National Oil Companies Quietly Set The Pace For The Next Decade

WE HAD ONE OF THOSE; PETROCANADA

By Alex Kimani - Dec 26, 2025

• National oil companies are increasingly setting the pace in global energy investment, outspending majors, locking up long-life assets, and taking control of future supply.
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• Listed oil companies face tighter capital discipline and shareholder constraints.
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• North America has become the de-risking hub for foreign NOCs, especially in U.S. gas, LNG, and petrochemicals, offering stable cash flows and regulatory certainty

The prevailing structural theme right now is that national oil companies (NOCs), in some cases and across some segments, are moving faster than the majors, outspending them, beating them in locking up supply chains, and building cash cows faster for the future. You can see it directly in upstream spending trends highlighted by the IEA Oil 2025 report, and the money is shifting this way because the NOCs have political backing, lower lifting costs, and much clearer mandates than the big listed companies.

Wood Mackenzie has warned that tighter capital conditions are forcing oil and gas companies to become more selective in business development. Neivan Boroujerdi has said this will require a more nimble and creative approach as budgets tighten. In practice, that environment favors national oil companies with the balance sheets and mandates to secure gas, chemicals, and integrated assets early, rather than defer decisions. This is no longer hypothetical. Capital is already moving in that direction.

Similarly, OPEC’s latest medium-term outlook assumes that most incremental supply growth will come from countries with state-backed producers and low-cost reserves, suggesting we will be relying on NOCs for more long-cycle investment through the decade. Rystad Energy’s recent upstream and LNG analysis shows that the majority of newly sanctioned long-life projects are either led by NOCs or depend on them as anchor partners, while IOC capital remains concentrated in shorter-cycle or brownfield work. The IEA has also been explicit that future supply security hinges on investment decisions by national producers willing to commit capital beyond typical shareholder-return horizons. 

Combined, these views indicate that capacity growth and control over future supply are increasingly being set by national companies rather than listed majors.

Asia: Adding Gas, Chemicals and Transition Materials

Asia’s NOCs are not easing off hydrocarbons, but they’re tightening their grip on those parts of the supply chain that will matter most over the next decade: gas, chemicals, metals and trading. PetroChina is a case in point: It has been pulling more capital toward downstream and gas while upgrading refineries for higher-margin products, as reported by Caixin. 

The LNG side of things tells a similar story. PetroChina has been layering long-term supply deals into the 2030s, according to China Daily, and then diversifying away from spot exposure with new procurement corridors.

And while Western outlets fixate on earnings, Asian media have been quicker to catch the shift into transition materials. The South China Morning Post (SCMP) notes that PetroChina wants exposure to the upstream of electrification just as much as it wants downstream oil and gas. It’s not really a transition as much as it is a hedge. They’re going for whatever powers Asian industry next. 

China’s Sinopec is doing something similar, but the strategy is chemicals-heavy. As fuel demand flattens, Sinopec is putting more capital into petrochemicals, hydrogen, and CCUS. It’s also doubling down on long-term LNG to feed industrial boilers and heavy manufacturing that fall under its new policy mandates. The bigger refining margins in 2025 gave them the power to do this, according to SCMP.

Related: Geopolitics Lifts Oil Prices in Thin Holiday Trading

CNOOC, as an outlier, is staying the course, focusing on upstream and LNG, but looking to scale both. Offshore output is rising again with new South China Sea projects being added on, and the company is buying into LNG projects up the chain rather than staying a pure buyer. The goal is straightforward: control more of the gas it needs for its power and industrial clients rather than relying on the spot market.

Petronas is expanding its LNG position and lining up more supply from projects in the Atlantic and Indian basins. At home, it is spending on gas, CCS, hydrogen and midstream work that supports the domestic power system. 

India’s ONGC is adding to its overseas portfolio and increasing its access to gas. The Economic Times reports that ONGC Videsh has raised its spending outside India, and state buyers are now coordinating long term LNG procurement. 

