It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
Sunday, November 17, 2024
The Director of the Iraqi Office for the Rescue of Abducted Yazidis reported that 2,800 Yazidi citizens abducted by ISIS ten years ago have still not been rescued.
ANF
NEWS DESK
Sunday, 17 November 2024, 16:26
Ten years have passed since the 3 August massacre in the Yazidi town of Shengal (Sinjar) in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. When the ISIS gangs stood at the doors of Shengal, thousands of Peshmerga and Asayish (Local Security Force) of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) chaired by Masoud Barzani, who until that very moment controlled the Shengal town, made a quick getaway without shooting even one single bullet. As a result of the flight of the KDP Peshmerga, thousands of Yazidis were slaughtered by the ISIS gangs, thousands more were abducted, predominantly women and children, and sold at markets into slavery. Interestingly, shortly before the genocide took place, the KDP forces seized all the arms and weapons the Yazidis had at that time and took into custody three of the twelve guerrillas of the People's Defense Forces (HPG) and the Free Women's Troops (YJA-Star), who came to the rescue of the fleeing Yazidi people. All this made it indeed very clear how well-prepared and organized this extensive genocide actually was.
The Islamic State (ISIS) killed, captured and displaced all 400,000 Yazidi people living in Shengal on 3 August 2014, in a genocide that disproportionately affected children. About 10,000 Yazidis were killed or abducted. Half of all those executed were children, according to a report by multi-national researchers in the journal PLoS Medicine.
Nearly all (93%) of those who eventually died on Mount Shengal from injuries or lack of food and water were also children. Of the around 6,400 abducted Yazidis, it’s estimated about half were children, according to the Yazidi-led nonprofit Nadia’s Initiative. Boys as young as seven were sent to ISIS training camps and girls as young as nine were subjected to rape and sexual enslavement, according to a Save the Children report.
Hussein Kaidi, Director of the Iraqi Office for the Rescue of Abducted Yazidis, said that there is still no news from 2,800 Yazidi citizens abducted by ISIS during the genocidal onslaught ten years ago.
Hussein Kaidi stated that 3,583 Yazidi citizens abducted by ISIS have been rescued so far, adding that some abducted Yazidi citizens are being held in Hol Camp in Rojava.
Sunday, November 10, 2024
Shengal Autonomous Administration announced that a young man named Kerim Hecî Şero was martyred in today’s airstrike by the Turkish state.
ANF
SHENGAL
Sunday, 10 November 2024, 17:33
An unmanned aerial combat vehicle (UCAV) targeted a car in the Yazidi town of Shengal (Sinjar) in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq earlier today.
The driver of the car lost his life as a result of the attack while on his way to the Serdesht region.
The victim was identified as Kerim Hecî Şero, a young Yazidi man from the Zendini tribe. He came from the Tilizêr district and lived in the Sinûnê sub-district of Shengal.
The young man’s body was delivered from Sinûnê Hospital to Mosul Forensic Medicine for post-mortem examination.
Turkish attacks on Shengal ongoing since 2017
Under the pretext of "fighting the PKK", Turkish warplanes and drones have repeatedly carried out airstrikes on Shengal since 2017. The specific targets are mostly institutions that were founded in the wake of the ISIS genocide - such as the administrative body "Shengal Democratic Autonomous Council" (MXDŞ) or the self-defence units YBŞ and YJŞ. The victims are mainly people from the civilian population - often survivors of the 2014 genocide.
In a wave of attacks by warplanes and UCAVs, the Turkish state bombed a total of 16 points in Shengal on 24-25 October, killing six fighters of the Shengal Resistance Units (YBŞ).
On 8 July, the vehicle of journalists who went to Til Qeseb town of Shengal to conduct interviews on the 10th anniversary of the 3 August 2014 genocide was attacked in the centre of Shengal on their way back. Çira TV reporter Medya Hasan Kemal, Çira FM reporter Murat Mirza Ibrahim and vehicle driver Xelef Xidir, along with 3 other people who were at the scene, were injured in the attack.
Another Turkish aerial attack on 8 March killed Mecdel Hesen Xelef, a commander of Shengal Resistance Units (YBŞ) and survivor of the ISIS genocide in 2014. The drone bombed a checkpoint near Til Êzêr where he was working. He was 32 years old and left behind a wife and son.
A few days earlier, civilian Sadun Mirza Ali had been killed by a Turkish drone in Shengal. The man was the father of three children and worked as a driver for the autonomous administration's committee for the martyrs. At the end of December, five workers from Rojava were killed in a drone attack in Shengal.
Attacks in violation of international law on an almost daily basis
The Yazidi settlement area Shengal in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq is the last contiguous settlement area of the Yazidi community. Thousands of Yazidis were murdered and thousands of women and children were taken prisoner in the 3 August 2014 onslaught on Shengal by ISIS militants. While ISIS gangs began murdering Yazidis in Shengal, the Peshmerga left, leaving the Yazidis behind, unprotected. The guerrillas of HPG (People’s Defense Forces) and YJA Star (Free Women’s Troops) and fighters of the YPG (People’s Defense Units) and YPJ (Women’s Defense Units) came to the Yazidi people's aid in the face of ISIS aggression. Thanks to a months-long selfless struggle, the city was liberated on 13 November 2015. After the liberation of the city, the HPG and YPG/YPJ subsequently withdrew in 2017. People who returned to their land after Shengal's independence reformed, established defensive units and built their institutions.
The Turkish state, which has been frustrated by the liberation of Shengal and the military and political organization of the Yazidi community after ISIS' genocidal attack in 2014, has been attacking Shengal for seven years. Attacks by Turkey that violate international law have been routine in southern Kurdistan for years. The Turkish air force bombs the territory of the Kurdistan Region and Iraq on an almost daily basis, especially where guerrillas are suspected. However, civilian settlement areas are also regularly attacked by the Turkish army, including the Yazidi settlement area of Shengal and the Maxmur refugee camp. With its aerial terror, Ankara is pursuing a targeted policy of displacement - in particular by deliberately destroying civilian infrastructure.
Monday, October 21, 2024
As part of the campaign led by the Shengal Autonomous Administration and the Free Yazidi Women's Movement (TAJÊ), Yazidis and Arabs living in Shengal expressed their demands through various actions and events.
ANF
SHENGAL
Monday, 21 October 2024
The ‘Freedom for Abdullah Öcalan and Autonomy for Shengal’ campaign has left one year behind.
Within the framework of the campaign that started on 21 October 2023, Yazidis and Arabs living in Shengal (Sinjar) expressed their demands through various actions and events.
As part of the campaign led by the Shengal Autonomous Administration and the Free Yazidi Women's Movement (TAJÊ), a tent action was launched on 25 October 2023 under the leadership of the Shengal Arab Councils.
