Sunday, August 22, 2021

'Roaring Twenties': Are we entering a new age of hedonism?




By Cath Pound
BBC
10th August 2021

An exhibition at the Guggenheim Bilbao centres on the 20th Century's wildest and most creative era. What can we learn from the 1920s' many parallels with today, asks Cath Pound.

When curator Catherine Hug began planning an art exhibition about "The Roaring Twenties" she had no idea how much it would end up resonating with people today. Of course, the 1920s have always held a powerful place in the public imagination, but there are some unquestionable parallels with our own times: both decades arrived on the back of economic depressions and pandemics, although thankfully in our case not a World War. These parallels have created an irresistible desire to look back 100 years in order to speculate on how the post-Covid-19 era may play out.

In Western societies, the 1920s was a decade of progress and backlash against years of trauma and deprivation caused by World War One and the 1918 flu epidemic. While many countries battled with the fallout from the collapse of empire, revolution and the ongoing impact of colonialism, the US and Europe enjoyed an unprecedented period of creativity and innovation. Cities were growing at breakneck speed, the mass production of cars was transforming both daily life and urban planning, gender norms were being questioned and racial prejudices challenged. A newly awakened thirst for life was quenched in the jazz-filled clubs of Montmartre and the decadent nightclubs of Berlin.

Artists thought that society had to be changed not only on the political and economic levels, but also the educational, cultural and artistic ones – Catherine Hug


Undoubtedly after a year-and-a-half of being stuck indoors, many today identify with the perceived hedonism of that era, leading to speculation that after Covid-19, some societies could enter a new "Roaring Twenties". But people also identify with the post-war, post-pandemic awareness of the fragility of the world and the need to make it better. "Many people felt that things had to be changed in order to [prevent] any future world war. Artists thought that society had to be changed not only on the political and economic levels, but also the educational, cultural and artistic ones," says Hug, who co-curated the Roaring Twenties exhibition that is at the Guggenheim in Bilbao until mid-September.

"It was the beginning of democratic politics and democratic states, the idea that everyone could participate in a peaceful society. One of the interesting consequences that was reflected in art was places like the Bauhaus… [which] saw education and culture as necessary to build a better society," explains Hug.

In Cité Fruges at Pessac, Le Corbusier created worker's housing consisting of a series of rectangular blocks of modular housing units, each with its own terrace
(Credit: Alamy)


Architects such as Le Corbusier and Walter Gropius sought a socially responsible architecture that was dedicated to providing better living conditions for the residents of crowded cities. "The notion of a healthy way to live was a lot of air, a lot of light and the visibility of nature. That's why it was the decade of large windows," says Hug. Although many of those designs proved theoretical, Le Corbusier was able to turn some of his ideas into reality with the Cité Fruges at Pessac, a suburb of Bordeaux, where he created worker's housing consisting of a series of rectangular blocks composed of modular housing units, each with its own terrace, in a garden setting.

The increasing emancipation of women was evident in art, fashion and dance. German painter and photographer Christian Schad's portrait of his partner Maika (1929), with her bobbed hair and sleeveless dress, shows a modern woman firmly in control of her own image and body. Meanwhile, fellow German artist Jeanne Mammen, herself one of the new independent career women, portrayed gay women revelling in their sexuality in Weimar's raucous nightclubs. However, she also depicted bored-looking prostitutes forced to resort to the oldest profession in order to survive. "What they show is the ambiguity, and also the complexity of transformation at this time," says Hug of these works.

Christian Schad's Maika (1929), with her bobbed hair and sleeveless dress, shows a modern woman in control of her own image and body (Credit: VEGAP, Bilbao, 2021)


The fashion and hairstyles of the era, which saw women turning their back on elaborate up-dos and restrictive corsetry in favour of cropped hair and loose shift dresses that daringly revealed legs and ankles, were undoubtedly a sign of liberation. Yet many other factors were also at play. "After World War One it became difficult to get domestic staff, lifestyles had to be scaled down, you had to be able to get dressed yourself and maintain your clothing yourself," explains Cally Blackman, who teaches Fashion History and Theory at Central Saint Martins in London. Blackman also cautions against overplaying the link between fashion and female emancipation. Coco Chanel's designs might have made women's clothing more comfortable, but she didn't necessarily intend to empower those who wore them. "She believed in women's weaknesses, she wasn't a feminist," says Blackman.

