Wednesday, March 13, 2024


A Play for Our Time: Ionesco’s “Rhinoceros”


 
 MARCH 11, 2024
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Cover art for Ionesco’s book “Rhinoceros”

When theatergoers in Dusseldorf, Germany sat down one October evening in 1959 to watch the world premiere of Eugene Ionesco’s latest work, they witnessed a strange, new kind of play: rhinoceroses charging through a provincial European town, townspeople themselves turning into rhinoceroses, a whole society transforming rapidly from human to beast, and, at the end, only one man standing to assert his humanity.

The Dusseldorf audience gave Ionesco’s “Rhinoceros” a 10-minute standing ovation, and in the years that followed, the play made its way to Paris, London, New York, and other cities around the world. Sixty-five years later, “Rhinoceros” remains a play for our time – perhaps more so than ever – serving as both a warning and a goad to a nation in political crisis.

For “Rhinoceros” is, in large measure, about the rapid rise of fascism in Ionesco’s native Romania during the 1930s – and the seductive pull it exerted on its people. Since then it’s been widely taken as a parable about the lure of authoritarianism anywhere.

In Romania, the Depression placed intense economic and political pressures on civil society, and many Romanians found themselves drawn to the Legion of the Archangel Michael, a fascist movement that blended mystical devotion to the Romanian fatherland with antisemitism and a belief in the redemptive power of violence. The Legion, also known as the Iron Guard, engaged in political assassinations and pogroms, and grew to become, proportionately, the third largest fascist movement in Europe at the time.

Though its leader, Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, was murdered in 1938, the Iron Guard continued to play a significant role in the nation’s affairs for several more years, and Romania ultimately entered into an alliance with Nazi Germany, Italy, and other Axis powers in 1940.

By reading or viewing “Rhinoceros” today, one can see that the play is not so much about the horrors of fascism as it is about the vulnerability of people to its seductions. Some of the play’s characters, distracted by petty concerns, succumb out of sheer incomprehension of what is happening around them. Others are drawn to the energy and even beauty of the newly transmogrified beasts. Others surrender gratefully, welcoming a sense of belonging to what they see as “the great universal family.”

As a young writer in the 1930’s, Ionesco witnessed personally how the Iron Guard attracted people from all walks of life, including intellectuals. As he later recounted, a friend or acquaintance would say to him, “I don’t agree with them [the Iron Guard] to be sure, but on certain points, nevertheless, I must admit, for example, the Jews . . . .”.

To Ionesco, such a statement foreshadowed transformation, and, as he later explained, the person would soon “become a Nazi. He was caught in the mechanism, he accepted everything, he became a rhinoceros.”

Today authoritarianism exerts a powerful temptation in the U.S. More than a few journalists have reported on interviews with Trump followers who extol the man’s “authenticity” and “singular strength,” qualities that uniquely empower him to redress the nation’s ills, including (for many) the deep sense of losing ground, whether that be one’s economic or social standing.

The authoritarian temptation has, moreover, been abetted by Republican leaders. When 139 Republican Congress members voted on January 6, 2021 to dispute the Electoral College count for the 2020 presidential election, they drew on the falsehood of a stolen election to throw out the one key value anchoring the Party to American democratic tradition. That value is the willingness to accept a lost election.

It may appear, therefore, that authoritarian rule in America is more imminent than ever: that warning signals emanating from Ionesco’s play are flashing more unmistakably in the U.S. than they ever have been.

Yet one can’t completely overlook the strengths still inhering in a mature, evolving democracy, a democracy that benefited over many years from movements seeking to advance human rights along with racial, economic, and gender equality. A commitment to democracy by countless individuals helped hold the line in the 2020 election. A commitment to democracy brought justice to two Georgia poll workers falsely accused by then-President Trump and Rudy Giuliani of election fraud, and subjected to death threats and other harassment as a result. Taking on the Trump campaign, those workers, Wandrea “Shaye” Moss and her mother, Ruby Freeman, were ultimately vindicated in a defamation suit that awarded them $148 million in damages against Giuliani.

