Tuesday, June 16, 2020

As leaders warned of US meat shortages, overseas exports of pork and beef continued

THIS WOULD APPLY IN ALBERTA TOO 

Kyle Bagenstose, USA TODAY•June 16, 2020


As U.S. meat production plummeted in April following a rash of coronavirus outbreaks and closures at processing plants across the country, industry and political leaders sounded an alarm.

Factory closures were “pushing our country perilously close to the edge in terms of our meat supply,” Kenneth Sullivan, CEO of Smithfield Foods, the country’s largest pork producer, warned in a public message April 6.

As closures worsened three weeks later, John Tyson, chairman of Tyson Foods, put his name on a full page ad in The Washington Post and The New York Times warning that America’s “food supply chain is breaking.”

“Our plants must remain operational so that we can supply food to our families in America,” Tyson said.

The next day, President Donald Trump threw the industry a lifeline. He invoked the Defense Production Act to declare it was crucial to keep meat plants open and operating. He had used the authority just once before: to ramp up production of personal protective equipment. The move elevated American meat processing into a privileged position.

“It is important that processors of beef, pork, and poultry in the food supply chain continue operating and fulfilling orders to ensure a continued supply of protein for Americans,” Trump wrote in his executive order.

But Americans were never at risk of a severe meat shortage, a USA TODAY investigation found, based on an analysis of U.S. Department of Agriculture data and interviews with meat industry analysts.

Instead, some critics say, the fear was used to justify the executive order, which provided some liability protection for meatpacking plants. It also created a uniform system of rules, set by the federal government, to keep plants open rather than leave the closure of meatpacking plants to a patchwork of state and local health authorities.

Amid concerns of the spread of COVID-19, a worker restocks chicken in the meat product section at a grocery store in Dallas, Wednesday, April 29, 2020.

“We’ve been very skeptical about these claims around shortages,” said Ben Lilliston, a co-executive director of the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy, which advocates for fair and sustainable food systems. “I think they were able to use the idea of food shortages as leverage to get those two things.”

Federal data reviewed by USA TODAY show that although American beef and pork production did tank in a six-week period stretching from mid-March to the executive order, exports of hundreds of millions of pounds of meat continued. The amount of beef and pork products exported over that time period actually exceeded the amount of lost production when compared with 2019 levels.

Lilliston pointed out the industry also never drew down meat supplies sitting in “cold storage” warehouses in the middle of the supply chain, which he said would have indicated faltering supply.

In fact, red meat and poultry products in cold storage grew by about 40 million pounds from March to April, reaching 2.5 billion pounds, USDA data show.

“Cold storage can tell you something. … If the levels are still pretty high there, that tells you they haven’t tapped into that,” Lilliston said.

Other experts also made a distinction between the “spot shortages” of meat – temporary shortages of some products in some places – that spiked in early May and a truly critical lack of protein-rich products.

“We’re not going to run out of meat,” Steve Meyer, an economist for Kerns & Associates, an agricultural commodities firm in Iowa, told USA TODAY in late April. “Buy what you need, and leave some for somebody else, and I think we’ll all get through this OK.”

Others say it’s more complicated. Economists warn that a sharp curtailment of exports to shore up domestic supplies could harm long-term trade relationships and possibly backfire as companies lose a profit motive to slaughter more animals. And Sarah Little, a spokeperson for the industry group North American Meat Institute, said efforts to stabilize the industry were to ensure that a serious shortage never arrived.

“While there was less variety to consumers, or certain regional areas may have experienced shortages of meat, it wasn’t a widespread shortage,” Little said. “It never got to a point where we thought Americans would not have access to food. That is never something our companies would want to see. And that’s why it was so important to be able to continue operations.”

But Tony Corbo, a senior government affairs representative of the nonprofit Food & Water Watch, said he saw a disconnect between the alarming language the industry used in April and the continued exports.

“There’s this incongruity between the Tysons of the world and the Smithfields of the world wringing their hands, saying this is going to cause all kinds of disruptions to the domestic meat supply, while at the same time behind everybody’s back they’re exporting,” Corbo said.
Production drops as exports rise

In the crucial month leading up to Trump’s executive order, USDA data show beef and pork production was in sharp decline. From March 20 to April 24, the industry produced 171 million fewer pounds of beef and pork than during the same stretch last year.

But the industry exported about 636 million pounds over the same time span, nearly four times the deficit. That number has since grown to more than 1.3 billion pounds exported through early June.

And while the U.S. does export significant quantities of “variety meat” products such as feet and tails that most Americans don’t eat, data from the U.S. Meat Export Federation shows those products accounted for less than 25% of the weight of exports in April.

Joe Schuele, vice president of communications for the federation, said that even among non-variety meats, some pork and beef products are more popular overseas. That includes exports of beef short plate, a tough and fatty meat, to Japan, and pork picnic, a shoulder cut popular in Mexico.

Federal export figures do not detail which cuts are being exported.


Data does show that the overall trends of meat production and export began to diverge by early April and grew further apart leading up to Trump’s executive order. During those several weeks, production of beef and pork dipped below 2019 levels, but exports soared above the amounts seen a year earlier. In the week ending April 23, the industry exported 98.6 million pounds of pork overseas, the second-highest total of 2020.

Lilliston said the continued push to export wasn’t surprising. The nation’s largest meat companies, which also include JBS and Cargill, are now global operations, with products flowing to wherever the most value is to be had, he said.

“It's not their mission to feed U.S. citizens,” Lilliston said. “They view the U.S. as a really important market, perhaps their most important market. But it's not 'Our job is to fill their grocery stores so people have enough to eat.’”

Hli Yang, a Tyson spokesperson, said the criticism was unfair.

“We export responsibly and assess market dynamics, such as COVID-19’s impact in the U.S., before making decisions,” Yang said.

Yang added that the company had been “prioritizing” beef and pork sales in the U.S. market.

“We also voluntarily curtailed beef and pork exports that fit the tastes of domestic consumers to try to meet U.S. demand during this challenging time,” Yang said.

Keira Lombardo, executive vice president of corporate affairs and compliance for Smithfield, said there’s a delay between production and export that meant food exported at the height of the pandemic was “ordered and processed” months before.

“More recently, U.S. exports have declined as a result of lower production amid COVID-19,” Lombardo said.