On 28 October, Arab women staged a march to express their demands for the freedom of Abdullah Öcalan and the autonomy of Shengal.
On 11 December, the Young Women's Union of Shengal and the Êzidxan Youth Union supported the campaign by setting up a book stand with the slogan ‘Read Leader Öcalan's Books, Know Yourself’.
Within the framework of the initiative, which continued uninterruptedly in 2024, marches, workshops, seminars, panels and reading events were organised and the demands for the physical freedom of Abdullah Öcalan and the autonomy of Shengal were expressed. The events organised in this process brought support to the Yazidi struggle through participation from different segments of society.
The campaign continues with determination in order to bring the demands of the people of Shengal to the international arena and to call for freedom for Abdullah Öcalan and status for Shengal.
The Yazidi settlement area Shengal (Sinjar) in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq is the last contiguous settlement area of the Yazidi community. Thousands of Yazidis were murdered and thousands of women and children were taken prisoner in the 3 August 2014 onslaught on Shengal by ISIS militants. While ISIS gangs began murdering Yazidis in Shengal, the Peshmerga left, leaving the Yazidis behind, unprotected. The guerrillas of HPG (People’s Defense Forces) and YJA Star (Free Women’s Troops) and fighters of the YPG (People’s Defense Units) and YPJ (Women’s Defense Units) came to the Yazidi people's aid in the face of ISIS aggression. Thanks to a months-long selfless struggle, the city was liberated on 13 November 2015. After the liberation of the city, the HPG/YJA Star and YPG/YPJ subsequently withdrew in 2017. People who returned to their land after Shengal's independence reformed, established defensive units and built their institutions.
Tuesday, October 08, 2024
Prosecutor Reena Devgun speaks during a press conference regarding the indictment of a 52-year-old woman, associated with the Islamic State group, with genocide, crimes against humanity and serious war crimes against Yazidi women and children in Syria, in Stockholm, Thursday, Sept. 19, 2024. (Anders Wiklund/TT News Agency via AP)
BY JAN M. OLSEN
,October 7, 2024
COPENHAGEN, Denmark (AP) — A 52-year-old woman associated with the Islamic State group went on trial on Monday in Sweden on charges of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes against Yazidi women and children in Syria.
Lina Laina Ishaq, who is a Swedish citizen, is accused of committing the crimes during the period from August 2014 to December 2016 in the Syrian city of Raqqa, which at the time was the seat of the militant group’s self-proclaimed caliphate and home to about 300,000 people.
The trial marks the first time that IS attacks against the Yazidis, one of Iraq’s oldest religious minorities, have been tried in Sweden. The hearings are expected to last about two months, most of them behind closed doors.
The crimes took place under IS rule in Raqqa, where Ishaq was living at the time.
Under IS rule, Yazidi women and children were “regarded as property and subjected to being traded as slaves, sexual slavery, forced labor, deprivation of liberty and extrajudicial executions,” prosecutor Reena Devgun said when the charges were made public last month.
The prosecution says that at her home in Raqqa, Ishaq abused Yazidis with the aim to ”completely or partially annihilate the Yazidi ethnic group,” Devgun said as the trial opened at the Stockholm District Court, the Swedish TT news agency said.
RELATED STORIES
Sweden charges a woman with war crimes for allegedly torturing Yazidi women and children in Syria
The charge sheet, obtained by The Associated Press, says Ishaq is suspected of holding nine people, including children, for up to seven months, treated them as slaves and also abused several of those she held captive.
Ishaq, who denies wrongdoing, is also accused of having molested a baby, said to have been 1 month old at the time, by holding a hand over the child’s mouth when he screamed to silence him. She is also suspected of having sold people to IS, knowing they risked being killed or subjected to serious sexual abuse.
The Islamic State group abducted Yazidi women and children and brought them to Syria in 2014, when IS militants stormed Yazidi towns and villages in Iraq’s Sinjar region. Women were forced into sexual slavery, and boys were taken to be indoctrinated in jihadi ideology.
Three years later, when the Islamic State’s reign began to collapse, Ishaq fled from Raqqa and was captured by Syrian Kurdish troops.
She managed to escape to Turkey where she was arrested with her son and two other children she had given birth to in the meantime with an IS foreign fighter from Tunisia. She was later extradited to Sweden.
Ishaq was earlier convicted in Sweden and sentenced to three years in prison for taking her 2-year-old son to Syria in 2014, to an area then controlled by IS. She had claimed that at the time, she had told the child’s father that she and the boy were only going on a holiday to Turkey. However, once in Turkey, the two crossed into Syria and into IS-run territory.
Ishaq who already is in prison, was identified through information from a U.N. team investigating atrocities in Iraq, known as UNITAD.
Thursday, October 03, 2024
Timour Azhari
Updated Thu, October 3, 2024
Palestinians hold Eid al-Fitr prayers by the ruins of al-Farouk mosque in Rafah
By Timour Azhari
BEIRUT (Reuters) -A 21-year-old woman kidnapped by Islamic State militants in Iraq more than a decade ago was freed from Gaza this week in an operation led by the United States, U.S. and Iraqi officials said.
The operation also involved Israel, Jordan and Iraq, according to officials.
The woman is a member of the ancient Yazidi religious minority mostly found in Iraq and Syria which saw more than 5,000 members killed and thousands more kidnapped in a 2014 campaign that the U.N. has said constituted genocide.
She was freed after more than four months of efforts that involved several attempts that failed due to the difficult security situation resulting from Israel's military offensive in Gaza, Silwan Sinjaree, chief of staff of Iraq's foreign minister, told Reuters.
She has been identified as Fawzia Sido. Reuters could not reach the woman directly for comment.
Iraqi officials had been in contact with the woman for months and passed on her informaiton to U.S. officials, who arranged for her exit from Gaza with the help of Israel, according to a source familiar with the matter.
Officials did not provide details of how exactly she was eventually freed, and Jordanian and U.S. embassy officials in Baghdad did not immediately respond to requests for comment.
The director of the digital diplomacy bureau at Israel's foreign ministry, David Saranga, posted on X that "Fawzia, a Yazidi girl kidnapped by ISIS from Iraq and brought to Gaza at just 11 years old, has finally been rescued by the Israeli security forces."
There was no immediate comment from the Israeli military.
A State Department spokesperson said the United States on Oct. 1 "helped to safely evacuate from Gaza a young Yezidi woman to be reunited with her family in Iraq."
The spokesperson said she was kidnapped from her home in Iraq aged 11 and sold and trafficked to Gaza. Her captor was recently killed, allowing her to escape and seek repatriation, the spokesperson said.
Sinjaree said she was in good physical condition but was traumatized by her time in captivity and by the dire humanitarian situation in Gaza. She had since been reunited with family in northern Iraq, he added.