Across the region, NOCs are concentrating on the areas that support their revenue base: gas supply, refining output, chemicals and firm access to transport routes. They are securing these positions now while the opportunity is still visible.

Middle East / Gulf: Expanding Capacity and Integration

Gulf NOCs are expanding low-cost supply and increasing their integration across refining, petrochemicals and LNG.

Middle Eastern NOCs continue to take a larger share of global upstream spending, according to the IEA’s 2025 investment report. Global upstream totals are largely flat, but the region’s state producers are still increasing outlays. Most of this capital is going into long-life capacity and integrated projects rather than short-cycle additions, consistent with their role as the lowest-cost suppliers in the system.

ADNOC’s investment arm XRG has outlined the largest expansion plan in the region. It is targeting 20 to 25 million tonnes a year of gas and LNG capacity by 2035 and is adding assets in North American gas to support that target. Reuters reporting also shows ADNOC is moving its existing U.S. holdings into XRG and positioning the unit to lead further international gas and LNG deals, including in North America.

What we know for certain: ADNOC wants a larger operational and financial position in North American gas.

QatarEnergy is expanding LNG output through the North Field program and using longer-term contracts to secure demand in Europe and Asia. Based on public statements from the energy minister, Qatar expects tighter LNG balances later in the decade. 

Finally, Saudi Aramco, the NOC that gets the most headline attention, is tying together upstream, downstream, gas and “new energies” into one roaring machine. Recent agreements in the United States on LNG, technology and services show Aramco placing capital directly inside key consuming markets.

The overriding Gulf strategy? Outspend everyone, integrate everything, and get as close to the customer as possible.

Latin America: Holding Output and Preserving Cash

Latin America’s state producers are trying to hold production steady while managing tight budgets and a very mixed bag of political situations. 

Petrobras has more room than the others. The Brazilian NOC’s 2026 to 2030 plan shows lower headline capital spending, but the company still intends to grow pre-salt output and keep most of its money in projects that are already under way. Company filings confirm about $109 billion in planned investment, with roughly $91 billion already committed. The plan is to keep the pre-salt program moving along, avoid expensive frontier work, and only allocate to gas, chemicals and lower carbon projects once the core fields are covered.

Ecopetrol, of Colombia, is trying to build a broader base. Its public strategy documents outline a larger role for transmission, solar and wind along with the oil and gas business. The ISA unit already delivers steady money, and the company wants that share to rise. The changes are meant to give Ecopetrol more stable earnings while it manages slower growth in upstream oil.

Mexico’s Pemex, Venezuela’s PDVSA and Argentina’s YPF face constraints that limit their options. Debt, field decline and political pressure shape most of their decisions. Pemex remains the most indebted energy company in the world despite government support and debt operations, with falling output still a concern. PDVSA’s exports and operations remain heavily shaped by U.S. sanctions, payment problems and the structure of swap deals with foreign partners. YPF is under pressure from higher costs, rising debt and adverse court rulings, and has reported recent quarterly losses. Across all three, the priority is to keep existing production from falling faster and to maintain enough progress on power or lower carbon projects, where applicable, to preserve financing and political backing.

Africa: Building Control While Managing Risk

Africa has real upside. The hard part is getting projects funded and delivered on schedule.

A Bloomberg investigation showed how large discoveries across the continent have brought in less local economic benefit than expected, which has led several governments to push their national companies to take more control.

Nigeria’s NNPC is the one pushing volume. Guardian Nigeria reported NNPC Exploration and Production reaching about 355,000 barrels a day, the highest level in more than 30 years. And now the NNPC has a new chief, with a new mandate: lift output and get the domestic refining system working.

Mozambique, Senegal, Ghana and Uganda are banking on gas. Their LNG and integrated gas projects are the only near term path to new export income at scale. The payoff depends on construction staying on schedule and on governments holding meaningful equity rather than sliding back into arrangements where most of the value lies with outside operators.