Eugene Ionesco once said, “we will never understand totalitarianism if we do not understand that people rarely have the strength to be uncommon.” Perhaps, by the same token, we will never understand genuine democracy unless we comprehend the unforeseen possibilities of becoming uncommon – and the way that some artists can help goad us toward that end.

Andrew Moss is an emeritus professor from the California State Polytechnic University, Pomona, where he taught a course, “War and Peace in Literature,” for 10 years.

Montanans Oppose Catbox Cleanups of Superfund Sites

 
 MARCH 11, 2024
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Image Source: NASA – Public Domain

Montanan’s 1972 Constitution is very direct about what it means when it comes to pollution.

All Montanans are guaranteed the “inalienable right” to “clean and healthful environment.”  Equally unambiguous is the mandate that “all lands disturbed by the taking of natural resources shall be reclaimed.”  And finally, “the state and each person shall maintain and improve a clean and healthful environment in Montana for present and future generations.” 

For those who may be new to Montana, the reason those rights and responsibilities are in the Constitution can be attributed to one cause – The Anaconda Company and the Copper Kings who bought politicians, judges and newspapers to allow the vast destruction of Montana’s environment that left rivers running dead and red with pollution, mountainsides scoured of every tree, and enormous toxic waste deposits.

Never again, vowed the Constitutional delegates, would such destructive actions by any industry be allowed in Montana.  Yet, 52 years later, Montanans are once again wrestling with the toxic ghosts of the now-dead Anaconda Company in Superfund sites scattered across the state.

The federal Superfund law is straightforward in its approach to remediating industrial toxics — namely, “polluter pays.”  Moreover, to prevent industrial polluters from walking away from their liability by selling their properties, the law deems any successors “responsible parties” for cleanup costs.

For some reason however, neither the Environmental Protection Agency nor Montana’s Department of Environmental Quality seem capable of grasping and implementing the very straightforward mandates of Montana’s Constitution and the Superfund law.

Nowhere in law or the Constitution is there any provision that requires the EPA or state to shortchange cleanups to cut costs for the responsible parties.  Yet, citizens in both Butte and now, in Columbia Falls, find themselves challenging the EPA and state over “catbox cleanups” where the agencies allow leaving “waste in place” with a little dirt scraped over it instead of removing the toxics to safe storage facilities.

Butte was listed as a Superfund site 40 years ago, shortly after ARCO bought the Anaconda Company.  The EPA and state allowed ARCO to then flood the Berkeley Pit, which is now the largest body of highly toxic water on the planet.

Long-suffering Butte residents are now on their third generation of bureaucrats, endless studies and insufficient reclamation.  It’s so bad the collusion of regulatory agency bureaucrats with ARCO-BP reached such a level of frustration that the EPA recently replaced its managers on the site due to a massive loss of public trust from a decision to allow three times higher lead levels in Butte soils than in the nearby Anaconda smelter site.

Perhaps taking a lesson from Butte’s endless struggle for a real cleanup, the Flathead County Commission, joined by local citizens and organizations, are petitioning the EPA and state to reconsider the decision to leave 1.2 milion cubic yards of toxic waste from the defunct Columbia Falls aluminum smelter buried at the Superfund site.  According to the EPA, that waste contains “cyanide compounds that can leach into groundwater” and other highly toxic compounds which will require treatment “in perpetuity.”

The citizens of Montana, Butte, and Columbia Falls deserve better.  The Clark Fork and Flathead Rivers and Flathead Lake deserve better.  And the Montana Constitution mandates a full reclamation, not “waste in place” and pass it off to future generations.

As one very well-informed Montanan put it recently: “How many god—n times does Montana have to experience these companies raping the land, taking everything it’s got to give, then leaving us with the mess?”

Given our Constitution’s mandate that “all lands disturbed by the taking of natural resources shall be reclaimed,” that question deserves an honest answer — which hasn’t been forthcoming from the Environmental Protection Agency or Montana’s Department of Environmental Quality.

This first appeared in the Daily Montanan.

George Ochenski is a columnist for the Daily Montanan, where this essay originally appeared.