More than 6,000 Yazidis were captured by Islamic State militants from Sinjar region in Iraq in 2014, with many sold into sexual slavery or trained as child soldiers and taken across borders, including to Turkey and Syria.
Over the years, more than 3,500 have been rescued or freed, according to Iraqi authorities, with some 2,600 still missing.
Many are feared dead but Yazidi activists say they believe hundreds are still alive.
(Reporting by Timour Azhari; Editing by Angus MacSwan)
Zahra Fatima
BBC News
The Yazidis in northern Iraq were attacked by the Islamic State group in northern Iraq in 2014 (file picture)
A Yazidi woman who was kidnapped aged 11 in Iraq by the Islamic State group and subsequently taken to Gaza has been rescued after more than a decade in captivity there, officials from Israel, the US and Iraq said.
The Yazidis are a religious minority who mostly live in Iraq and Syria. In 2014 the Islamic State group overran the Yazidi community in Sinjar in northern Iraq, massacring thousands of men, and enslaving girls and women.
The Israeli military said the now 21-year-old's captor in Gaza had been killed during the ongoing war between Israel and the Palestinian armed group Hamas, probably as a result of an air strike.
The woman, identified as Fawzia Amin Sido, then fled to another place in Gaza.
The Israeli military said Ms Sido was eventually freed during a "complex operation coordinated between Israel, the United States, and other international actors" and taken to Iraq via Israel and Jordan.
Iraqi foreign ministry official Silwan Sinjaree told Reuters that several earlier attempts to rescue her over the course of about four months failed because of the security situation in Gaza.
Mr Sinjaree said Ms Silo was in good physical condition, but had been traumatised by her time in captivity and by the dire humanitarian situation in Gaza.
Video shared by Canadian philanthropist Steve Maman showed Ms Sido reuniting with her family in Iraq.
Posting on X, Mr Maman said: "I made a promise to Fawzia the Yazidi who was hostage of Hamas in Gaza that I would bring her back home to her mother in Sinjar.
"To her it seemed surreal and impossible but not to me, my only enemy was time. Our team reunited her moments ago with her mother and family in Sinjar."
Young women fear return to a broken land of rubble and brutality
The fight to free Yazidi women slaves held by IS
The Islamic State group once controlled 88,000 sq km (34,000 sq miles) of territory stretching from eastern Iraq to western Syria and imposed its brutal rule on almost eight million people.
In August 2014, IS militants swept through Iraq's north-western Sinjar region, which is the homeland of the Yazidi religious minority.
In numerous Yazidi villages, the population was rounded up. Men and boys over the age of 14 were separated from women and girls. The men were then led away and shot, while the women were abducted as the "spoils of war".
Some of the Yazidi girls and women who later escaped from captivity described being openly sold or handed over into sexual slavery as "gifts" to IS members.
The Islamic State group is believed to have killed more than 3,000 Yazidis and captured 6,000 others in total.
The UN said IS committed genocide as well as multiple crimes against humanity and war crimes against the Yazidis.
Iraqi authorities say more than 3,500 members of the community have been rescued or freed and about 2,600 people remain missing.
Monday, August 19, 2024
By Nadine Maenza on August 19, 2024
While Christians mark 10 years since the ISIS genocide in Nineveh, US-Sanctioned Rayan Al-Kildani and his Babylon Brigade are taking over, displacing Christian officials, and fostering corruption. Local leaders resisting his influence demand fair representation and protection of their community.
Image Credit
In the coming weeks, the Iraqi Federal Court is expected to rule on the illegal removal of the Nineveh Provincial Council on July 2 and replacement of 15 mayors and directors. If this action stands, it will remove the last independent Christian mayors outside of the Kurdistan Region and have a devastating impact on the historic Syriac, Assyrian, and Chaldean Christian cities of Bartella, Qaraqosh, Tel Kef, and the Yazidi homeland of Sinjar.
Before the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq that toppled Saddam Hussein, there were 1.5 million Christians in Iraq. US policy unfortunately increased sectarianism, which, in turn, hurt religious and ethnic minorities. By the time ISIS arrived, only 700,000 Christians remained, and under Islamic State rule Christians were subjected to “forced transfer, persecution, pillage, sexual violence and slavery, and other inhuman acts such as forced conversions and the intentional destruction of cultural heritage.” Now, reports suggest between 150,000 and 250,000 remain.
The Struggle for Qaraqosh
The largest Christian city in Iraq, Qaraqosh (Bakhdida) in the Al-Hamdaniya District, was captured by ISIS on August 6, 2014. Because the community was aware of the horrific crimes in Sinjar and Mosul, most of the 60,000 residents fled to Erbil in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI). By the time Qaraqosh was liberated on October 19, 2016, with $135 million in damages, churches and homes destroyed, 40% of Christian residents had already emigrated abroad or had decided to stay in the KRI.
On July 18, 2019, the United States sanctioned Rayan Al-Kildani, the leader of the 50th Brigade militia, for human rights abuses, including intimidation, extortion, and harassment of women. With accusations of systemic looting and illegally seizing land, the US said, “The 50th Brigade was reportedly the primary impediment to the return of internally displaced persons to the Nineveh Plains.” Immediately upon the district’s liberation, Iranian-aligned militias began seizing lands, preventing many residents from returning.
The 50th Brigade is now known as the Babylon Brigade or Kataib Babiliyoun (KB). While they are supported by Iran and close to Iran’s Quds Force, they fall under the Government of Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) or “Hashd al-Shaabi.” While Kildani claims it is a Christian group and calls himself “Rayan the Chaldean,” most members are Shia from Southern Iraq who have relocated to the Nineveh Plains to build Kildani’s political strength. The political arm is known as the Babylon Movement.
Unfortunately, the consequence of ignoring this deadline has cost Iraqis enormously, especially religious minorities.
After the fall of ISIS, Iranian-aligned militias filled the vacuum in the Nineveh Plains, particularly in disputed territories claimed by both the Governments of Iraq and Kurdistan, neither of which adequately invested in its governance or security. In fact, Article 140 of the 2005 Iraqi Constitution lays out a process to resolve the disputed territories with a deadline of 2007. Unfortunately, the consequence of ignoring this deadline has cost Iraqis enormously, especially religious minorities.
Despite accusations of bribing and threatening voters, Rayan and his Iran-backed Babylon Movement won four of the five seats reserved for Christians in the 2021 Iraqi parliamentary election, exploiting loopholes in election laws. Kildani relied on support from Iranian-backed Shia groups to elect his candidates instead of giving Christians their promised voice in the parliament. During provincial elections in 2023, Kildani repeated his success by winning four seats reserved for Christians in the provincial elections in Basra, Baghdad, Kirkuk, and Nineveh. While initially Kildani lost the Basra seat to a church-backed candidate, he brought a legal case against him with accusations of being in the Baath party, leading to his elimination. Kildani’s candidate was his replacement.