That could shatter some illusions – but if we want evidence of a truly independent female icon of the 1920s, who challenged not only gender but also racial boundaries, we only have to look to the dancer Josephine Baker. Her expressionistic dances oozing with sensuality came to epitomise the pleasure-seeking Parisian nightlife of the era. Although her most famous outfit – which consisted of a banana skirt, necklace and little else – might appear to be pandering to gender and racial stereotypes, Hug insists "she was very self-determined about her body. She was playing with the male gaze and the clichés that she was very much a victim of in the US."

'A search for meaning'

The joie de vivre of the wild Jazz Age that Baker embodied is something many will be longing to relive in the 2020s. Having studied the impact of pandemics on human behaviour over the centuries, Nicholas Christakis, a Yale epidemiologist and author of Apollo's Arrow: The Profound and Enduring Impact of Coronavirus on the Way we Live, believes our own times will certainly echo the 1920s in that respect. "People will relentlessly seek out social interactions and nightclubs and bars and restaurants and musical concerts. People will start spending their money, there'll be an economic boom and I think we'll see an effervescence of arts and entrepreneurship and creativity," he tells BBC Culture.

When people are cooped up at home and have a lot of time on their hands, they'll think about what's important in their lives and what's important in their societies – Nicholas Christakis


However, having undergone a collective trauma the likes of which most of us have never endured before, we are also likely to share with the artists of the 1920s a profound desire to change society for the better. "When people are cooped up at home and have a lot of time on their hands, they'll think about what's important in their lives and what's important in their societies. We see this search for meaning in the form of political developments in our society. The Black Lives Matter protests were a response to decades of racialised policing in our society… but in addition I think it was a search for meaning," says Christakis
.

The 2020s could see artists and communities come together around social justice issues like Black Lives Matter and the environment (Credit: Valery Hache / Getty Images)


Greg Hilty, curatorial director of the Lisson Gallery in London, certainly believes the pandemic has been a time of reflection for many artists. They "have used the time to review the essence of their work and working practice, away from the surface demands of the art industry. For most, this has been a positive outcome, reaffirming their values and their sense of purpose arising from the work itself rather than its consumption," he tells BBC Culture. In terms of the type of work this might inspire, he says: "the pandemic has drawn our attention to the wider shifts in consciousness relating to the precarity of our relationships between peoples and with the natural world. We can expect more and deeper reflections on our current condition.

"Issues that many artists have been long engaged with have over the past year received both more intense and wider appreciation culturally – the climate emergency, social justice and in particular the continuing fight for the value of black lives," as has "the gulf between dominant cultural values, such as those expressed in monuments, and more nuanced and plural values," says Hilty. This suggests that the 2020s may see a growing relationship between artists and their public as both strive towards diversity and social justice. Hilty observes that there has already been a "shift to a more direct engagement between artists and institutions on the one hand, and their audiences and communities on the other."


Diversity and inclusion have become part of every conversation in America – Su Ku


A sense of community with shared social values is likely to have a major impact on the fashion we choose to wear in the 2020s, too. "Diversity and inclusion have become part of every conversation in America, whether it's politics or family values or economic support for people in need, therefore retailers who share values of sustainability and diversity will have a connection with the younger generation especially, who see that as an absolute necessity," says Su Ku, a tutor on the Fashion Institute of New York's fashion programme.


Fashion in the 2020s will be increasingly focused on sustainability and diversity 
(Credit: Photo by Claudio Lavenia / Getty Images)


But fashion in the 2020s looks likely to be as much about vintage as socially conscious brands. One of Blackman's students is writing a dissertation on sustainability on the red carpet. "She's done an amazing amount of research on celebrities who go out of their way to wear second-hand clothes. Once that begins to happen and people like Kim Kardashian start to join in, it's unstoppable, because they have such power and influence over the mainstream buyer," says Blackman. "Whereas high street retailers may have gone by the board, the market in vintage and pre-used clothing is surging," she observes.

This suggests that fashion historians of the future are going to have a much harder time tying down the decade stylistically than in the 1920s. "In comparison to the 1920s, we have complete sartorial freedom. I think lockdown has cemented that," says Blackman.

Changing public spaces


When it comes to imagining how our cities might develop over the coming decade, it seems that 2020s architects share many of the social concerns of their 1920s contemporaries. However, where once the car was king when it came to urban planning, now nature takes precedence.


