dead and scaring off potential visitors.

But after Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government revoked Kashmir's limited autonomy three years ago, authorities again began promoting the region to Indians as one of the country's premier getaway destinations.

A promotional blitz followed, with festivals, travel marts, roadshows and summits featuring Indian travel operators, sponsored by the local government and 21 major cities across India.

The government announced the opening of a ski resort among 75 new "untapped destinations" for tourists, including some close to the heavily militarised de facto border that divides Kashmir between India and Pakistan.

Authorities are also courting investors to build 20,000 hotel rooms in addition to the 50,000 already in the territory, and they eased a homestay policy to encourage residents to host visitors.

Sarmad Hafeez, the local government's tourism secretary, told AFP that the official budget to promote tourism had "quadrupled" in the past two years.

"We changed past perceptions about Kashmir," he said. "Events sent out a clear message that Kashmir is safe to travel to."

India's drive to open Kashmir's remarkable landscape to tourism comes as the rest of its established economy languishes after the change in the territory's status.

Drastic curbs on civic life and an intensified counterinsurgency campaign have stifled local business.

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The government has also removed tax barriers that had helped protect local production from outside competition.

"This was the last nail in the coffin of our manufacturing industry," Shahid Kamili, president of the Federation Chamber of Commerce and Industry in Kashmir (FCIK), told AFP.

Industrial production accounts for 15 percent of the local economy, according to FCIK data -- three times the most optimistic figures for the tourism sector.

But 350,000 industrial workers lost their jobs since the region's autonomy was rescinded, Kamili said.

The region's potential for growth as a travel destination remains hampered by its violent history and prevailing unhappiness with Indian rule, leaving some visitors unnerved by the heavy security presence.

"If Kashmir is a part of India," a tourist from West Bengal told AFP, "then we should ask why there are so many security forces everywhere."

Half a million Indian troops are stationed in Kashmir to 
quell a separatist insurgency in the Muslim-majority region
Despite the push for tourism, drastic curbs on civic life and and intensified counterinsurgency campaign have stifled businesses in Kashmir

Kashmir's potential for growth as a travel destination remains
 hampered by its violent history and prevailing unhappiness with Indian rule


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