In July 2023, it was reported that Kildani pressured the President of Iraq, Abdul Latif Rashid, to revoke a decree recognizing Cardinal Louis Sako as Patriarch of the Chaldean Catholic Church, the largest Christian denomination in Iraq (67%) and in full communion with the Roman Catholic Church. This led to Cardinal Sako withdrawing his headquarters from Baghdad and fleeing to Erbil. Kildani even faked a meeting with the Pope to try and gain legitimacy. While I was with Cardinal Sako days after he arrived in Erbil, he shared his fear for the future of the church in Iraq under such threats. Fortunately, in April 2024, Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani reinstated the decree, with Cardinal Sako immediately returning the church headquarters to Baghdad.
Resistance to Kildani
The Christian residents and leaders of Qaraqosh have refused to allow Kildani to take political control, although they endure regular harassment going through the militia checkpoints, especially women. On March 11, 2023, Kildani’s brother, Osama, who now commands the Babylon Brigade militia while Rayan focuses on the political movement, attempted to take over the base of the Christian Nineveh Plains Protection Units (NPU) in Qaraqosh, a force of 500 men organized for their protection.
Archbishop Younan Hanno and all the top Christian leaders, along with residents, marched towards the Babylon Brigade convoy to force the militia out of town. On August 5, the Council of Qaraqosh Archbishops, along with five Syriac, Assyrian, Chaldean political parties, held another protest against ongoing land theft, corrupt security forces, unfair elections for Christians, frustration with the demographic change, and anger at efforts to remove their political leadership and replace them with Kildani loyalists.
On September 26, a devastating fire broke out at a wedding reception in Qaraqosh, quickly igniting the entire building, killing 134 people, and injuring over 250, devastating the close-knit Syriac Catholic community. Just weeks after the fire, I was able to visit the reception hall and spend time sitting with families who were dealing with unimaginable grief. It seemed every family I met had lost at least one immediate family member, often a teenager, while also losing sisters, brothers, cousins, and parents.
Syriac Catholic Priest Father Adris Hanna, who spent time ministering to this community, wrote that “Exhaustion has taken its toll on the people, and thoughts of migration now loom large. The residents of Qaraqosh have faced persecution and expulsion, driven from their homeland due to their ethnicity and faith.” Many returned to rebuild after 2014, but even they are contemplating emigration due to constant threats.
With rumors that the wedding hall owner is affiliated with Kildani and angry with Kildani’s efforts to remove Christian officials, residents refused to let Kildani and his Babylon-affiliated Member of Parliament Duraid Jamil Eshoo to attend a mourning ceremony. Kildani threatened to attack a church if he was not allowed entry, and Duraid said, “If 100 died now, we’ll make them 200 next time, and we’ll break the bishop’s crosier on his head,” referring to Archbishop Hanno’s traditional staff. All of these comments were caught on video and shared with authorities.
The power grab
On July 2, 2024, Kildani finally convinced (or coerced) a majority of the Nineveh Provincial Council to make the drastic decision to remove 15 government officials in Qaraqosh, Bartella, and Tel Kef, and the strategically important Yazidi homeland of Sinjar.
Kildani’s pro-Iranian Babylon Movement controls 16 of the 29 members of the Nineveh Provincial Council, a huge surprise since this is a majority Arab area. He is part of the Nineveh Future Alliance, along with the Coordination Framework, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, and those holding minority quota seats.
The Opposition Alliance comprises the United Nineveh Alliance (9 seats) and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (4 seats). The opposition suspended its membership in the council, calling for the Council President to be removed, and filed a complaint with the federal court. The council’s decision brought stunning unity from five Christian political parties, saying the actions “exceeded the law and constitutional powers” and would have “serious negative consequences in society.” All changes are on hold until the court decides the case.
Kildani was also a leader in the alliance that took over the Kirkuk Provincial Council, voting on August 10 to replace the Governor and council speaker positions, leading to widespread news coverage and protests.
It’s important to note that Kildani is not a rogue player, but working closely with other Iranian-backed militia and political leaders such as former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, PMF leader Falih al-Fayyad, and Qais al-Khazali, who in June warned that if the US continues its support of Israel “then America should know that it will put all its interests in the region, particularly in Iraq, at risk and make them a target.”
In fact, it is difficult to find any negative articles about Kildani in local news any longer, showing his enormous power and the fear he instills.
Kildani immediately took credit for the council’s actions on Alawla TV saying, “but today we have restored rights to the people of Nineveh…” While there are dozens of articles about this vote, no local news covered Kildani’s involvement. In fact, it is difficult to find any negative articles about Kildani in local news any longer, showing his enormous power and the fear he instills.
Protecting Iraq’s minorities
The Government of Iraq should challenge the Nineveh Provincial Council’s decision to replace officials with Kildani loyalists, giving him and Iranian-backed militias control of most of the Nineveh Plains. Harassment of religious and ethnic communities at checkpoints by Kildani’s Babylon Brigade or others should not be allowed or tolerated. Those that violate the law should be prosecuted.
Federal authorities must investigate and charge those like Kildani who engage in vote-buying and other election fraud.
Election rules must be changed to protect the political representation of Christians, Yazidis, and other religious and ethnic minorities in parliament so only minority community members can vote for their own representation. Federal authorities must investigate and charge those like Kildani who engage in vote-buying and other election fraud.
The US and the international community still have the political might to press for positive changes to protect these fragile religious minority communities, but they must act now.
The views represented in this piece are those of the author and do not express the official position of the Wilson Center.
About the Author
Nadine Maenza
Global Fellow;
President, International Religious Freedom Secretariat
Middle East Program
The Wilson Center’s Middle East Program serves as a crucial resource for the policymaking community and beyond, providing analyses and research that helps inform US foreign policymaking, stimulates public debate, and expands knowledge about issues in the wider Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Read more
Thursday, August 15, 2024
Iraq's Yazidis hope a new village will prompt survivors of a 2014 Islamic State massacre to return
Iraq's Yazidi community leaders have announced plans for an internationally funded project to build an entire new village to house displaced survivors of one of the bloodiest massacres committed by Islamic State militants against their religious minority
KOCHO, Iraq -- Ten years ago, their village in Iraq's Sinjar region was decimated by Islamic State militants. Yazidi men and boys were separated and massacred, Yazidi women and children were abducted, many raped or taken as slaves.
Now the survivors are coming back to Kocho, where Yazidi community leaders on Thursday announced plans for an internationally funded new village nearby to house those displaced in what was one of the bloodiest massacres by the Islamic State group against their tiny and insular religious minority.
On Aug. 15, 2014, the extremists killed hundreds in Kocho alone. During their rampage across the wider region of Sinjar — the Yazidi heartland — IS killed and enslaved thousands of Yazidis, whom the Sunni militants consider heretics. To this day, the Kocho massacre remains as a glaring example of IS atrocities against the Yazidi community.