Across the region, governments want their national companies to move from passive royalty collectors to active operators, but there is plenty of execution risk here. 

North America: The Market NOCs Use to De-Risk

North America is not building a national oil company, but it is building something else: a federal-backed critical-minerals base. The Trump administration has been taking equity positions in rare earth and battery-metal supply chains, buying into private and public companies to secure domestic production. On the hydrocarbon side, the region has become the place where foreign NOCs go to balance their portfolios.

ADNOC’s use of XRG, as mentioned above, makes the intent clear. Gulf producers want a bigger position in U.S. gas, LNG and petrochemicals, and they are using XRG to buy the exposure. Equity in LNG trains, chemical complexes on the Gulf Coast and related midstream is now being treated as core to their ten-year plan.

On the Asian side, PetroChina is moving into transition materials. It wants to operate across the industrial supply chain, not just in crude and products.

Wood Mackenzie’s public outlooks point to a busy upstream M&A cycle, with several state-owned producers listed among the likely active buyers. Their U.S. gas and LNG notes also underline that North America remains one of the most stable regions for long-life assets, with deep capital pools and clear operating rules. That combination makes the U.S. a practical place for foreign NOCs to take positions, even if Wood Mackenzie does not explicitly describe this as a dedicated NOC strategy.

North America is the hedge, then. It is the one market where NOCs can diversify risk and attach themselves to cash flow that holds up in volatile cycles.

The map for the next decade is fairly easy to follow. Asia’s national companies are keeping oil and gas at the center while adding metals, LNG and trading positions. The Gulf producers are putting money into long-life supply and deeper integration. Latin America is leaning on pre-salt output and transmission assets to keep their budgets steady. Africa is trying to capture more value by taking a larger operating role in its own projects. North America is where foreign NOCs place capital to stabilize returns and broaden their portfolios. 

By Alex Kimani for Oilprice.com

TWO GOOD LOCAL HISTORY SITES FOR LEFT WING ALBERTA

The Edmonton Hunger March of 1932

Forgotten Edmonton

https://www.forgottenedmonton.com › blog › the-edmo...

Dec 20, 2022 — The Hunger March of 1932 is inextricably linked to the material and socio-economic conditions of Alberta during the Great Depression.

Bucking Conservatism

Athabasca University Press

https://www.aupress.ca › app › uploads › 12028...

PDF

by Poundmaker staff member, Eugene (Devil inside) Plawiuk.13 In contrast to ... founding meeting of Canada's first national socialist party, the CCF, was held.

368 pages' 

 

Monday, May 02, 2016

THE ALBERTA NDP THE PARTY OF OIL WORKERS

THE COINCIDENTAL BIRTH OF THE NEW DEMOCRATS AND THE OIL INDUSTRY IN ALBERTA

Rachel Notley warned New Democrats that adopting the LEAP manifesto which demands the end of oil extraction from the Tar Sands as well as conventional and shale gas plays, and NO pipelines, would put the Eastern arm of the party in direct conflict with a party that is proudly Albertan and directly involved in the oil industry history in the province even more so than the long ruling party the PC’s.

It was the development of oil and energy in Alberta that created new wealth and a new industrial province after WWII. The discovery of oil not only brought the oil industry but also the oil and energy workers union, a small American union that had an arm in Alberta, the Oil Chemical and Atomic Workers OCAW. In Alberta it was beginning its organizing of workers in the field and in the new gas and chemical plants being built between Edmonton and Fort Saskatchewan.

This was the post war boom, the party in power was Social Credit, and while  there was no NDP there was an active labour political movement housed in the AFL and Edmonton Trades and Labour Council, members belonged to the Communist Party, the CCF and some still belonged to the OBU and IWW.

Edmonton had a history of electing labour council members as Mayor, Aldermen (women), school board trustees and Hospital Board members. Elmer Roper  longtime labour activist, CCF activist and candidate, owner of ABC Printing and publisher of Alberta Labour News would be elected Mayor of Edmonton after the creation of the NDP by the merger of the CCF with the newly created post war Canadian Labour Congress.