State-Sponsored Kidnapping and Extraordinary Rendition Threatens Yellowstone Buffalo


 
 MARCH 11, 2024
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Bison await shipment to slaughter after being processed and tested for brucellosis by Park Service employees at the Stephens Creek facility, located at the northern edge of Yellowstone National Park.

“Extraordinary Rendition” at Stephens Creek trap, located inside Yellowstone National Park. (Photo: Michelle McCarron)

Yellowstone’s wild, free-roaming buffalo are wildlife.

The biggest threat to wild buffalo today is settler-colonialism, domestication, and plantation farming for trophy hunters. Unfortunately, 21st-Century American colonial adventures persist in the Greater Yellowstone Ecosystem.

In February 2024, 141 wild Yellowstone buffalo were kidnapped, loaded into trucks, and relocated to the Fort Peck Indian Reservation, some 500 miles North of their ancestral homeland in Yellowstone National Park.

To colonize is to plant or establish a colony in; to plant or settle subjects of a native territory in a remote location, for the purpose of cultivation, commerce, defense — and for permanent residence.

The term colonization is derived from the Latin words colere (“to cultivate, to till”), colonia (“a landed estate”, “a farm”) and colonus (“a tiller of the soil”, “a farmer”); and then by extension “to inhabit.”

Colonialism is dominion. Colonialism is domestication.

Indian reservations accepting government-kidnapped wild buffalo and relocating them on strange, unknown lands accept and repeat the same conqueror, settler-colonial concepts (mindset) foundational to American imperial rule.

Under the direction of Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service’s (APHIS-USDA) surveillance-detention (“quarantine”) and extra-territorial abduction and rendition program, wild Yellowstone buffalo are being farmed (domesticated), commodified and traded on an emerging wild meat market that converts wildlife into livestock.

This diabolical arrangement (public-private partnership) sidesteps long-standing Montana laws against Texas-style game farming, and “canned hunting.” Canned hunting caters to wealthy trophy hunters with animals kept in a confined area, typically a fenced enclosure on a private ranch.

Since 2019, the so-called Yellowstone Bison Conservation Transfer Program has kidnapped over 400 wild, free-roaming Yellowstone buffalo and trucked them to the 320-acre quarantine pen at the Fort Peck Reservation. After one year in captivity, many are trucked to other Indian Reservations under rules invented and enforced by the APHIS-USDA through the Inter-Tribal Buffalo Council.

What’s not being disclosed is how this colonial trafficking operation is adversely affecting the genetic legacy of Yellowstone’s wild buffalo populations. Almost all Indian Reservation buffalo herds are fenced in. Game farming causes inbreeding and prevents their natural migration instinct.

The live-capture and re-colonization of Yellowstone buffalo is at bottom a privatization and domestication process, not “restoration.”

According to APHIS-USDA, there has been concern about the presence of brucellosis in the Yellowstone National Park (YNP) bison herd since the inception of the Cooperative State-Federal Brucellosis Eradication Program in 1934. Yet, after 90 years of research and “concern,” no brucellosis transmission from wild buffalo to cattle has been documented.

Converting wild Yellowstone buffalo into domesticated livestock is a crime against nature. Most private, corporate, federal, state, and ‘tribal’ laws, rules and policies undercut the natural evolution of Yellowstone’s wild bison genome.

We should honor and celebrate the Blackfeet Nation’s bold, historic leap forward by returning wild free-roaming buffalo to their native homeland after being displaced for more than 140 years.

On June 26, 2023, 49 bison were released onto sacred Blackfeet Nation land near Nínaiistáko (Chief Mountain), on Glacier National Park’s eastern boundary.

Blackfeet release wild buffalo

Glacier National Park welcomed the buffalo’s return, saying that “these bison will be treated as any other wildlife in the park and be allowed to roam freely on the landscape.”

If others follow the Blackfeet Nation’s example by removing fences, challenging claims of state sovereignty and rethinking our relationship with Mother Nature, we can begin to imagine an to end the domestication and genocide of wild buffalo.

The long-term preservation of this unique wild genome is important to buffalo, to indigenous peoples and to the world.

Steve Kelly is a an artist and environmental activist. He lives in Bozeman, Montana.