A year of meeting and eating outdoors, wherever possible, will change our view of the public realm – Eleanor Young


For their Rethink: 2025 competition, the Royal Institute of British Architects (RIBA) asked architects and students to consider what life and the built environment might look like in the post-pandemic world. All three winning entries had the environment, quality of life and social justice at their core. One, which focused on redesigning streets to create high-quality outdoor spaces for people and encourage cleaner, more physically active methods of transport has effectively come into being already. "Within weeks of the competition's launch we saw widened pavements," says RIBA's Eleanor Young. "A year of meeting and eating outdoors, wherever possible, will have to change our view of the public realm," she says.


Nature will take centre stage when it comes to urban planning in the 2020s 
(Credit: Getty Images)


Another entry imagines repurposing redundant office space to house the homeless. "It just makes a lot of sense," says Young. Obviously, landlords, not known for their altruism, are still going to want to make money, but as Young says: "if you've got a 1960s office building standing empty, having a charity in there that pays you rent is probably better than nothing."

But by far the most ambitious project envisages transforming London's metropolitan area into an ecologically diverse, agricultural landscape, in part as a response to the premise that industrialised food production has made us vulnerable to diseases transmitted from animals to humans. "What is particularly interesting about that is that they had done some mapping which showed that some of those things were happening already like city farms and marshlands," says Young. "It could change London and make it a much better place to live. That kind of resetting of ideas about us and nature. Not just in terms of health but also our mental health," she says. And these are ideas that could potentially be adopted by cities everywhere. "If you can apply that to London, you can apply it anywhere," says Young.

It seems like the 2020s could well have some of the hedonism that characterised the "Roaring Twenties," although we must hope it does not echo the end of that decade, which saw economic depression and the rise of fascism. There is reason for optimism as, alongside that understandable yearning for pleasure, it is clear there will also be the same desire to build a better society that pandemics have always inspired. A growing concern with social justice and the fragility of our environment will be reflected in the culture all around us. The clothes we wear to go clubbing or to the theatre will be vintage or sustainable. Our cities are less likely to roar than murmur as the car is increasingly confined to the outskirts and green spaces proliferate. And artists will, as they always have, offer reflection on our current condition while seeking to inspire their audience to improve the world around them. It would be wonderful if this time they were able to succeed.

The Roaring Twenties is at Guggenheim Bilbao until 19 September 2021.
EXCERPT

“THE SCARIEST THING I’VE EVER SEEN IN MY LIFE”: HOW THE “GROUND ZERO MOSQUE” MELTDOWN SET THE TABLE FOR TRUMP

The transformation of a proposed Lower Manhattan cultural center into an anti-American edifice—framing pushed by the right and reinforced by the mainstream media—was a crucial victory for the nativist coalition that would later rally behind the 45th president.

BY SPENCER ACKERMAN
AUGUST 9, 2021
BY CHRIS HONDROS/GETTY IMAGES.

In the old Spanish city of Córdoba, Islam had built a European pluralism that anticipated cherished American values. Faisal Abdul Rauf considered it a place America would embrace. The lessons of an ancient city, the New York imam thought, could help resolve the post-9/ 11 crisis afflicting both America and Islam.

Founded in the eighth century, Córdoba was the intellectual center of Europe, a haven of tolerance, education, and achievement. The wealthy city, centerpiece of a breakaway Umayyad emirate, attracted and nurtured Christian, Jewish, and Islamic scholars and cosmopolitans. Founding ruler Abdel Rahman I, who had fled the dominant Abbasid caliphate, wrote wistful poetry about being a refugee. A citywide midsummer festival celebrated John the Baptist.

But over centuries, under the stresses of internal political fracture and external war, Córdoba’s multiculturalism broke down. In his 2004 book, What’s Right with Islam Is What’s Right with America, Rauf hailed native son Moses Maimonides, the titan of Jewish philosophy and theology. Maimonides, however, fled Córdoba when the conquering Almohad dynasty revoked protections for dhimmi—Jewish and Christian minorities—and persecuted Spanish Jewry, even separating children from their parents.