The sixties saw the growth of the labour movement in Canada and in Alberta, including the creation of an active movement of organizing public sector workers, provincially, municipally and federally. The Federal Workers Union originating in Calgary would merge with the Ontario based National Workers Union to create what we know as the Canadian Union of Public  Employees, the Civil Service Union of Alberta would become a union known as the Alberta Union of Provincial Employees.

But throughout the oil boom of the fifties and sixties the union most associated with the provincial NDP was the Oil Chemical and Atomic Energy Workers Union under the leadership of Neil Reimer and his assistant Reg Baskin

That’s right the party was brought to life in Alberta by Oil Workers in the provinces new Energy market. Its first party leader was Neil Reimer, who would meet a charismatic young politician a contemporary of Peter Lougheed and Joe Clark at the University of Alberta, Grant Notley who would go on to become party Leader and its first elected MLA.

Notley himself did not represent Edmonton but his home region, the oil rich north of Alberta, the Grand Prairie, and Peace River riding.

As it had since 1936 the Social Credit party of Alberta held power in the province as a one party state, under the permanent leadership of Premier Ernest Manning, Preston’s daddy.  The New Democratic Party of Alberta focused its energy not only on consolidating union power in the party as well as the voices of the left and progressives but in challenging that Social Credit domination of Alberta Politics.

This was also the time of the Cold War and the Anti Communist Witch Hunts, a time being anti war, anti nuclear war, pro labour, was considered suspect. Where union members who were left wing were exposed to police spying, where padlock laws in Quebec had been used to raid imprison and steal property belonging to those accused of opposing the Duplesis regime or who were suspect of being Reds.

Duplessis ‘s party in Quebec aligned with that provinces Federal Social Credit Party which was aligned with Alberta’s Party as well. In both provinces the left faced one party dictatorship which reminded many despite their democratic trappings of the forces they had been fighting against in WWII.

As in Alberta it would be the post war labour movement in Quebec under Louis Lebarge that would mobilize politically as well as economically against the Old Regime, his right hand was a young activist lawyer named Pierre Eliot Trudeau. And like Alberta they were building a provincial and national party; the Liberals.

This then is the historical basis for the differences between the left in Quebec and the rest of Canada and why it took so long to breech these two solitudes, as was done in 2012 under Jack Layton and the federal NDP.

Premier Rachel Notley, the daughter of Grant Notley, the first NDP MLA ever elected to the Legislature, the first opposition member elected against the Social Credit party of Ernest Manning  had this rich history as her prologue at this week’s national NDP Convention in Edmonton where the party adopted the LEAP manifesto which challenges the very energy economy that makes Alberta a modern industrial state.

This province created the NDP under the leadership of  Neil Reimer, an oil worker and oil union organizer.  Neil was the first leader of the Party, and Reg Baskin was his right hand in their union and the party.

Neil also created the modern Canadian Energy Workers union,  Neil and Reg first represented oil workers in the new industry in the province with the OCAW  oil chemical and atomic workers of Canada, which had one other base of expansion; Louisiana.  He and Reg made it the Canadian Energy Workers Union, which became CEP merging with the Canadian Paper workers unions in BC, and now has consolidated with CAW to create UNIFOR.

Neil’s daughter was Jan Reimer two term Mayor of Edmonton during the 1990’s and while party labels are not used in Edmonton municipal elections everyone knew that we had an NDP mayor.

Meatpackers, a union that disappeared in the eighties with amalgamation of the meat packing industry into a smaller and smaller oligopoly, was a militant base of union workers and activists including communists and socialists, that was a large base for the party, as was Plumbers and Pipefitters Local 488.

These were the post war unions that were the party’s base in Edmonton and across the province. Federally the postal workers were a strong backbone for the Federal Party, though there were two separate unions at that time, letter carriers and inside workers, the latter being more left wing and militant with OBU IWW communist, socialist and Trotskyist activist workers.