Out of 1,470 people in Kocho at the time, 1,027 were abducted by the IS, 368 were killed and only 75 managed to escape, according to a report by the Middle East Center at the London School of Economics.
All the permits have now been finalized and construction for the new village will break ground on Sept. 5, said Naif Jaso, a prominent Yazidi leader.
The New Kocho is planned to be built near the village of Tel Qassab, 10 kilometers (6.2 miles) north from the original Kocho, now mostly in ruins.
The International Organization for Migration, the U.N. Development Program and Nadia’s Initiative, an nonprofit founded by Yazidi survivor Nadia Murad, are hoping it will provide much-needed housing and infrastructure to encourage displaced Yazidis to return to their historic homeland.
Their return is a thorny issue and few Yazidis have trickled back to their former homes. In Sinjar, the situation is particularly grim, with destroyed infrastructure, little funding for rebuilding and multiple armed groups vying to carve up the area.
Though IS was defeated in Iraq in 2017, as of April this year only 43% of the more than 300,000 people displaced from Sinjar have come back, IOM says.
Jaso said 133 displaced families have said they are willing to return and settle in New Kocho Village, which envisages parks, marketplaces, a health facility, a psychiatric support center and recreational spaces along with homes for people.
Each house will be built according to the size and needs of each family, Nadia’s Initiative’s spokesperson Salah Qasim said.
Alyas Salih Qasim, one of the few male survivors from Kocho says he plans to go back once the new village is ready. He has been living for years in a displacement camp in northern Iraq’s semi-autonomous Kurdish region and plans to settle in the new village.
“I would love to return to my original house,” he said but was not optimistic about others — many Yazidis have since migrated and started new lives elsewhere.
But it's “difficult ... to return to an empty village, and it’s better if we settle in the New Kocho once they finish constructing it," he said.
Earlier this year, Iraq's government ordered displacement camps in the Kurdish region housing thousands of Yazidis to be closed by July 30 and even offered payments of 4 million dinars (about $3,000) to those who leave, but later postponed the order.
Fatima Ismael, another survivor of the Kocho massacre who has been living in the same camp as Qasim for nine years and also hopes to settled in the new village, said the old village of Kocho contains too many painful memories.
The remains of her husband and two of her sons were found in a mass graves while three other sons are still missing, with empty graves waiting for them at the local cemetery.
“I can never return home because I can’t look at the empty rooms,” she said, though she misses the old village community. “How can I live with that?”
Survivors still live in fear of IS and part of the reason for placing the new Kocho at a distance from the old village is to be closer to mountains where many Yazidis took refuge during the militants' rampage. Since their defeat, IS militants have gone underground but are still able to stage surprise attacks.
Commemorations and ceremonies like Thursday's bring back traumatic memories.
“It feels like the first day every time there’s a ceremony or event to remember these days,” Qasim said. “Whatever they do for us, or how hard they try, what we saw is unbearably terrible and impossible to forget.”
Saturday, August 03, 2024
Ten years after the massacre of their community by the "Islamic State" group in Iraq, Yazidis are still seeking justice. This year, the unexpected end of a special UN investigative mission is a worrying setback.
In the early morning hours of August 3, 2014, the extremist "Islamic State," or IS, group attacked communities in northern Iraq that were home to the ethno-religious Yazidi minority.
Yazidi men were executed on the spot and women and children were captured, with thousands eventually being sold into slavery.
By 2017, the IS group was declared defeated in Iraq. Today, most members are either dead, imprisoned, or in hiding. But many Yazidis are still waiting for justice.
Progress made
There have been positive developments over the past decade, Murad Ismael, head of the Sinjar Academy, an institute in northern Iraq for Yazidi education, told DW.
That includes the resettlement of Yazidi survivors in third countries and international court cases trialing former IS members, he said. It also includes international recognition that IS committed genocide against the Yazidi and the Iraqi government's Yazidi Survivors Law of 2021. That legislation offers reparation of sorts to abused Yazidi women, including a monthly income of around $500.
But there's still more to be done, Ismael and others argue. Of around 7,000 Yazidis captured by the IS group, 2,600 are still unaccounted for and mass graves are still being exhumed around Iraq.
And things are not looking so positive for the ongoing pursuit of justice. "I think the world, including Iraq, is now moving beyond the IS chapter altogether," Ismael said.
Unfortunately this year, the Yazidi suffered another serious setback: the unexpected closure of the United Nations Investigative Team to Promote Accountability for Crimes Committed by Daesh (the Arabic acronym for the IS group). The organization, commonly known as UNITAD, started work in 2018 to investigate IS crimes, including those committed against the Yazidis, but it will be dissolved in mid-September.
UNITAD is in Iraq at the invitation of the country's government and late last year, the Iraqis said it was no longer needed.
The head of UNITAD, Christian Ritscher, warned that his team would not be able to finish their work by September.
"Many survivors … see UNITAD as the only hope to achieve meaningful justice in Iraq," an open letter by 33 different advocacy groups added. "For its work to stop so abruptly … would be a disaster for survivors, Iraq, and the international community. It would send the signal that justice is not a real priority."
Why close UNITAD?
There are several reasons for UNITAD's unexpected end.
It's partially political, Ismael argues. Besides simply moving on historically, "anything international seems not to be welcomed by the new Iraqi government," Ismael says.
In May this year, Iraq requested that the United Nations Assistance Mission in Iraq, which has been working there since 2003, be withdrawn.
Local media reports also suggest there was friction between UNITAD and the Iraqi establishment. Iraq does not have a law that covers what are known as "international crimes" — that is, serious violations of international law like crimes against humanity, genocide, torture or enforced disappearance.
That is why no IS members have been charged with international crimes in Iraq, Bryar Baban, a Kurdish law professor, pointed out in an analysis for the Paris-based French Research Center on Iraq earlier this year. "Regrettably, UNITAD was unsuccessful in urging Iraqi authorities to enact such legislation," he said.
In Iraq, IS members are usually prosecuted using anti-terrorism laws, he continued. "The Iraqi justice system lacks fair trials, with some as brief as 10 minutes. Trials do not include victims and survivors... and atrocities committed against Yazidis are rarely factored into Iraqi judicial processes."
Additionally, Iraq uses the death penalty, which the UN opposes. This is why, local media suggested, UNITAD had not always been enthusiastic about sharing evidence with the Iraqis.
Impact of UNITAD's closure
"There will be a big void that needs to be filled," Pari Ibrahim, director of the Free Yezidi Foundation, told DW during an event held by the Atlantic Council this week. "We were really counting on UNITAD."
But what legal experts and advocacy organizations are most worried about is what happens to the evidence UNITAD has collected. Some of this has come via the Iraqi government but UNITAD also had investigators conducting interviews in the field.