Rauf considered American history a narrative of progressive triumph over such prejudices. After Pakistani jihadis murdered the Wall Street Journal reporter Daniel Pearl for being Jewish, Rauf delivered a moving address to the Upper West Side’s B’nai Jeshurun congregation. He told Pearl’s grieving father, Judea, “Today I am a Jew. I have always been one, Mr. Pearl.”

“We strive for a ‘new Córdoba,’” Rauf wrote, “a time when Jews, Christians, Muslims and all other faith traditions will live together in peace, enjoying a renewed vision of what the good society can look like.”

Rauf had been preaching twelve blocks from the World Trade Center since 1985. He located his new Córdoba there. At 45 Park Place was a mid-nineteenth-century building left vacant after undercarriage debris from the doomed planes cratered several floors of what was then a Burlington Coat Factory. Aided by Sharif El- Gamal, a real estate developer and self-described “shark,” Rauf and his wife, Daisy Khan, purchased the property for $4.85 million in July 2009. They planned to restore it as the thirteen-story Cordoba House, which would feature a community center, pool, restaurant, performance space, mosque and culinary school. Rauf conceptualized it as a Muslim version of the 92nd Street Y, a Jewish space on the Upper East Side that plays a cherished role in the intellectual life of New York City. The site of the new Córdoba struck Rauf as poetic, even sublime. It was a chance, he said, to send “the opposite statement to what happened on 9/11.”

But to Rauf’s horror, several in New York’s 9/11 survivor community did not believe the project was sending a different statement at all. When Khan unveiled Cordoba House to a Manhattan community board’s finance committee early in May 2010, Rosemary Cain, mother of fallen 9/11 firefighter George Cain, said it was “atrocious that anyone would even consider allowing them to build a mosque near the World Trade Center.” Khan, shaken, explained to the committee that she and her husband felt “an obligation as Muslims and Americans to be part of the rebuilding of downtown Manhattan.”

Fanning the flames was Pamela Geller, who blogged that a “monster mosque” was coming to Ground Zero, an “insulting and humiliating…victory lap” celebrating terrorism. A veteran of the business side of the ruling-class broadsheet New York Observer, Geller was radicalized by 9/11. She told New York Jewish Week that she was embarrassed not to have known who it was that attacked America, so she turned to authors and journalists who revealed that the culprit was Islam. Geller was also a birther, though not one tied to any particular theory of Barack Obama’s origin; she once published a reader’s theory positing that his real father was Malcolm X. Her ally against Cordoba was Robert Spencer, whose books lined the FBI library at Quantico. Spencer claimed Rauf was erecting a “victory mosque.” Together, they created a pressure group called Stop Islamization of America. Asked by The Washington Post if he was being deliberately provocative, Spencer replied, “Why not? It’s fun.”

Soon the New York Post ran columns about “mosque madness” generating anger from “fed-up New Yorkers.” Fox News crusaded against it. By the end of May protesters holding signs reading SHOW RESPECT FOR 9/11. NO MOSQUE! packed a four-hour-long public hearing on Cordoba House. “This is humiliating that you would build a shrine to the very ideology that inspired the attacks of 9/11!” Geller lectured. Rauf, who had the support of New York’s power structure, was left pleading that they had “condemned terrorism in the most unequivocal terms.” El-Gamal described the anger at the meeting as “the scariest thing I’ve ever seen in my life.”

By now the right-wing media, setting the tone for their mainstream counterparts, didn’t call Rauf’s project Cordoba House at all. They called it the Ground Zero Mosque. The demonization of Rauf followed. Rudy Giuliani told a radio host that Rauf had “a record of support for causes that were sympathetic with terrorism,” which was a complete fabrication. A Republican candidate for governor in New York, Rick Lazio, called Rauf a “terrorist sympathizer.” Donald Trump, the New York developer and reality-show host, portrayed himself as saving the city from the Islamist menace while operating as a shakedown artist. Trump wrote one of Rauf’s investors, “As a resident of New York and a citizen of the United States,” with an offer to buy out his share at a 25 percent markup. Rauf would have to move to an admittedly worse location, Trump said, “because it will end a very serious, inflammatory, and highly divisive situation that is destined, in my opinion, to only get worse.”