The White House did not respond to questions about Trump’s executive order for this story, referring the matter to the U.S. Department of Agriculture. The USDA did not respond to requests for comment.

Exports’ explosive growth

Agricultural economists say that improving domestic supply by limiting exports may not be as simple as it seems.

Over the past several decades, America’s meat industry has increasingly relied on exports for growth and profits. The U.S. now exports more meat than ever before, growing from less than 2% of production in 1960 to about 23% of pork, 16% of chicken, and 11% of beef in 2019, USDA data show.

“Most of the demand for meat has not been inside the United States,” said Jayson Lusk, head of the Department of Agricultural Economics at Purdue University. “It’s been outside the country, so it’s not surprising U.S. producers looking to grow their markets have looked elsewhere to try to find additional customers.”

Buoyed most recently by the Trump administration’s reworking of trade agreements with China and Mexico, 2020 was expected to be a banner year for exports, particularly pork. Farmers had expanded their herds in anticipation, leaving a glut once COVID-19 struck, which required some farmers to do traumatic mass cullings and placed additional pressure on plants to reopen.

Experts also say exportation has become deeply ingrained in the supply chain, down to the farm level. Some animals are primarily raised to send specific cuts overseas, with the remainder of the animal heading to U.S. supplies.

Lombardo, the Smithfied representative, said meat processing facilities are typically equipped to produce specific products, whether for retail, restaurants or exports. Converting them for another use takes time.

“Food supply chains are complex and products for one market cannot always be immediately reconfigured for another,” Lombardo said.

Without an export incentive, domestic supply could also dip, others said.

“I think those considering restricting exports overestimate the extent it would increase domestic consumption and underestimate the adverse economic impact,” said Glynn Tonsor, a professor of agricultural economics at Kansas State University.

Some remain skeptical that curtailing exports would hurt domestic supply. Roger Horowitz, a history professor and meat industry expert at the University of Delaware, said he believes companies would find a way to make use of all animals parts domestically or transfer costs to consumers, although perhaps for less money.

“Export restrictions could hurt profits, but not American consumers,” Horowitz said.

But Lusk added that any short-term domestic gains realized by curtailing exports could also result in long-term damage to trade relations.

“The issue is that there are real people and real relationships on the other end of those trade deals,” Lusk said. “If one cancels a contract today, do they lose that customer next month? What does that do to the profitability of the packing plant and the pork producers?”
The risks to workers

At the mercy of the economic equation are the nation’s meatpacking workers, who risk contracting COVID-19 in the workplace. While the Trump administration and industry leaders say conditions have improved for employees after workplace safety guidelines were implemented last month, workers continue to fall ill.

By tracking public reports, the Midwest Center for Investigative Reporting found that 10,000 meatpacking workers had fallen ill by May 5, with at least 45 deaths. Those numbers have since grown to more than 24,000 infections and at least 90 deaths.

For one plant inspector within the USDA’s Food Safety and Inspection Service (FSIS), it didn’t sit well that administration officials raised the specter of meat shortages while exports continued. The FSIS employs several thousand inspectors who visit meatpacking plants daily; at least four have died from COVID-19.

According to the inspector, who spoke with USA TODAY under condition of anonymity, FSIS officials initially addressed inspectors in April and said there was an urgent need to remain on the job, despite the risks of COVID-19.
Tyson Foods installed plastic barriers between worker stations at its meat and poultry plants to protect against transmission of the coronavirus.

“Because the meat supply to all Americans, including the inspectors’ families, kids, and grandkids could fail, leading to widespread meat shortages and malnutrition,” the employee recalled officials saying.

Agency officials later changed the tone of communications and are now simply thanking inspectors for doing their job, instead of citing concerns about food shortages, which the USDA inspector said was appreciated.

But USDA leadership is still using the argument publicly. In a June 9 statement announcing that meat production had returned to 95% of 2019 levels, USDA secretary Sonny Perdue again justified the push to keep meatpacking plants open by citing risks to the domestic food supply.

“I want to thank the patriotic and heroic meatpacking facility workers, the companies, and the local authorities for quickly getting their operations back up and running, and for providing a great meat selection once again to the millions of Americans who depend on them for food,” Perdue said.

Debbie Berkowitz, who spent six years as chief of staff and senior policy adviser at the Occupational Safety and Health Administration and is now director of the National Employment Law Project’s worker health and safety program, criticized the administration, saying worker safety has been jeopardized on a false premise.

“They just decided those lives were OK to sacrifice … and for what?” Berkowitz said. So many of (the) plants sent their pork to China. It wasn’t about feeding America.”

Lilliston said the tension between worker safety, domestic supply and export highlights a potential weakness of the modern-day U.S. meat industry. He advocates a reevaluation of how much power rests in the hands of just a few meatpacking companies whose primary mission is to grow exports.

“They’re not ready to give it up. Even when there are problems here domestically,” Lilliston said. “It really shows the power I think in some ways, of that sort of export-above-all mentality.”

No export restrictions, but May dip anyway


Although it was within his power to curtail exports under COVID-19, Trump declined to do so under the April 28 executive order. That broke from an earlier order on personal protective equipment, which invoked the Defense Production Act while telling manufacturers such as 3M that “it is the policy of the United States to prevent domestic brokers, distributors, and other intermediaries from diverting (PPE) material overseas.”

On May 1, CNBC cited current and former Trump administration officials in reporting that Trump was asked about the prospect of restricting meat exports on a private call with meat industry CEOs.

Trump responded that “he was not interested in restricting exports at this time,” CNBC reported.

The White House declined to comment to USA TODAY.

While U.S. meat production rallied, exports destabilized through May.

The amount of pork sent overseas crashed in the week after Trump’s executive order, dropping below 2019 levels. It has since moved back into year-over-year growth, but beef and pork exports have been on a downward trajectory since the executive order.

As meat production now nears 2019 levels, signaling a return toward some semblance of normalcy, the White House did not say if Trump has made any determination under what circumstances he would rescind the order.