It was the discovery of tar sands oil that led to the growth of the province, the union and the NDP. It was also this discovery and its needed development during the Arab Oil Crisis of 1971 that led to the end of the Social Credit government, its movement, but not its essence. In its place came the newest members of the Alberta Legislature elected in 1967 for the first time, the Lougheed Progressive Conservatives. They would be joined by Grant Notley and the NDP in opposition in 1968, when Grant won a by-election in Spirit River.

The “Progressive” element in the Lougheed PC’s represented the post war Liberal base among the non Anglo ethnic communities in Edmonton and Calgary, such as the recent post war immigration of Ukrainians, Italians, Portuguese, Greek, European, Asian, and Displaced Peoples. The Liberals had no political existence in Alberta since they were wiped out by the United Farmers/ Labour Party coalition in 1921.

Even Lougheed’s conservatism was not the neo conservative Austrian school embraced by the republican lite Preston Manning cons of today, it was classical liberal capitalism, that progressive aspect of capitalism that sought to ameliorate through regulation what short comings capitalism itself may suffer from despite its idealism of being the ‘ideal’ system.

The history of the Alberta NDP is the history of the Oil Workers and the Oil Industry in Alberta, even more than it is for the current batch of Conservatives provincial or federal.  The NDP in Alberta grew up with the oil industry with its workers and their union. For the Alberta NDP to reject both the LEAP manifesto and those call for the end of pipelines is natural and should have been expected by those who know the party history in the province.

For those who fail to understand this historic base of the party in Alberta fail to understand the social democratic politics of the oil industry, the NDP has long supported a form of nationalization under public ownership and increased workers control through unionization.

This occurred in the case of Suncor which was the earliest of the oil sands operators, before the Syncrude conglomerate was created.  In the early seventies after the Lougheed government promoted the oil sands, Suncor began mining operations.  Neil Reimer’s new Canadian Energy and Paperworkers union, CEP, got its birth in a long and bitter historic strike at the Suncor operations.

CEP went on to organize refineries in Edmonton, Sherwood Park and Fort Saskatchewan.

It tried but failed to organize Syncrude due to its conglomerate ownership and its concerted anti union efforts over the decade of the seventies into the eighties. Today unionized Suncor has bought out Syncrude so this situation opens it up to unionization decades later.

The seventies and eighties saw massive growth in the province including growth in both private and public union membership.

This also saw the success of the NDP and the left in Edmonton. While Grant Notley was a lone NDP member in Alberta Legislature, Edmonton saw a left wing U of A Prof David Leadbeater elected alderman.  Notley was joined in the house by Ray Martin, from Edmonton.

The NDP elected Ross Harvey its first federal MP from Alberta in the eighties from the old packing plant and union district of Edmonton Beverly. This was at the height of the Arab Oil Crisis of early eighties, which the Conservatives in Calgary blamed on the NDP Liberal National Energy Plan, NEP, which included the creation of the Canadian Publicly Owned Oil and Gas Company PetroCanada.

PetroCanada was a success and saved Calgary and the Lougheed Government during this oil crisis, it was able to buy up, nationalize, American oil companies like Gulf Mobile, Texaco, Chevron,  as well as smaller Canadian and American oil companies that were going broke or bailing out of Calgary heading back to Dallas and Huston.

And CEP was there to unionize it. Today PetroCanada is no more the Liberals privatized during the Austerity crisis of the Nineties, and Paul Martins Liberal Government sold off the last of our shares prior to the 2006 election.

Ironically it is Suncor that bought them and then bought up PetroCan and absorbed it., just as it has done with its competitor Syncrude.