The protests began that summer. Demonstrators carried signs reading SHARIA in a dripping blood-red font and spoke of a “hijacked Constitution.” A puppet dressed like a jihadi hung over a mock missile, advertising, OBAMA, YOUR MIDDLE NAME IS HUSSAIN, WE UNDERSTAND, BLOOMBERG, WHAT’S YOUR EXCUSE? The twenty-five-year-old nephew of a fireman who died at the World Trade Center seethed at the “level of defiance” he considered Muslims to be showing. “They’re saying, ‘We’re doing this whether you like it or not,’” he told the Times. At the end of August a cabbie named Ahmed Sharif, a Bangladeshi immigrant and a father of four children, picked up a blond film student named Michael Enright. Enright, seeming drunk and wielding a Leatherman knife, asked if Sharif was Muslim. “This is the checkpoint, I have to bring you down,” Sharif recalled Enright saying as he slashed and stabbed, “talking like he was a soldier.”



Order Reign of Terror on Amazon or Bookshop.

As thousands filled the streets on the ninth anniversary of 9/11 to denounce the Ground Zero Mosque, local Muslims rode out a terrifying moment. Geller led a protest at the site featuring signs objecting to “Obama’s Mosque.” One of the speakers was Geert Wilders, a Dutch legislator and Islam’s premiere persecutor in Europe, whom Geller introduced as a “modern-day Churchill.” He urged the protesters to “draw the line” against Rauf, “so that New York, rooted in Dutch values, will never become New Mecca.” Another speaker, by teleconference, was Bush’s U.N. ambassador, John Bolton, who Geller enthused spoke “bluntly and unequivocally” about the “affront to American values” the “mosque” represented. One protester told Time it was “the first stage of Saudi Wahhabist takeover of the United States.” He might have been more extreme than most, but by then, a CBS poll recorded 71 percent of Americans objecting to the “mosque.”

Rauf had few allies. President Barack Obama gave a statement of support for religious freedom, but several national Democrats preferred to appease Islamophobia, as the party had done so often since 9/11. The Democratic Senate leader, Harry Reid of Nevada, said the “mosque” ought to be “built someplace else.” Several Democratic congressmen from New York declared their opposition. New York’s Jewish community, which Rauf had supported, either kept silent or joined in the denunciation. As the High Holidays approached, B’nai Jeshurun’s Rabbi Rolando Matalon chose a sermon dwelling on “the tremendous polarization in our society” rather than the persecution unfolding downtown. Judea Pearl said Rauf’s project reflected “anti-American ideologies of victimhood, anger and entitlement” within American Islam and should relocate.

Rauf tried accommodation. He apologized for calling American policy “an accessory” to 9/11, conceding it was “insensitive” of him to suggest as much. Had Rauf known the outrage Cordoba House, now rebranded as “Park51,” would generate, he wouldn’t have chosen the same location. But if he moved, he explained, “the story will be that the radicals have taken over the discourse.”

It turned out capital was his biggest enemy. “I’m not a humanitarian, I’m a capitalist,” said Rauf’s partner, El-Gamal, who had not expected to become a pariah. He eclipsed Rauf from what would now never be Cordoba. By January, Rauf was marginalized. He remained a member of Park51’s board but no longer served as a spokesperson for the project. El-Gamal deemphasized and ultimately abandoned the community center aspect of the property in favor of, eventually, luxury condos. The protests dissipated.

Rauf continued expressing hope for reviving the sentiments animating Cordoba, but hope was all he had left. Rauf had discovered an invisible border marking the hard limit of American acceptance. America would not permit a new Córdoba, not even in the city Rauf already thought of as one. The transformation of Cordoba House into the Ground Zero Mosque marked the moment a presidency like Trump’s became inevitable.

“There are individuals who are working very hard to promote fear and antagonism towards Islam and Muslims in this country. It’s fueled, in part, by the first African-American president that we have,” Rauf said in 2012. “Obama’s father was a Muslim and people have used this to arouse hostility against him. A kind of racism still exists in the United States, and Islamophobia is a more convenient way to express that sentiment.”

From Reign of Terror by Spencer Ackerman, to be published on August 10, 2021 by Viking, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House, LLC. Copyright © 2021 by Spencer Ackerman.
The Meaning of Hitler: exploring our cultural fascination with Nazism

In a wide-ranging new documentary, the lasting and insidious influence of the Nazi dictator is put under the microscope


‘It’s more important to see what’s right in front of us which may, in fact, be more scary.’ Photograph: Courtesy of IFC Films


David Smith in Washington
@smithinamerica
Tue 10 Aug 2021 


Start a conversation about Donald Trump these days and it’s only a matter of time before someone mentions Adolf Hitler.