This article originally appeared on USA TODAY: Meat shortages were unlikely despite warnings from Trump, meatpackers

Breonna Taylor's legacy could be an end to no-knock warrants

Louisville's ban on no-knock search warrants, the kind used in the fatal police shooting of Breonna Taylor, may be the start of something bigger. State Rep. Attica Scott, D-Louisville, said she expects to prefile within the next week a bill to ban no-knock warrants in Kentucky. And U.S. Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., has already said is filing a bill he's calling the "Justice for Breonna Taylor Act" that effectively would end no-knock warrants in the U.S.
Police investigating a drug case obtained a warrant with a no-knock provision for Taylor's apartment, though officials have said that officers knocked before crashing through the door. Taylor's boyfriend Kenneth Walker has said he did not hear anyone announce that they were police, and fired at what he thought were intruders. Taylor was killed in the ensuing gunfight. No drugs were found.
– Matt Mencarini, Louisville Courier Journal
Contributing: The Associated Press

Petition demands Dolly Parton statues replace confederate memorials in Tennessee

Jenna Ryu, USA TODAY Published June 15, 2020

Historical Confederate monuments are being taken down and defaced from protests over the death of George Floyd. Storyful

As confederate memorials are being taken down nationwide, one petition is calling for them to be replaced with those of "a true Tennessee hero": Dolly Parton.

The Change.org petition started by Alex Parsons on June 11 asks Tennessee Gov. Bill Lee and the Tennessee State House to replace confederate monuments with statues of the country singer, who "has worked her entire life to bring us closer together."


"Aside from her beautiful music, which has touched the hearts and lives of millions of Americans, Dolly Parton's philanthropic heart has unquestionably changed the world for the better," Parsons wrote on Thursday.



Dolly Parton turns 74

More: MusiCares 2019 Person of the Year: Dolly Parton is first country singer honored after lifetime of music

"From the Dollywood foundation that has provided books and scholarships to millions of American children, to the millions of dollars she has donated to dozens of organizations such as the Red Cross and COVID-19 research centers, Dolly Parton has given more to this country and this state than those confederate officers could ever have hoped to take away."


This petition addresses the national debate regarding the removal of confederate memorials across the country following the death of George Floyd. Fellow singer Taylor Swift took to social media to criticize the existing confederate statues.

"As a Tennessean, it makes me sick that there are monuments standing in our state that celebrate racist historical figures who did evil things. Edward Carmack and Nathan Bedford Forrest were despicable figures in in our state history and should be treated as such," the 30-year-old singer wrote on Friday.

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Tennessee House GOP moves to make camping outside the Capitol a felony

Natalie Allison, Nashville Tennessean
Published  June 15, 2020

VIDEOS AT THE END OF ARTICLE

Two days after protesters set up a small campsite outside the state Capitol, House Speaker Cameron Sexton on Monday moved to amend state law to make doing so a felony.

After reports online Friday that a group of individuals planned to establish an "autonomous zone" outside the Capitol, Sexton, R-Crossville, quickly announced he was prepared to pass legislation to increase from a misdemeanor to a felony the criminal offense of camping on certain state property.

Justin Jones and other protesters face off with Tennessee State Troopers outside the State Capitol building in Nashville, Tenn., Monday, June 15, 2020. (Photo: Andrew Nelles / The Tennessean)

A current state law, passed in February 2012 on the heels of an Occupy Nashville protest months before, makes it a misdemeanor to camp on state property that isn't marked for doing so, though the state's current definition of camping is somewhat murky.

While Gov. Bill Lee on Friday said autonomous zones "will not be tolerated," no protesters were arrested as they remained outside the Capitol day and night throughout the weekend, and officials were uncertain whether their actions met the current law's criteria for camping.

The group set up multiple tents around the site where a statue of Edward Carmack was located outside the Capitol before being torn down by protesters two weeks ago, though there is no evidence the protesters ever went inside the tents to sleep.


Sexton's amendment was presented in the finance committee by House Majority Leader William Lamberth, R-Portland, who had sponsored an earlier bill increasing penalties for rioting.

Hours later, a group of protesters — including activist Justin Jones and others who were involved in the weekend demonstration — were blocked outside the Capitol from approaching, despite saying they intended to attend the 6 p.m. House floor session.

After initially being told by troopers they were prohibited from doing so, Sexton's office clarified that five of them would be allowed inside based on the remaining seats available in the gallery, the capacity of which has been reduced during the pandemic.

Jay Terry, 23, greets a crowd of protesters after being released following a citation for disorderly conduct outside of the State Capitol building in Nashville, Tenn., Monday, June 15, 2020. (Photo: Andrew Nelles / The Tennessean)
Bill amendment would make camping, graffiti on state property a felony

Sexton's bill amendment would make camping on most state property a felony, as well as vandalizing state property, which is also currently a misdemeanor.

It clarifies language in the state's existing law about camping on state property to specify that merely erecting a tent would qualify as camping, and thus be a felony if done on state property without permission.


Lamberth said the felony vandalism provision would also apply to using chalk to draw on state property, as protesters did over the weekend. The Tennessee Highway Patrol cleared the area at one point to allow part of the Capitol grounds to be pressure washed.

"Every dollar we have to spend of the people's money cleaning up vandalism is money we can't spend on helping treat those who have mental health issues," Lamberth told the committee.

The bill comes with an estimated $9,100 cost for incarcerations and therefore cannot advance without budget negotiations. Lamberth said he hopes the legislature can find a way to fund it.

Protesters gather on the sidewalk outside the Capitol in Nashville, Tenn., Saturday, June 13, 2020. (Photo: Andrew Nelles / The Tennessean)



According to the bill's fiscal note, no one has been convicted of the current camping misdemeanor in the last five years, the period of time studied for determining the cost of the proposed amendment.

"We hope this bill sends a strong message that peaceful protesters are welcome in Tennessee, but rioters and looters will not be allowed to steal the spotlight from the message peaceful protesters are ardently trying to convey," Lamberth said afterward.

Neither accounts from officials nor observations from reporters indicated any physical violence taking place at the weekend protest, and organizers maintained their intention was to remain peaceful.



COMPLETE COVERAGE
Nashville protests

Protesters plan to camp out in front of Capitol, claiming area as autonomous zone

Civil Rights Movement stalwarts weigh in on George Floyd protests

In their own words: 18 Middle Tennesseans on why they protested


In a statement, Adam Kleinheider, spokesman for Lt. Gov Randy McNally, said the Senate version of the bill has not moved out of the judiciary committee, which has finished its business for the year.