It would be during the late eighties and early nineties that under Ray Martin the NDP would gain a record number of seats, going from 2 to 23 and status of official opposition. But by the time of the middle of nineties and the Austerity panic of debt and deficit hysteria and the birth of the neo conservative movement that two city Mayors, Ralph Klein of Calgary and Lawrence Decore of Edmonton would battle it out for Premier of the Province, Klein for the PC’s and Decore for the Liberals. Both ran on Austerity budgets, one promised massive cuts the other brutal cuts. It was a close election the losers were the NDP who were wiped out as a third party.

In Edmonton we had a new NDP mayor to replace Decore, Neil’s daughter Jan Reimer, joined by another leftist alderman the bus driver Brian Mason. The NDP centred itself in Edmonton at this time and got elected the enormously popular  team of Pam Barrett and Raj Pannu.

The CEP was critical in supporting the NDP at this time, including having its past president Reg Basking become leader of the Party.

After the shocking early death of party leader Pam Barrett, former alderman Brian Mason ran in her riding, Highlands, which also covers the Federal riding of Beverly that Ross Harvey once represented and won her seat in the house. Raj Pannu became the first Indo Canadian leader of an NDP party in Canada.  After he stepped down Brian Mason became the leader of the party.

The party went from four seats to two to four until Brian stepped down and the party elected Grant Notley’s daughter, Rachel Notley, who had sat in the house with Brian through all those ups and downs in electoral success.

The party base is the labour movement and left across the province and no less important unions such as CEP, IBEW, Carpenters and UA488 all involved in the oil sands and the petrochemical industry in Alberta.

So why are the various wags and pundits surprised when the Alberta NDP does not LEAP off the edge of a cliff named STOP PIPELINES, STOP DIRTY OIL.

In the finest of social democratic traditions, the Alberta NDP will do no such thing nor should it be expected to. It will ameliorate the worst of the environmental damages that the fossil fuel industry has and can be expected to cause. They will create a green plan, and expand the carbon fuel tax the PC’s brought in.

 It will do what the conservatives would not do, and that is eliminating Alberta’s Socred PC dirty energy economic backbone: coal. And that is the real dirty energy in Alberta, coal fired utility plants. These plants are evenly divided between private ownership, with state support from the ruling Socreds and PC’s, TransAlta Utilities, and publicly owned municipal utilities EPCOR and ENMAX. TransAlta is the original P3 funded by taxpayers under the Socred and spun off to become a private company where government cabinet members retire to the board of.

Even Lougheed was tied to the coal industry representing his old employer Mannix Inc, as a board member of Luscar Coal, which during the nineties created a major controversy with its efforts to mine outside of Jasper National Park.

Contrary to Greenpeace and other environmentalists who claim oil sands are the dirtiest energy the real dirty energy on the Palliser Plains of Alberta and Saskatchewan is coal.

Coal is the dirtiest fossil fuel that needs to be kept in the ground. There is no such thing as clean coal!

There is however clean petrochemical fuels, that is the nature of refining, creating finer and finer grades of hydrocarbons; ethenes, benzenes, oil and gas for plastic production, diesel etc.

That is the reason for both the Joffre and Scotford massive refining projects and the plan for the heartland refining project, which would allow the province to crack and refine bitumen into secondary and tertiary hydrocarbons.

That is what the future of the energy is in Alberta, stopping the use of coal, refining hydrocarbons and shipping them south, east, and west.

Why would the NDP limit the provinces ability to ship what it processes.

As I have pointed out the pipeline west will probably go through the Peace River Athabasca highway route to Prince Rupert, which coincides with BC Site C dam development and its LNG  pipeline development, giving pipeline companies an alternative to going to Kitimat via the BC Sacred Bear Rainforest.

Energy East will be built and the NDP will promote as it did in the eighties, the idea that Alberta energy for a fair price should go east. What occurred instead was it was shipped to refineris in Ontario and Quebec at discounted prices where it was refined and sold to the US while oil was imported from the Middle East.

This was the original idea of the NEP that the NDP and Liberals promoted to Lougheed, and he agreed to! And like the NDP this was his vision for Alberta oil before he died.