But if your subject is Hitler, how long before someone brings up Trump? Two minutes is all it takes in the film The Meaning of Hitler, a study of our undying fascination with the Nazi dictator directed by Petra Epperlein and Michael Tucker.


How the ‘art of the insane’ inspired the surrealists – and was twisted by the Nazis

“We might as well get on to his similarities with Trump,” says interviewee Martin Amis, the British novelist, identifying at least three: undermining the institutions of the state to magnify their own position; fanatical cleanliness; lying.

The documentary then cuts to a clip of Jewish comedian Sarah Silverman playing Hitler on late night TV, complete with toothbrush moustache and uniform, saying of Trump: “I agree with a lot he says, a lot. Like 90% of what he says, I’m like, this guy gets it!”

Trump has been moving up the autocrat analogy rankings for some time. In 2015 South African comedian Trevor Noah, new host of Comedy Central’s The Daily Show, described him as the perfect African president, evoking Idi Amin of Uganda, Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe and especially Muammar Gaddafi of Libya.

Elsewhere comparisons were drawn with Latin American populists such as Hugo Chávez of Venzuela. And when last year Trump returned from coronavirus treatment in hospital and peeled off his face mask in a macho display on the White House balcony, the homage to Italian fascist Benito Mussolini was unmissable to all but him.

But in 2021 it is springtime for Hitler. Last month Frankly, We Did Win This Election, a book by Michael Bender of the Wall Street Journal, reported that on a visit to Europe to mark the centenary of the end of the first world war, Trump told his chief of staff, John Kelly: “Well, Hitler did a lot of good things.”

Another book, I Alone Can Fix It, by Washington Post reporters Carol Leonnig and Philip Rucker, told how General Mark Milley, chairman of the joint chiefs of staff, compared Trump’s attacks on democracy to the 1933 fire at the German parliament that the Nazis used as a pretext to consolidate power, telling aides: “This is a Reichstag moment. The gospel of the Führer.”

German-born Epperlein and American-born Tucker – a married couple whose previous work together includes Gunner Palace, The Prisoner Or: How I Planned to Kill Tony Blair and Karl Marx City – are better placed than most to tease out such parallels.

Speaking via Zoom from Berlin, a bicycle suspended on the wall behind him, Tucker says: “Clearly Donald Trump is not Hitler and sometimes that gets a little bit shrill and hysterical. It’s more important to see what’s right in front of us which may, in fact, be more scary.

“I think to both of us, by observing things and also meeting some of these experts, it became clear maybe we should be looking more at ourselves and what’s unlocked within us.”

Epperlein chimes in: “It’s not about comparing them. It’s more about seeing what happened before in history and what’s happening now or in the last few years – the normalisation of lying, for instance.

“That happened 80 years ago and that’s happened over the last few years and that is really scary because we all participate in that to a certain extent and where does it actually lead? That’s why it’s important to actually know about your history and also know about these details and what could happen.”

Photograph: Courtesy of IFC Films. An IFC Films release.

Seventy-six years after his death, Hitler remains one of the most known men in the world and ubiquitous in western culture. He is the subject of endless books, TV documentaries (Hitler’s Zombie Army at 1am on Tuesday on the American Heroes Channel was followed by Hitler’s Messiah Complex at 2am) and film dramas (Downfall, Indiana Jones and the Last Crusade and many more). Tucker calls it a “Hitler industrial complex” unburdened by self-scrutiny.

He comments: “Clearly, it’s not like these materials stop the spread of the ideology or that they curb antisemitism. If anything, the more they’re presented without context, the more they propagate these ideas. Maybe it’s not that people are so fascinated by him or it as there’s something in them that’s just sort of unlocked.”

Determined to avoid contributing to the cult of personality, Epperlein and Tucker use excerpts from former Observer journalist Sebastian Haffner’s penetrating 1978 book The Meaning of Hitler as a narrative spine. They travel to Hitler’s birthplace in Austria, where a stone marker does not mention him by name, a car park in Berlin that sits above the bunker where he killed himself.

They interview historians and writers including Saul Friedlander, Francine Prose, Yehuda Bauer and Nazi hunters Beate and Serge Klarsfeld as well as an archaeologist forensic biologist, psychiatrist and sociologist in search of clues that might begin to explain how Hitler became Hitler.