"As of today, no one has requested this bill be taken up under the Senate’s limited criteria," Kleinheider said. "If and when it is, it will be considered as any other bill."

Reach Natalie Allison at nallison@tennessean.com. Follow her on Twitter at @natalie_allison.

Rayshard Brooks Was Killed by Police. Here's How to Demand Justice.By Emily Dixon June 16, 2020

SHUTTERSTOCK

Rayshard Brooks, a 27-year-old Black man, was killed by white police officer Garrett Rolfe in Atlanta on Friday, June 12.


Rolfe fired three times at Brooks as he ran away, hitting him twice in the back.
Donate to Brooks' family, sign petitions demanding justice, and donate to bail funds for protestors below.

HIS LAWYER PRESENTED A PHOTO OF THE THIRD BULLET HAVING GONE THROUGH AN SUV WINDOW JUST MISSING A COUPLE OF KIDS IN THE CAR.

Rayshard Brooks planned to go skating with his oldest daughter on Saturday, June 13, to celebrate her birthday. He didn't make it: On Friday evening, he was killed by white police officer Garrett Rolfe, who shot Brooks twice in the back as he tried to run away.

On June 12, Brooks, a 27-year-old Black man, fell asleep in his car in a Wendy's drive-through in Atlanta, as the Guardian reports. Police were called, and Brooks co-operated with a sobriety test, chatting to Officers Rolfe and Devin Brosnan about his daughter's birthday. The officers patted Brooks down, and knew he was unarmed.

"I watched the interaction with Mr Brooks and it broke my heart," Atlanta mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms said on CNN, according to the Guardian. "This was not confrontational. This was a guy that you were rooting for."

According to footage taken by a bystander, Brooks struggled when the officers attempted to arrest him, the Guardian reports, before appearing to grab a Taser from Brosnan and running away. Brooks appeared to fire the Taser once behind him as he ran, pursued by Rolfe, according to the New York Times, but the darts did not land anywhere near the police officer. Even before Brooks pointed the Taser, Rolfe had reached for his handgun; he fired at the fleeing Brooks three times, hitting him twice in the back. The father of four died in hospital following surgery.


Verified

Tomika Miller, the wife of Rayshard Brooks, hugs their daughter Memory, 2, during a press conference in Atlanta. The heartbroken family said they're determined to have his death spark positive change.

This content is imported from Instagram. You may be able to find the same content in another format, or you may be able to find more information, at their web site.

Tomika Miller, Brooks' widow, told CNN that Rolfe did not have to shoot her husband. "I wouldn't have used a gun," she said, saying the officers could have tackled him or let him run. "I don't think it was necessary to shoot." Mayor Bottoms also said Rolfe's use of deadly force was unjustified, as CNN reports. "While there may be debate as to whether this was an appropriate use of deadly force, I firmly believe that there is a distinction between what you can do and what you should do," she said.

The Fulton county medical examiner declared Brooks' death a homicide after an autopsy on Sunday, June 14, as the Guardian reports. Atlanta police chief Erika Shields resigned on Saturday, June 13, the day after Brooks' death, while Rolfe has been fired and Brosnan has been placed on administrative leave. Neither have been charged with Brooks' murder.

Brooks' widow Miller told CNN that her husband "always kept [her] spirits up" and "pushed [her] to be better," allowing her to "grow into the woman [she is] today." She has questions for Rolfe and Brosnan. "Do they feel sorry for what they took away?" she said. "If they had the chance to do it again, would they do it the same way or would they do it totally different?"
How can I help demand justice for Rayshard Brooks?

Sign a petition calling for justice for Rayshard Brooks here.

Donate to a fundraiser for Brooks' family here.

Donate to the Atlanta Solidarity Fund for protestors here.

Split a donation between bail funds across the country here.

Donate to Black Lives Matter here.

Sign the Black Lives Matter petition to #DefundThePolice here.

Donate to the Movement for Black Lives, a coalition of Black organizations across the U.S., here.

Black Lives Matter


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EMILY DIXON
Is a British journalist who’s contributed to CNN, Teen Vogue, Time, Glamour, The Guardian, Wonderland, The Big Roundtable, Bust, and more, on everything from mental health to fashion to political activism to feminist zine collectives.

Two experts say use of deadly force against Rayshard Brooks unwarranted

OF COURSE IT WAS

Tim Stelloh, NBC News•June 14, 2020




As authorities investigate the police killing of Rayshard Brooks, which led to the police chief's resignation, protests and the torching of a Wendy's, two former law enforcement officials said the shooting was not justified, while a police union president called it "legitimate."

Cedric Alexander, the former police chief of DeKalb County, east of Atlanta, said the encounter Friday night outside a Wendy's restaurant should never have escalated into a use-of-force situation.

Alexander suggested that the officers who found Brooks, 27, asleep in his car in the restaurant's drive-through could have called him an Uber or given him a ride home instead of taking him into custody.

"Could they have done something different than arrest him?" he said. "We need to get policing back to doing preventative enforcement. That's the key."

Body and dash camera video show that the officers, Garrett Rolfe and Devin Brosnan, were trying to arrest Brooks after he failed a sobriety test. The incident quickly escalated when Brooks insisted that he could walk home. As the officers began taking him into custody, they struggled with Brooks.

Surveillance video appears to show Brooks running away from the officers with a stun gun that he had taken from one of them, said Vic Reynolds, director of the Georgia Bureau of Investigation. While running, Brooks appeared to turn around and point the weapon at police, Reynolds said.

"At that point, the Atlanta officer reaches down and retrieves his weapon from his holster, discharges it, strikes Mr. Brooks there on the parking lot, and he goes down," Reynolds said.

Rolfe was fired Saturday after Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms said in a news conference that she did not believe the shooting was justified.

Download the NBC News app for breaking news and alerts

But Steven Gaynor, a police union president in suburban Atlanta, said he believed the shooting was "legitimate." A stun gun in the hands of someone who is not trained to use it can be lethal, he said.

"If I'm an untrained individual and I aim it at your head, that could be deadly," he said. "You could lose an eye."

Reynolds has said he did not know what the range was of the stun gun that Brooks had taken.

A lawyer for Brooks' family, L. Chris Stewart, said over the weekend that Georgia law does not consider a stun gun to be deadly.