"A lot of survivors went to UNITAD because they trusted the UN mechanism," Ibrahim pointed out. "A lot did not want to share their testimony with Iraqi prosecutors." They didn't trust them, she explained.
Reports suggest Iraqi officials may now want to keep evidence and conduct trials inside the country. They have also hinted that they should be the ones that give permission to third-country prosecutors to use Iraqi evidence.
But, as law professor Baban writes, what if Iraq refuses to pass on evidence: "Could we not face a denial of justice?"
What now?
Yazidi advocacy organizations have suggested the UN keep UNITAD's evidence safe, or that another special tribunal be created to take its place.
"Ultimately our position is that we want justice to happen in Iraq," Natia Navrouzov, director of the advocacy organization Yazda, said during the Atlantic Council event. "Because this is the homeland of the Yazidis and other minorities that were targeted, this is where most of the survivors, the evidence, the perpetrators, and the crime scenes are. But what is missing is the trust."
There's a draft law in Iraq to allow the prosecution of international crimes but it has yet to be passed. And Iraqi authorities are not transparent enough about their plans, Navrouzov argued. "Right now the message is that 'we're closing UNITAD and we will take over,'" she says. "But where is the trust-building part?"
"I believe in fighting but, as I said before, I also think the world has moved on," Ismael, head of the Sinjar Academy, concluded. "But we Yazidis cannot move on. We hold onto this idea of accountability and justice because, for us, it's personal — while for the rest of the world, it's political. For them, IS is done, it's finished. But we can never forget."
Edited by Richard Connor
Yazidi women raise banners during a demonstration demanding their rights and the release of those kidnapped by ISIS militants, in Mosul, Iraq, June 3, 2024.
London: Asharq Al Awsat
3 August 2024
Fahad Qassim was just 11 years old when ISIS militants overran his Yazidi community in the Sinjar region of northern Iraq in August 2014, taking him captive.
The attack was the start of what became the systematic slaughter, enslavement, and rape of thousands of Yazidis, shocking the world and displacing most of the 550,000-strong ancient religious minority. Thousands of people were rounded up and killed during the initial assault, which began in the early hours of Aug. 3.
Many more are believed to have died in captivity. Survivors fled up the slopes of Mount Sinjar, where some were trapped for many weeks by an ISIS siege.
The assault on the Yazidis - an ancient religious minority in eastern Syria and northwest Iraq - was part of ISIS' effort to establish a so-called “caliphate.”
At one stage, the group held a third of Iraq and neighboring Syria before being pushed back and collapsing in 2019.
Now 21, Qassim lives in a small apartment on the edge of a refugee camp in the Kurdistan region of Iraq, far from his hometown.
He was trained as a child soldier and fought in grinding battles before being liberated as ISIS collapsed in Syria's Baghuz in 2019, but only after losing the bottom half of his leg to an airstrike by the US-led forces.
"I don't plan for any future in Iraq," he said, waiting for news on a visa application to a Western country.
"Those who go back say they fear the same thing that happened in 2014 will happen again."
Qassim's reluctance to return is shared by many. A decade after what has been recognized as a genocide by many governments and UN agencies, Sinjar district remains largely destroyed.
The old city of Sinjar is a confused heap of grey and brown stone, while villages like Kojo, where hundreds were killed, are crumbling ghost towns.
Limited services, poor electricity and water supply, and what locals say is inadequate government compensation for rebuilding have made resettlement challenging.
POWER STRUGGLE
The security situation further complicates matters. A mosaic of armed groups that fought to free Sinjar have remained in this strategic corner of Iraq, holding de facto power on the ground.
This is despite the 2020 Sinjar Agreement that called for such groups to leave and for the appointment of a mayor with a police force composed of locals.
And from the skies above, frequent Turkish drone strikes target fighters aligned with the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). Civilians are among those killed in these attacks, adding to the sense of insecurity.
Akhtin Intiqam, a 25-year-old commander in the PKK-aligned Sinjar Protection Units (YBS), one of the armed factions in the area, defends their continued presence:
"We are in control of this area and we are responsible for protecting Sinjar from all external attacks," she said.
Speaking in a room adorned with pictures of fallen comrades, numbering more than 150, Intiqam views the Sinjar Agreement with suspicion.
"We will fight with all our power against anyone who tries to implement this plan. It will never succeed," she said.
GOVERNMENT EFFORTS
As the stalemate continues, Sinjar remains underdeveloped. Families who do return receive a one-time payment of about $3,000 from the government.
Meanwhile, more than 200,000 Yazidis remain in Kurdistan, many living in shabby tent settlements. The Iraqi government is pushing to break up these camps, insisting it's time for people to go home.
"You can't blame people for having lost hope. The scale of the damage and displacement is very big and for many years extremely little was done to address it," said Khalaf Sinjari, the Iraqi prime minister's advisor for Yazidi affairs.
This government, he said, was taking Sinjar seriously.
It plans to spend hundreds of millions of dollars – including all previously unspent budgets since 2014 - on development and infrastructure, including for paying compensation, building two new hospitals and a university and linking Sinjar to the country’s water network for the first time. "There is hope to bring back life," said Sinjari, himself a member of the Yazidi community.
However, the presence of an estimated 50,000 ISIS fighters and their families across the border in Syria in detention centers and camps stokes fears of history repeating itself.
Efforts by some Iraqi lawmakers to pass a general amnesty law that could see the freeing of many ISIS prisoners from Iraqi jails only add to these concerns. And the Yazidi struggle for justice is stalled, with the government this year ending a UN mission that sought to help bring ISIS fighters to trial for international crimes, citing a lack of cooperation between it and the mission.
Despite the challenges, some Yazidis are choosing to return. Farhad Barakat Ali, a Yazidi activist and journalist who was displaced by ISIS, made the decision to go back several years ago.
Friday, July 12, 2024
Kurdish village caught in crossfire as Turkish-PKK clashes spark massive wildfires
2024-07-11
Shafaq News/ Violent clashes between Turkish forces and the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in Duhok's northern village of Sekiri have ignited huge wildfires, engulfing vast swathes of farmland and threatening the livelihoods of hundreds of villagers.
According to Nizar Mohammed, the mukhtar (village head) of Sekiri village in Duhok Governorate, artillery shelling from the surrounding conflict has triggered multiple fires, destroying hundreds of acres of mature trees and causing widespread panic among residents.
"The shelling has caused fear and terror among the villagers, who are now trapped between two difficult choices: either remain under the crossfire and continue trying to protect their remaining farmland from the the fires, or flee the village and leave everything behind," Mohammed told Shafaq News agency.
Compounding the villagers' plight is the limited access for firefighters to reach the affected areas due to the volatile security situation and the rugged terrain of the territory. The residents have been forced to deploy rudimentary firefighting methods in a desperate attempt to salvage their crops and homes.