But historian Deborah Lipstadt, nominated last month as US special envoy to monitor and combat antisemitism, tells them: “When we try to figure out where Hitler’s antisemitism came from, what we’re trying to do is rationally explain an irrational sentiment.

“When people say, ‘Oh well, his mother was treated by a Jewish doctor and he couldn’t save her’, so what? The minute you’re trying to give a rational explanation for an irrational sentiment, you’re going to be lost.”
 
Photograph: Courtesy of IFC Films
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Thus the film presents a paradox. To try to understand Hitler is to risk humanising him and reducing his culpability; but to admit that he defies all understanding is to risk elevating him to superhuman status, to make him a modern Lucifer.

Tucker reflects: “On one side, there’s the more you try to understand him, the more empathy you have: ‘Oh, poor Hitler.’ Then there’s the other part: he’s exceptional or it’s this break in history. The Holocaust is certainly exceptional, but the conditions that can lead to that certainly exist within all of us, so it’s a tricky terrain to navigate.”

Yet there is a “Rosebud” of sorts here, a biographical key that unlocks at least part of the thinking and power of Hitler and his imitators. Perceived victimhood.

Epperlein says: “After Germany lost world war one, that of course is perceived victimhood, and Hitler was able to channel all of this and unleash it in a way which was just unprecedented.”

Tucker adds: “Just here in Berlin last weekend, there were 5,000 Covid deniers running amok through the streets, supported by some pretty hardcore neo-Nazis and it’s astonishing to see the victimhood on display. It’s like they’re acting as if they’re living in some fascist dictatorship. The repetition of that is so telling.”

Perceived victimhood also goes to the heart of Trumpism. He gained political traction by telling crowds that they are the victims of cultural, economic and political elites, of unfair trade rules and violent illegal immigrants. He constantly portrays himself as a victim of media bias and deep state conspiracies such as the Russia investigation, impeachment and a “rigged” election. His supporters appear elated by their shared community of grievance and sense that vengeance has been legitimised.

Epperlein says of Hitler and Trump: “The magic to a certain extent is that they are able to give people permission to unleash their most terrible thoughts and ideas and to voice them and to do this all together.

“It makes them feel good and powerful and strong and it can be easily moulded into a movement. You see it with Donald Trump and his followers. You see it here with these Covid deniers because it’s kind of the same thing. It’s really dangerous.”
 
Photograph: Courtesy of IFC Films
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The Meaning of Hitler includes an interview with discredited British historian David Irving, who is introduced with a giant on-screen caption (quoting from a court judgment) that says, “David Irving HOLOCAUST DENIER ANTISEMITE AND RACIST who associates with right wing extremists who promote Neo-Nazism.” Irving is seen “guiding” acolytes in Treblinka, an extermination camp in German-occupied Poland.

The film-makers debated long and hard whether to give him screen time but ultimately followed the example of Haffner’s book by engaging with him. Epperlein’s narration explains: “You can’t make a film about Hitler and not talk to his biggest admirer.”

Tucker adds via Zoom: “Yes, you can completely ignore him except if you Google he shows up everywhere. He was financially ruined by the Lipstadt case [in 2000 Irving sued Lipstadt for libel after she called him a Holocaust denier and lost] and yet has somehow flourished in this online world, as have many other people.

“He’s the granddaddy of all of this. He found a way to profitability, as have many other people who are pretty fringe and get amplified. At the same time, as shown in the film, people like Mark Zuckerberg [chief executive of Facebook] are acting as if this is just a case of people getting something wrong where this is deliberate.”

He also acknowledges: “There is a debate to be had. People like Lipstadt would say she believes in free speech, she doesn’t believe that Irving should be silenced.

“I also believe there should be a healthy, vigorous debate about this but as film-makers it was really important also to not fall into the trap: Irving is like a camera magnet, he’s like candy, he’s so compelling, he’s so twisted. In weird ways at times you feel not sympathetic for him, but you’re like, oh, he’s just an old guy and you want to understand him. But he’s -”

Epperlein interjects: “He’s full of hatred and he’s a terrible antisemite.”

The meaning of Irving, at least, is clear. Hitler, however, seems destined to continue tormenting the species that produced him, as unfathomable as he is demonic. Amis comments: “Our understanding of Hitler is central to our self-understanding. It’s a reckoning you have to make if you’re a serious person.”