But a 2017 Reuters investigation found that such weapons can be lethal even in the hands of someone trained to use them. It found that roughly 1,000 people have died since the early 2000s after police struck them with stun guns. In 153 of the cases, autopsies concluded that the weapon had caused or contributed to the person's death.

Stun guns, which can sometimes deliver up to 50,000 volts in a single shot, can cause serious problems for people with heart conditions and other medical issues. In a 2016 study, researchers compared the short-term cognitive impairments caused by the weapon to dementia.

Gaynor said a Georgia officer's ability to use force, as taught in the Atlanta police academy, operates on a continuum. If Brooks tried to use the stun gun on Rolfe, then the officer's actions meet the criteria for the next step on the continuum, he said.

The GBI has said Brooks pointed the stun gun at the officer.

"You have the right to use one step above to protect your life or the lives of others," Gaynor said.

But Joe Ested, a former law enforcement officer and founder of the nonprofit Police Brutality Matters, said an officer must see imminent danger either to himself or to someone else for deadly use of force to be justified.

"When we look at this, the video, you see the subject running away," he said. "There's no life at risk at that time — at all.

"Even a subject running away that has a weapon — unless the weapon the subject has results in death, you still are not able to authorize the use of deadly force."
Why Violent Protests Work
A conversation with author and University of Pennsylvania professor Daniel Q. Gillion about the history of protests in America and how they've inspired actual policy change.


ALL VIOLENCE IS POLICE VIOLENCE


BY LAURA BASSETT June 2, 2020

Courtesy of Steven John Irby / @stevesweatpants

The fascist revolution led by Donald Trump hit a crescendo on Monday when the president tear-gassed his own people—peaceful protesters standing outside the White House—to clear a path for himself to take a photo with a Bible in front of a vandalized church.

Earlier in the day, Trump had implored governors across the country to crack down on the riots, “dominate” the protesters and throw them in jail for ten years. He called for the National Guard and the military to squash the uprising. Some of his supporters on the right called the protesters “domestic terrorists” and criticized them for being violent, fully ignoring the act of violence that sparked the protests, in which a police officer brutally knelt on the neck of an unarmed black man until he asphyxiated to death.

In fact, many of the protests have been peaceful, and the police have often stoked violence where it didn’t exist by showing up with military-grade weapons and shooting rubber bullets at demonstrators. Still, as some rioters set fire to police vans and loot stores, a debate is raging as to whether a violent protest is the right way to go about demanding change. Rep. John Lewis (D-Ga.), a longtime civil rights leader, called for peace: “To the rioters here in Atlanta and across the country,” he said, “I see you, and I hear you. I know your pain, your rage, your sense of despair and hopelessness. Justice has, indeed, been denied for far too long. Rioting, looting, and burning is not the way. Organize. Demonstrate. Sit-in. Stand-up. Vote.”



Alicia Garza, a co-founder of Black Lives Matter, respectfully disagreed with Lewis. “It’s a familiar pattern: to call for peace and calm but direct it in the wrong places,” she told The New Yorker. “Why are we having this conversation about protest and property when a man’s life was extinguished before our eyes?”



“We don’t have time to finger-wag at protesters about property,” she continued. “That can be rebuilt. Target will reopen. The stores will reopen. That’s assured. What is not assured is our safety and real justice.”


I spoke with historian and University of Pennsylvania professor Daniel Q. Gillion, an expert on civil rights protests and the author of The Loud Minority: Why Protests Matter in American Democracy, about what history can tell us about the effectiveness of violent vs. nonviolent protests.

GQ: I want to start with a general question: What is your reaction to the rioting going on right now?
Daniel Q. Gillion: My reaction is conflicting. This is something I study, and I realize the potential impact that protests can have. I’m in Philadelphia here. West Philly was looted yesterday, and as I walked past some of those stores, my heart broke for many of those business owners who have struggled. They’re already struggling with the pandemic, but this is a compounded burden put upon them. So I’m really depressed and saddened by that experience. That being said, I am hopeful for what will transpire in the aftermath, that this is a discussion that many people are having. People are very sincere and genuine about engaging with this discussion about racial inequity and police violence. So I’m hopeful for what the future will bring, not only in terms of societal shifts, but also in terms of the political and policy shifts.

There’s a debate right now as to whether violent protest is really effective as a catalyst for political change. Dr. Martin Luther King said, “A riot is the language of the unheard”—but people even disagree over what he meant by that, since he is seen as an advocate of nonviolence. In your research of protests throughout history, what has been the relative effectiveness of violent vs. nonviolent protest?
I’ve studied protest from the 1950s to today, and I’ve looked at this across a host of different issues in which individuals can see change, whether electoral shifts or policies or donations. The reality is that—objectively examining protests—violent protest has a positive impact on political and policy change. Nonviolent protest brings awareness to an issue; violent protest brings urgency to an issue. It forces individuals to pay attention to these important discussions of race relations, but also prompts the international community to join in and say, “Hey, there’s something wrong there.” We see protests breaking out in Berlin and other cities throughout the world right now. So there is a positive, influential aspect of violent protest. Saying that, naturally I don’t condone violence, and I’m not pushing for individuals to engage in unlawful behavior, but if we are objectively examining the influence of protests, we’re being disingenuous to say that violent protest does not bring individuals to the table, that it does not lead to policy change. That simply isn’t true.







Where would you situate this particular moment in history, compared to other historical protests?
One of the most contentious protests we’ve seen that we can relate and compare to what we’re seeing now in 2020 is the Rodney King riots in the 1990s. This is a protest that became very violent, and if you look at the representative for that area, it was Maxine Waters in South Central L.A. When she spoke about these events, she referred to it as “righteous anger,” because she understood the pain individuals were going through. And it led her to engage in more policy actions in the House. Before the riots took place, she was looking at initiatives involving international things, women’s rights— but after this took place, she began focusing on bills dealing with the concerns of protesters. We saw her work on public housing, we saw a neighborhood infrastructure bill pass, we saw an inner city job creation bill she introduced. In addition to that, George Bush had several meetings looking at how he should address this. Later Bush came out and he had no choice but to acknowledge the reality of the times. He said, “In the wake of the L.A. riots, can any one of us argue that we have solved the problem of poverty and racism?” And the answer is no. Every day discussions at the water cooler actually changed because of that.