"The people of the village are working day and night to extinguish the fires using primitive means," Mohammed explained.
Turkish operations in mountainous northern Iraq, which have been on and off for decades, have been expanded in recent years with soldiers on the ground backed by air strikes, drones and artillery.
In recent weeks, residents in Duhok said that Turkish forces have been patrolling and setting up checkpoints in new areas deep in the Iraqi territory.
Iraq has stepped up pressure on the PKK since a visit by Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan to Baghdad in April.
Late on Wednesday, Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani chaired a meeting of the Ministerial Council for National Security and discussed "the interventions and violations by Turkish forces in the shared border areas", Iraqi military spokesman Maj Gen Yahya Rasool said.
Ankara sees the presence of the PKK in Iraq as a major national security threat and the group's presence is one of the biggest challenge to relations between Turkiye and Iraq.
Senior officials have vowed to create a "security corridor" up to 40km wide along the Iraqi and Syrian borders – a move, it says, is designed to prevent attacks by the PKK on Turkish soil.
Despite the protests from Baghdad, Ankara's military operations have continued in northern Iraq.
The PKK has been waging an insurgency against Turkiye since 1984, initially seeking an independent Kurdish state before changing its demands to an autonomous Kurdish region within Turkiye. About 40,000 people, many of them civilians, have been killed in the conflict.
The group has training camps and bases in the Iraqi Kurdistan region and is designated a terrorist group by the US and EU.
In March, Baghdad listed the PKK as a "banned organisation", and Ankara has called on the Iraqi government to do more in the fight against the militant group.
During a visit to Iraq in April, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan spoke of "expectations" of Iraq in the fight against the PKK. Al-Sudani spoke of "bilateral security co-ordination" that would meet the needs of both countries.
However, Iraqi Defence Minister Thabet al-Abbasi in March ruled out joint operations between the two neighbors.
Ankara's operations against PKK fighters in Iraq and Syria have led to casualties not only among the fighters, but also civilians. Operations in Syria have also provoked anger in Washington, which has forces alongside Kurdish armed groups, a legacy from the war on ISIS.
The Iraqi Kurdish region has complicated relations with the PKK because its presence impedes trade relations with Turkiye.
PKK targets Turkish military vehicle in northern Duhok
2024-07-09
Shafaq News/ A security source reported Tuesday that the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) targeted a Turkish military vehicle in the northern region of Duhok, Iraqi Kurdistan.
The source told Shafaq News Agency that the PKK used an improvised explosive device (IED) to attack the vehicle on the road between Kani village and the town of Dirluk, north of the governorate.
The vehicle caught fire, but there were no immediate reports on casualties or the extent of the damage.
The security situation in Duhok worsened in the last two days, with PKK intensifying its operations.
Earlier today, a Peshmerga fighter was wounded in a rocket attack launched by PKK militants near the village of Sikeri.
PKK also targeted a military site of the Turkish army in the Matin Mountain range in Al-Amadiya.
The presence of the Kurdistan Workers' Party in the governorate not only affected the security landscape, especially along the borders with Turkiye and Syria but also led to humanitarian consequences such as civilian displacement and fire outbreaks in farmers and agricultural lands.
On Monday, Kurdistan Region's Interior Minister Rebar Ahmed revealed ongoing communications between the Kurdish and Iraqi governments with Ankara regarding the Turkish incursion on the Iraqi territory.
Ahmed considered the presence of the PKK as "illegal," stressing that "we all believe that the PKK should leave these areas to avoid harming the residents."
In a TV interview, the Kurdish President, Nechirvan Barzani, said, "The (Kurdistan) Workers' Party is a severe headache for the Kurdistan Region and Iraq as well. They do not value the legitimacy of the Kurdistan Region's institutions and threaten Turkiye from our territories."
PKK is designated a terrorist organization by Turkiye, the US, and the EU. Iraq considers it a "banned" organization.
Turkish airstrikes destroy homes in northern Duhok amid PKK conflict
2024-07-09
Shafaq News/ On Tuesday, eyewitnesses in Duhok reported that several houses were damaged and burned in a village in the north of Duhok Governorate due to Turkish bombing.
Witnesses informed Shafaq News Agency, "Turkish fighter jets conducted raids on Mazi village, located at the foot of Kara Mountain overlooking Al-Amadiya district, north of Duhok."
"The airstrikes resulted in the destruction and burning of several homes that had been abandoned by the village's residents years ago due to the armed conflict between the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and the Turkish army," they reported.
Earlier today, PKK militants launched a rocket attack on a Peshmerga position in Al-Amadiya district, north of Duhok, which resulted in the injury of a Peshmerga fighter near the village of Sikeri.
In addition, a military site of the Turkish army in the Matin Mountain range in Al-Amadiya was targeted by the PKK.
In Duhok, the presence of the Kurdistan Workers' Party has profoundly influenced local dynamics. Known for its military engagements against Turkish forces and occasional clashes with the Peshmerga, the PKK has raised significant security concerns. These activities have not only affected the security landscape, especially along the borders with Turkiye and Syria but have also led to humanitarian consequences such as civilian displacement and fire outbreaks in farmers and agricultural lands.
2024-07-09
Shafaq News/ On Tuesday, a security source reported that a military point of the Turkish army in the Matin Mountain range in Al-Amadiya district was attacked by Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) militants.
The source told Shafaq News Agency, “The PKK members used a drone in their attack, and the Turkish forces responded using several weapons,” noting that “the extent of the losses is not yet known.”
The Turkish army has established several new military outposts in the Matin Mountain range due to escalating confrontations with PKK in various areas of Al-Amadiya district, In Duhok Governorate.
The conflict between Turkiye and the PKK dates back to the early 1980s when the PKK, founded by Abdullah Öcalan, began advocating for an independent Kurdish state within Turkiye. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, the conflict intensified, with the PKK engaging in guerrilla warfare and the Turkish military conducting large-scale operations against PKK bases, particularly in southeastern Turkiye and northern Iraq.
The early 2000s saw intermittent ceasefires and attempts at peace negotiations, including a notable peace process in 2013. However, this process collapsed in 2015, leading to renewed hostilities.
Turkish drone targets suspected PKK members in Sinjar; injuries reported
2024-07-08
Shafaq News/ On Monday, a police source in Nineveh reported that three individuals, suspected to be members of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), were injured in an airstrike believed to have been conducted by a Turkish drone in the Sinjar district.
The source informed Shafaq News Agency, stating, "The airstrike targeted a civilian car (Tucson) transporting three Yazidis, suspected to be PKK-affiliated, on the road between the Tal-Qasab complex and Sinjar district, west of Mosul."
"The injured were transferred to a nearby hospital for treatment, and it was not clear whether there were any deaths among them," he added.