While the LEAP manifesto is suitably left wing green etc, even shudder, anti capitalist ( read anti corporations) it is not something either the labour movement or NDP in Alberta will agree to do much more about than debate. Debate will be welcome, dictat not so much.

LEAP like most environmentalism today fails to take into consideration that even if workers had control of publicly owned energy companies, we would still be producing hydrocarbons, and will be even after the glorious Socialist Revolution.

The dirtiest energy causing climate change is not oil sands in Alberta or Venezuela it is coal and wood burning worldwide.  That is the challenge we face to shut down coal, and wood burning, not to accept the myth of Clean Coal, and to make sure we ameliorate environmental damage caused through hydrocarbon production.

You want to keep something in the ground its coal, and the biggest fight back in Alberta today is the utility lobbies who oppose the Alberta NDP Government ending of coal fired utilities.

In Alberta the NDP is the party of oil and oil workers. Never forget it. The old Social Credit of Preston Manning’s daddy’s day and the PC’s of Lougheed Klein were both parties of coal.

Not Your Usual Left Wing Rant

No Taxes for the working class. That should be the watchword of the Left.

Left blogger a Class Act bemoans the state of the Canadian left on his blog. He says; "When is the left going to quit trying to be like its opponents,and begin to define itself by it's own actions and ideology?Give the people a real choice,a choice that stands for something,but above all principaled."

Exactomundo. When the Reform party was created it based itself not on the neo-conservatism of the Reaganites but on Western Canadian populism, a populism based on the Left. Recall, referendum, the attack on taxation, were all antebellum left wing causes at the begining of the 20th Century.

Socialism as Class Act calls it. It included the ideology of the producer republic, Georgism in the United States, the Cooperative Commonweal in Canada and the UK. It included syndicalism for the working class, and producer cooperatives for farmers and small producers. It was anti-monopoly and anti-rentier, pro land ownership. See Rothbard’s Reds Redux


Socialism at the begining of last century was not yet tainted with Bolshevism. And I use that term deliberately to distinguish it from communism. For within the anarchist and statist socialist movements were movements of communism, which went farther and further in their critique of capitalism than the anti-state socialists did.

Unfortunately the socialist dream, or vision, was lost in the coming forth of the social democratic movement and its statist ideal of the welfare state. Far from dying at the end of WWI in Canada the CCF called for social revolution, as did many of the socialists of the day. They still had only had a small taste of government, in this case the Socialist Party of Canada had been crucial to maintaince of power for the provincial Liberals in B.C, in the last days of fin de sicle 19th century.

The Socialist movement in Canada coalesced around the CCF, the Communist party and the OBU. With the destruction of the later and the success of the former in gaining political power provincially and representation federally came the end of the extra parlimentary left in Canada.

By the 1960's the CCF and the labour movement had purged the radicals and were now liberal social democratics just like their German predecesors of the century before.

The extra-parliamentary left was centred around the anti-Nuclear Bomb movement, Our Generation magazine, and what could be loosely called an anarchist left. One that was sceptical that state power could change anything.

Today the NDP and its social democratic ilk are really liberals in a hurry. And thus the plight that Class Act finds us in. We go back to the orginal debate between State Socialists and Anti-State Socialists. Is socialism a set of principles and and ideal to strive towards or is it the pragmatic logic of gaining state power.
It is of course the former since the latter has been a historic failure.

Since I of course do not believe it is the latter, I hardly consider the NDP or even the Trade Unions on the left. That is they cannot concieve of a program of workers and community control that is a radical challenge to the corporate/financial and state monopoly. They in effect are , as the left communists call them, the left hand of capitalism. They merely wish to ameliorate the worst excesses of capitalism while maintaining the status quo.

Expect no real answers from them on how to change or challenge the system.

But thank goodness the long march to Ottawa by the neo-conservative right in Canada has finally ended in a minority government. Because they too called for a revolution in politics as usual. And they too have ended up being no such thing, just business as usual.