Oftentimes, when people say “violent protest has no impact,” it’s not because they have empirical evidence. They’re relying on their optimistic notions of seeing King and hearing his rhetoric. And those things are true, that nonviolence can be effective, but the violence can also be effective if you look at the data and follow the protests and see the impact it has on policy.

John Lewis put out a statement pleading with protesters to be peaceful. He obviously fought for civil rights alongside King. What do you make of that?
I lump him in with Andrew Young—both are civil rights leaders who were on the front lines, and for them, nonviolent protest was effective. So they’re speaking from experience. John Lewis has skull fractures from crossing that bridge on Bloody Sunday—he knows what he’s talking about, what worked for him. I think the difference is that the same way his generation had to learn how to overcome the great inequities that they faced in that particular time period—because their strategies were different from the strategies we saw in the 40s and 50s— it’s the same way that this generation has to learn how to address the great inequities they experience. I’m not comparing battle scars here, but each generation has to find its way through this hardship, and that’s what this generation is doing. It’s trying to cope with the despair and madness in a society in which they’re told they’re equal and that they’re on the same footing, on paper we have civil rights laws, but they experience the constant forms of inequity on a daily basis—the harassment, the brutality, the death—and they are fed up and frustrated. It will be the case that the older generation of African Americans who have paved the way, we owe a great deal of debt to them and should listen to what they have to say, but at the end, this generation has to find its own path forward. It may look different, but it will end up at the same destination, which is greater racial progress in America.



The Ferguson riots under Obama in 2014 were pretty violent, similar to what’s happening now. And obviously, six years later we’re still seeing the same kinds of police violence against black people that protesters were responding to then. Would you say that protest was ineffective?
Ferguson is a great example for us to assess activism and policy, because with Ferguson, we didn’t see a massive change in many things. But the point we gotta take from Ferguson is that it fits into a larger narrative. Sometimes we see protests today, and then we wait 24 hours, and see that nothing happened the next day. We say to ourselves, “This is useless, we’re wasting our time.” But the way in which I approach protest influence is through a larger, broader lens. What protest does, especially Ferguson, is it fits in this larger narrative of racial and ethnic minority protests that have pushed back on police brutality throughout the years. So we’re seeing the Ferguson arrests around 2014—what’s the impact it has? It begins to bring awareness and urgency to this issue. Shortly after that, there’s more attention and more interest in Black Lives Matter. There are more protests in 2016, and Black Lives Matter begins to grow in strength. By the time we get to 2020, the reason why George Floyd becomes a protest that bubbles over into the streets and leads to various forms of violence and resonates across the world is because of all the protests that preceded it. George Floyd is not necessarily the catalyst—it’s the crescendo.





It was like this in the ‘60s. Some might have said, “Why didn’t we see some kind of change immediately following the protest in 1961 or ‘62 or ‘63?” Take your pick. But then we see the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and all of a sudden we have the policy change we’re looking for. But it took time.

"George Floyd is not necessarily the catalyst—it’s the crescendo."

Some have argued that rioting throughout history has only resulted in a “law and order” backlash, using the Detroit and Chicago riots in ‘67 and ‘68 in particular as examples of that, because the Nixon Administration followed. Is that a fair assessment?
Those who push back on the violence cite these riots and look at the change in the presidency afterward, they say the law and order campaign was able to be successful as a consequence of the riots. The reality is, it’s simply not true. The rioting was occurring in a couple of cities, and in those cities, it was devastating and heart wrenching. But protest most impacts the people who are looking at it in their backyard—mayors, congressional members. And if you look at 1968, you have a candidate named Abner Mikva running for Congress on a ticket looking to push back against the war and racial inequality, and he was able to ride the wave and get elected in Chicago. That protest had an impact on local electoral returns.


What’s different about those riots from 2020 is that we’re not seeing this in one or two cities, we’re seeing it across the nation. It’s boiling over in so many different cities. What starts out as being a geographically specific effect now can snowball into being a larger national effect. So if you’re a politician running for office at a national level, that should concern you. People will go to the polls and be conscientious of what’s taking place.

Trump today got on a call with governors and told them to crack down on protesters and is threatening to call in the military. Do you think this could be an effective political strategy in responding to a protest?
Will this law and order campaign he has put forth be effective? Absolutely it will. The question is to what degree. We’ve seen in the past Trump has tried to villanize BLM and others who have pushed back against what he stands for. And you will have people who buy into his words. But a recent study I put forth in my book, The Loud Minority, I examine the backlash towards BLM in part led by Trump. When you look at negative perceptions of BLM, I did not find that that was leading them to the polls or affecting whether they vote for a Democrat or Republican. However when you look at the positive support towards Black Lives Matter, it’s highly correlated with individuals voting. They’re more likely to turn out and when they turn out, they vote for the Democratic candidate. More African Americans turned out in 2012 than in 2016, but when you look at the areas where BLM protests took place, we saw increases in black voter turnout even as other areas saw a drop. So the backlash to these protests will not have the electoral outcome people think it will.

And these protests cause a spike in donations to liberal candidates. This is also true for conservative protests—the more protests there are, the more money people donate to conservative candidates and causes. But the current protests are part of a blue wave. If history is any guide, we should see a major change take place in 2020.

Laura Bassett is a GQ columnist
A Minneapolis Police Officer Opens Up About the Toxic Culture Inside the Department

“The mentality that we’re in a war, and the culture of ‘us versus them,’ starts in the academy”


BY LAURA BASSETT June 10, 2020
 
Getty Images

Since Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin brutally pressed his knee onto George Floyd’s neck for nearly nine minutes, and three other officers stood by and did nothing as he suffocated to death, the entire world has responded with shock and outrage and demanded an overhaul of American policing.

One of Chauvin’s colleagues, meanwhile, was surprised that it took people this long to notice how bad things were in her own department and with the police in general. “I am a Minneapolis police officer, something I probably should not be broadcasting right now, but I’m tired and want change,” Megan Jones, 27, wrote to me last week. “I want better for my department and I wish it didn’t take the murder of George Floyd for this national conversation on police reform to be had.” Jones agreed to a phone interview on the condition that GQ withhold her real name, because her department prohibits officers from talking to the media.