The conflict between Turkiye and the PKK dates back to the early 1980s when the PKK, founded by Abdullah Öcalan, began advocating for an independent Kurdish state within Turkiye. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, the conflict intensified, with the PKK engaging in guerrilla warfare and the Turkish military conducting large-scale operations against PKK bases, particularly in southeastern Turkiye and northern Iraq.
The early 2000s saw intermittent ceasefires and attempts at peace negotiations, including a notable peace process in 2013. However, this process collapsed in 2015, leading to renewed hostilities.
PKK is designated a terrorist organization by the United States and the European Union and recently a “banned” organization in Iraq.
2024-07-07
Shafaq News/ A security source said that Turkish forces launched on Saturday artillery and warplane bombardment targeting sites of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) in the Rashafa valley of the Dirluk district, north of Duhok Governorate.
The source stated to Shafaq News Agency that the bombing caused extensive material damage to residents’ farms and ignited widespread fires in the nearby forests. The fires continue to burn, and fire brigades have not yet been able to control them at the time of this report.
The conflict between Turkiye and the PKK dates back to the early 1980s when the PKK, founded by Abdullah Öcalan, began advocating for an independent Kurdish state within Turkiye. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, the conflict intensified, with the PKK engaging in guerrilla warfare and the Turkish military conducting large-scale operations against PKK bases, particularly in southeastern Turkiye and northern Iraq.
The early 2000s saw intermittent ceasefires and attempts at peace negotiations, including a notable peace process in 2013. However, this process collapsed in 2015, leading to renewed hostilities.
PKK is designated a terrorist organization by the United States and the European Union and recently a “banned” organization in Iraq.
Tukriye establishes new military posts in northern Duhok, Iraqi Kurdistan
2024-07-07
Shafaq News/ Turkish forces have set up new military positions in the north of Duhok governorate, within Iraq's Kurdistan region, amid ongoing operations against the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), a local source reported on Sunday.
The source told Shafaq News Agency, "Turkish forces established several new military posts in the Nahili area of Al-Amadiya district, between the Serkli and Rashafa valleys on the slopes of Matin Mountain." These positions are reportedly equipped with weapons, military vehicles, and machinery for road construction and base establishment.
Since 2019, Ankara has established several bases in the Duhok Governorate through informal agreements between Turkiye and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG).
Informal figures suggest that Turkiye has a permanent deployment of 5,000 to 10,000 soldiers in Iraqi territory, where it has created a de facto secure zone and moved the armed struggle onto Iraqi soil. It has also built roads in Iraq to connect its military bases and achieve more effective area control. The last one was in February 2024, when Ankara said the road is to "streamline the movement of military and logistical supplies to its bases in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq."
In 2022, Chief of Staff of the Iraqi Army Abdel Emir Yarallah exposed the extent of Turkiye's military presence in Iraq, revealing that it operates five bases in the country.
Yarallah said, "The bases include more than 4,000 Turkish fighters." noting that Turkiye had 40 positions in Iraq in 2021, and the figure has since risen to 100, with many located just short distances from the Zakho, Al-Amadiya, and Duhok regions.
Iraq views Turkish airstrikes and bases as a violation of its sovereignty and territorial integrity. These operations commonly cause civilian casualties and damage infrastructure alongside the killing of PKK members.
The Iraqi government also worries that Turkish military presence in northern Iraq could destabilize the Region and empower Kurdish separatists within Iraq.
On the other hand, Turkiye expressed disappointment in the Iraqi government's historical "reluctance" to acknowledge and ban the PKK as a terrorist organization.
However, recent developments have signaled a shift in Iraq's stance.
Last March, Turkiye proposed the establishment of a "joint operation center" with Iraq to combat the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), a move that has received a positive response from Baghdad.
The PKK is designated a terrorist organization by the United States and the European Union.
In late June, the U.S.-based organization Community Peacemaker Teams (CPT) observed the entry of 300 Turkish tanks and armored vehicles into the Kurdistan region, establishing a security barrier within the Badinan area.
According to the CPT report, approximately 1,000 Turkish soldiers have been transported between the Turkish military bases, setting up a security checkpoint between the villages, allowing civilian passage only after identity verification.
The report indicated that Turkiye's new plan is to establish a security line stretching from Shiladze to Batifa, passing through Dirluk, Bamarni, and Bekova. All villages, towns, districts, sub-districts, valleys, and lands behind this line would be under Turkish military control, potentially turning these areas into conflict zones if clashes occur.
The report also suggested that another objective of this Turkish military movement is to reach Mount Haftanin in the Shiladze area and occupy the Gara mountain range, which would result in the Kurdistan Regional Government losing control over 70-75% of Duhok.
In response, Zeki Akturk, Press and Public Relations Advisor at the Turkish defense ministry stated that Turkish forces are working to enhance control in the Claw-Lock operation area along the border.
"We are developing control over the area achieved so far through the ongoing Claw-Lock operation in northern Iraq since April 2022, with extraordinary and unexpected operations in line with field requirements," he said in a press statement.
He added, "Turkish forces continue their activities to neutralize the PKK's operational capabilities, aiming to completely secure northern Iraq while taking effective and dynamic measures along the border."
Akturk noted that authorities established the checkpoints in residential areas near the Turkish operation zones in coordination with the Iraqi side.
Neither the Iraqi nor the Kurdish side commented on Akturk's statement.
Turkish drone attack in Kurdistan Region leaves two PKK members injured
2024-07-08
Shafaq News/ On Monday, The Counter-Terrorism Service in the Kurdistan Region confirmed that two members of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), were injured in a Turkish drone bombing that targeted a car transporting them on the road between the Tal-Qasab complex and Sinjar district, at 11:10 this morning.
The Service stated, "According to information, the car was carrying three people, and two of them were seriously injured."
A police source in Nineveh had informed Shafaq News Agency earlier today, "The airstrike targeted a civilian car (Tucson) transporting three Yazidis, suspected to be PKK-affiliated."
He added, "The car belongs to the Gara Tefi channel affiliated with the Kurdistan Workers' Party," noting that "the injured were transferred to a nearby hospital to receive treatment, and it was not clear whether there were any deaths among them."
Turkiye has been involved in military operations in northern Iraq, targeting the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK).
The Turkish government has cited security concerns and the need to combat terrorism as the rationale for its military actions in Kurdistan.
These operations have involved airstrikes, artillery shelling, and ground incursions into Iraqi territory.
The PKK, designated as a terrorist organization by Turkiye and several other countries, has been engaged in a decades-long insurgency against the Turkish state, seeking greater autonomy for Kurds within Turkiye.
The Turkish shelling in Kurdistan has led to civilian casualties and displacement, exacerbating tensions in the region.
It has also raised concerns among Kurdish communities and international observers about the impact on civilian populations and the broader stability of the region.