Where the left failed during the past two decades was to see that what Reform had harnassed was a real grass roots disgruntlement of the working class towards politics as usual. Not always reactionary, it was based on feeling powerless and wanting to feel in power over our own lives.

The Left never got it. Whenever the NDP called for taxing the rich, the guys in the Alberta Gas Plants, unionized, and paid overtime saw it as an attack on their wages. It didn't matter that the NDP meant the Rich, as in the 1% of Canadians that own all the wealth, or the corporations, their message was lost on the working class. And for good reason.

We hate taxes. We love services. And we will pay for services, but we hate taxes. And why shouldn't we, over the past fifty years the federal and provincial tax base has moved from the corporations to picking the pockets of you and me.

The NDP finally realised this simple fact during the 2004 election and during the last sitting of the house. They called for more tax breaks for the working class. But because this runs counter to their state socialism, they were faint hearted in their calls, faint hearted in their attack on the Liberals and Conservatives as parties of the rich and entrenched power. The so called special interests.

The fact is that the Conservative government in Ottawa is about to launch a massive assault on the working class through taxation.

They will fund their 1% GST cut by eliminating tax breaks the Liberals brought in. They will give out a baby bonus that will be taxed. They will fail to transfer funds to day care programs clawing them back.

The Left should be calling for no taxation for anyone who earns $100,000 a year or less. Period. That is the mass of the working class in this country.

No party currently will call for this and for the elimination of user fees and the GST. For these are the little taxes that hurt, the death by a thousand cuts that so irritate each and every wage slave in Canada.

Tax the Corporations NOT the People, should be the watchword of the Left. Want Daycare and Medicare, the corporations should pay, out of pre tax profits. It is social capital that they directly benefit from in their bottom line, its what makes them competitive against the American capitalist model.

Eliminate all corporate tax loopholes. Eliminate offshore investment havens for the Rich. And in the process this will eliminate the Tax Department.

The Left should attack the failure of the Reformers, who are still out there as the recent Fireweed Forum on Democracy showed, and the parliamentary reformers,
to address the real issue of political reform in Canada.

The need for real democracy, directly elected revocable delgates to constiuent assemblies. To the right to referndum, to a renewal of Canada as constitutional confederation of the people not a con job. See my Abolish The Senate

On economic renewal we should be calling for the creation of peoples banks, the deregulation of banking from the hands of the State into the hands of the people as pools of capital for usage with institutional pension funds and workers investments to build small and medium sized worker/producer cooperatives.
See Michael Alberts Economic Participatory Democracy project; Parecon.

This deregulation would also eliminate large banks as holders of capital in the national interest. That role should be continued by the Bank of Canada, which delegated it to the national banks twenty years ago under the Mulroney Conservatives.

We don't need a state in Canada we need a confederation of peoples and communities in a federal system not of Trudeau's making or Harpers but in the Proudhonist model of self government.


And this cannot be done through electoral means, it takes a social revolution. The Reform party tried to do this from the Right and the NPI and other attempts to reform the NDP did it on the left and the result is Jack Layton and Stephen Harper. Nothing changed.

So Class Act I agree with you that the Left needs renewal. And the Left needs first to divorce itself from the existing liberal social democratic parliamentary mileu.
Then and only then will it become an authentic voice for Canadians who are frustrated and pissed off with the system as it is. We have been told to embrace change for twenty years by the neo-cons as they privatized public services. That change for change sake ideology is deeply embedded in all of capitalism corporate and managerial structures now. It gives us a window to challenge the very system of capitalism with a real Left agenda of People Power.


Also see:

Unite the Left
A Peoples Program for Alberta

Left, Right and Liberty

State-less Socialism

Social Credit And Western Canadian Radicalism

Rebel Yell

Plutocrats Rule

WRITTEN IN 2006

 

LA REVUE GAUCHE - Left Comment: Search results for OBU ALBERTA