Jones is something of an outcast in the Minneapolis police force. The other officers—overwhelmingly straight, white, conservative men—wear Trump bracelets, rail about the “lamestream media” and “fake news,” and regularly ostracize and harass the few Black and female officers in the department. Jones, meanwhile, describes herself as liberal feminist. She became a police officer because she studied domestic violence in college and didn’t like the way law enforcement responded to it; she hoped to be a “good cop,” as the expression goes, and change the system from the inside. In 2016, Jones carried a sign at the first annual Women’s March that said “Donald Trump is a racist.” “I posted a picture of it on my private Facebook page and within eight hours, everyone knew, and no one would work with me,” she said. “There were cops who never gave me a chance for that reason. I’m kind of notorious in the department because I don't fit in.”

Being at once an insider and an outsider in the MPD gives Jones a unique perspective on the system that enabled the murder of Floyd. It starts with the paramilitary-style police training academy. “The mentality that we’re in a war, and the culture of ‘us versus them,’ starts in the academy,” she said. “Everything is ‘yes sir,’ ‘no sir,’ respect the chain of command, don’t question your superiors.”

She saw this dynamic play out in the widely circulated video of the Floyd murder, in which Thomas Lane, 37, briefly questioned the methods of Derek Chauvin, his training officer and the man with his knee on Floyd’s neck. “You hear the younger officer, four days out of training, say, ‘Do you think we should roll him over?’ Because you’re supposed to immediately roll them into a recovery position,” she said. “But being a cop, you don't tell a 19-year veteran how it’s done. You don't forcibly remove a knee from a neck when they have that much seniority. The culture is, we can't call out our own.”

Then there’s the problem of the police union, which in Minneapolis, is run by Lt. Bob Kroll, who once wore a “white power” patch on his motorcycle jacket, called Black Lives Matter a “terrorist organization,” and told union members Floyd was a “violent criminal,” though Floyd had not been suspected of a violent crime. Under Kroll’s leadership, the union has negotiated contracts that crippled the department’s ability to do any meaningful discipline, and police officers who were already racist have understood that they could abuse Black people with impunity. “We've had a number of cases that led to internal investigations, and the worst punishment any officer has received was a 48-hour suspension,” Jones said. “In a department with the track record of Minneapolis, that shows everything.” (On Wednesday, the head of the Minneapolis PD said they were withdrawing from contract negotiations with the union.)

That explains in part why Chauvin, who now faces second-degree murder and second-degree manslaughter charges, had 17 misconduct complaints filed against him before he killed Floyd that hadn’t derailed his career. Jones said when she and her colleagues first learned of the incident, “our immediate reaction was: ‘What was he still doing on patrol?’”

Since Floyd’s murder, Jones says the police have been “run ragged.” Days off were canceled; she’s worked at least 80 hours of overtime in the past week responding to protests, and tensions are running high. Jones’ colleagues are “sick of having to work every day because of [Chauvin’s] fuck-up, to be blunt,” she said. “There’s the frustration and confusion of why he would put his knee on a man’s neck for eight-plus minutes, but also frustration with the riots and political leadership. It’s Democratic leadership here, so it’s, ‘The liberals are out to get us; the liberals hate cops.’ And there's no room for context.”

After centuries of American law enforcement officers abusing their power and disproportionately targeting and brutalizing Black people, the Floyd incident has sparked growing calls to defund or even entirely do away with the police. Most Democratic politicians, including presumptive presidential nominee Joe Biden, oppose defunding and disbanding and would prefer to implement reforms, while activists note that the police have proven themselves for decades to be impervious to reform: a New York police officer choked Eric Garner to death, for instance, years after the N.Y.P.D. had banned chokeholds.

Jones, of course, is a police officer by trade, and therefore disagrees with leftist activists that disbanding the police force, as Minneapolis city council members have said they intend to do, is a good or even workable solution. She pointed to a number of logistical barriers to its dissolution becoming a reality: The Minneapolis City Charter requires there to be a police force proportional to the city’s population. The council wants the fire and emergency medical services departments to start responding to overdoses, but under state law, only peace officers and mental health professionals have the authority to write a transport hold to force someone to go to the hospital. The council wants to replace traffic cops with cameras, but in 2007, the Minnesota Supreme Court ruled that traffic cameras are unconstitutional. Mayor Jacob Frey has said he supports reforming, but not disbanding the police—so the council would likely have to let voters decide whether to amend the rules at the ballot box in 2021.

“I get the frustration,” Jones said. “And they can certainly cut our funding. But we live in a country with as many guns as people. I don't understand how it's even feasible to be a major city without a police department.” (No U.S. city as populous as Minneapolis has ever attempted to disband its police department, but CNN reported that Camden, New Jersey, has managed to dissolve and reimagine its system of policing rather successfully.)

Jones does support a thorough “pattern or practice” investigation into her department, stronger disciplinary practices, deep reforms to the hiring and recruitment process for police, and a much longer training period by which officers can learn better, safer techniques with which to defend themselves, like Brazilian jiu jitsu. She says the past few weeks of watching her colleagues use excessive force to crush protests have only further highlighted the problems in her department. “The vast majority of these protests are peaceful,” she said, “and the way law enforcement in this city is responding is just proving why people are protesting.”

Laura Bassett is a GQ columnist, and a freelance journalist writing about politics, gender, and culture.


How Violent Police Culture Perpetuates Itself
Danielle Cohen June 16, 2020


The past month has shone a long-overdue light on police brutality, and, along with it, a whole range of alarming attitudes that seem to pervade police forces across the country. It's not just the aggressive responses we've seen to nonviolent protest—officers are refusing to wear masks in the middle of a pandemic, as union leaders brandish their badges on national TV angrily demanding they be treated with “respect.” The idea that there is something rotten at the core of police culture is rapidly becoming commonplace.

“Black communities have been talking about this for decades,” said Michael Sierra-Arévalo, a sociologist at UT Austin who’s spent the last five years observing police precincts across the country in an effort to understand the mechanisms driving our nation’s policing crisis. Sierra-Arévalo believes many of the systemic problems with policing stem from what he calls the danger imperative—a long-held conviction shared among all policemen that their job places them in immediate and very acute danger.

“A fundamental feature of police culture is this preoccupation with danger and violence,” Sierra-Arévalo says. This conviction is instilled the second recruits enter the academy and reinforced at every level, leading officers to understand their lives as constantly threatened by the civilians they’re supposed to be protecting. “Your number one priority is ensuring your physical safety, the physical safety of other officers, and then the public. In practice, it ends up becoming a hierarchy: officers must ensure their own survival before they can do anything else.”

Often this obsession manifests in overblown reactions to minor offenses directed at officers. Sierra-Arévalo points out that last summer, the Sergeants Benevolent Association, the second largest police union in New York, responded to a string of incidents where civilians doused police officers with water, claiming the buckets could have contained acid or bleach. “The only way that makes sense,” he says, “is if you believe that any sign of resistance whatsoever is a harbinger of doom to come, and indicative of a potential attack.” This type of exaggeration will sound familiar to anyone who watched NYPD commissioner Dermot Shea seemingly jump to conclusions to assert without evidence that a pile of construction debris miles from any major protest had been stashed by looters to threaten the police.

A key piece of this mentality is an obsession with officers who have died on the job. Trainees in the academy and beyond are repeatedly shown videos and told stories of fellow officers killed in the field, leading them to believe it could happen at any moment. Most departments have a memorial wall front and center displaying every officer that’s been killed in the history of the department. Less formal reminders include officers wearing bracelets and sporting tattoos honoring dead colleagues, much like military commemorations. The message is clear: officers die on the job all the time, and anyone could be next.

The reality is that policemen are actually safer now than they have been in the last 50 years. Fewer than 57 cops are killed each year, and that number is going down, even as the number of officers in the field increases. Policing is a relatively dangerous job, but less deadly than working as a roofer or driving a cab. Garbage collectors are killed at twice the rate of police; fishermen are more than eight times as likely to die on the job. The undue emphasis on officer deaths, Sierra-Arévalo explains, tells cops that they’re putting their lives on the line every time they step onto the job, thus “ignoring 90% of police work, which is actually more akin to very poorly equipped social work.”

Other symbols underline the idea of policemen as unappreciated heroes risking their lives in the name of justice, like the Punisher logo Sierra-Arévalo saw on water bottles during his ride-alongs. Some use “Bad Boys” as their ringtone because it was the theme song to COPS, which was canceled just last week as part of America's reckoning with the glorification of police culture. Another logo of a skull with a sheriff’s hat, often accompanied by crossed pistols à la Jolly Roger, pops up on clipboards, stickers, and in tattoos, sometimes next to the words “We conquered the West.” “This is all indicative of a deep-seated understanding,” Sierra-Arévalo explains, “of ‘our job is dangerous, we are crime fighters above all else, and in order to do this job, we must be prepared to use force.’”

The mentality that police are constantly in critical danger then gets shored up at the federal level through the transfer of military equipment to local precincts. While this gear has been flowing into departments since the 90s, it caught a spotlight in 2014 when officers were photographed barreling through the Ferguson protests in MRAP vehicles designed to withstand land mine explosions. “The presence of this stuff confirms for officers just how dangerous their job is,” says Sierra-Arévalo.

On a social level, the structure of police units also fuels the opportunity for these beliefs to be reinforced by fellow officers. Andrew Papachristos, a sociology professor at Northwestern University, has found that use of force actually spreads throughout police units via social networks. He and his colleagues used records from the Chicago Police Department to trace misconduct, mapping social and professional networks through which they could track the spread of violent behavior. They found that officers who fire their gun most often occupied the most central nodes of those networks.

“Our studies show that there are quite a few bad apples, but what actually happens is the rest of that phrase: they spoil the bunch,” Papachristos says. Since the structure of policing is built on a series of networks—patrol partners, districts, units—the so-called “bad apples” have ample opportunity to spread misconduct. And since the unions’ extravagant efforts to protect policemen make it impossible to fire officers, those with complaints filed against them end up getting shuffled around between districts, presenting more and more opportunities for “infection.” This is all before you consider the informal social networks—friends from the academy and former districts, family members—that help bolster the same behavior.

The sheer amount of reinforcement might explain why no reform has yet been able to curb, let alone eradicate, the rampant displays of violence and aggression, that fall largely on the shoulders of Black and brown communities. “The departments that I’ve observed have de-escalation training,” Sierra-Arévalo emphasized, on top of procedural justice and implicit bias training. “This is something about policing itself. This is a story of inherently flawed people and inherently flawed systems that set them up to engage in miscarriages of justice.”



A Minneapolis Police Officer Opens Up About the Toxic Culture Inside the Department

“The mentality that we’re in a war, and the culture of ‘us versus them,’ starts in the academy”

Originally Appeared on GQ

Liberal groups warn Biden could lose over policing policies


ALEXANDRA JAFFE, Associated Press•June 16, 2020

WASHINGTON (AP) — More than four dozen progressive groups have signed a letter to presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden’s campaign criticizing his police reform proposals and warning that if he doesn’t adopt more progressive policies he risks losing black voters — and the election — this fall.

“You cannot win the election without the enthusiastic support of Black voters, and how you act in this moment of crisis will play a big role in determining how Black voters -- and all voters concerned with racial justice -- respond to your candidacy. A “return to normalcy” will not suffice, the letter reads.

It criticizes in particular Biden’s commitment to add $300 million in funding for community policing programs, arguing that such programs have contributed to police violence against black Americans.


The signers ask that Biden instead ensure “that the federal government permanently ends and ceases any further appropriation of funding to local law enforcement in any form, whether it be money for trainings, equipment, hiring, re-hiring, overtime,” and redirect the funds towards education, healthcare and other community services. Biden has resisted calls to support defunding the police, which have intensified in recent weeks among progressives in the wake of the police killing of George Floyd, an unarmed black man.

The letter, which is signed by more than 50 groups, including the Bernie Sanders-linked Our Revolution, Black Voters Matter, and the League of United Latin American Citizens, among others, was dated June 11, nearly two weeks into the nationwide protests — and renewed conversation around criminal justice and policing reform — that erupted in the wake of Floyd’s killing. It also came the day after Biden wrote a USA Today op-ed proposing adding new funds for community policing.

The letter also calls on Biden to support a raft of policies laid out in an agenda issued by The Movement for Black Lives, including reparations for black Americans, something Biden has not opposed outright but says he'd like to study before making a final decision.