This article was amended on 13 August 2021 to describe the Treblinka extermination camp as being in German-occupied Poland, in accordance with Guardian style guidance.


The Meaning of Hitler is released in select US cinemas and on demand on 13 August with a UK date to be announced
A Short-Lived Trump Campaign Staffer Is Now At The Head Of The Far Right’s Jan. 6 Counternarrative

Matt Braynard has been showing up throughout the far right’s push against the 2020 election. Now he says he’s raising big money and preparing for a new rally in Washington.


BuzzFeed News; Getty Images

Sarah MimmsBuzzFeed News Reporter
Posted on August 16, 2021, 

Last month, some members of Congress who have downplayed the significance of the Jan. 6 insurrection gathered outside the Justice Department to get answers, they said, about the treatment of people arrested for allegedly storming the Capitol.

Even though the press conference by Reps. Marjorie Taylor Greene, Matt Gaetz, Paul Gosar, and Louie Gohmert didn’t get very far — it was memorably ended by protesters and a persistent man with a whistle — Matt Braynard, who was not a part of the event, would still like to take credit for it.

Braynard, who worked for Trump for five months on the 2016 campaign before he was let go, has been Forrest Gumping his way through the postelection Trump universe. In December, he testified alongside Rudy Giuliani alleging mass voter fraud in Arizona. A week later, he told legislators in Georgia that he’d found 21,000 illegal ballots in the state (before his data was methodically torn apart by a Democratic legislator who tracked down several of the voters herself). He was a paid expert witness in three cases challenging the election results, none of which went anywhere. Long after Trump left office, he has continued releasing reports of “illegal ballots” in Wisconsin and Georgia and is working on one for Arizona, all states where pro-Trump Republicans have pushed for so-called audits of the election.

Now, he’s trying to position himself at the head of the Jan. 6 counternarrative, and he says he’s raising a lot of money doing it. Braynard has cast the Trump supporters who mobbed the Capitol as “political prisoners” and has spent months building up a protest movement that he hopes will culminate in a rally that he says he’ll host on Sept. 18 at the Capitol, “right where it started.” (Technically, it will be just across from where it started; Braynard says he’s working with Capitol Police on his permit to host a rally at Union Square, a small park on the other side of the Capitol reflecting pool from the actual building. Capitol Police declined to comment on permit details.)

Braynard has been hosting smaller protests on behalf of the Capitol rioters for two months, including one at the DOJ and another at the DC jail. He has written to DOJ and the FBI calling on them to release all of the nonviolent defendants, arguing that they were peacefully protesting in a public building. He has had supporters read letters from the incarcerated and has railed against the DC jail’s decision to keep the accused rioters in solitary confinement — something, he notes, prominent Democrats agree with him on. (The vast majority of the more than 560 people arrested in the aftermath of Jan. 6 have been allowed to go home pending trial.) He’s raised conspiracy theories about the government’s and “left-wing infiltrators’” involvement in the events of Jan. 6 and contributed to the right’s canonization of Ashli Babbitt, the Trump supporter who was shot and killed inside the Capitol.

“This is the modern civil rights struggle of our time,” he told BuzzFeed News in an email.

Braynard says he measures his success by the fact that some members of Congress are hosting similar protests and writing their own letters to DOJ now. In an interview Thursday, he also took credit for Trump’s focus on Babbitt in recent press statements. “You see President Trump now asking about Ashli Babbitt and what happened to her. We believe this is because of our organization’s efforts to bombard state legislators demanding answers by holding these events.”

Gaetz’s office declined to comment when asked if Braynard had inspired the press conference at DOJ; the offices of the other members who attended did not respond. Gosar has spoken at previous protests related to Jan. 6 that Braynard has hosted, however.

Braynard has big plans for his September Capitol protest. He says he’ll have the largest stage he is “allowed” along with a giant screen that will “present evidence that’s not been allowed to be presented in any of the hearings that have been held so far on Capitol Hill.” Members of Congress will speak, he says, but he won’t share names.

“That’s the thing, isn’t that funny? You talk about finding election fraud and the money flows in, but when you talk about registering voters, it kinda trickles.”

All of this, of course, is very expensive, as Braynard tells supporters over and over. And he’s successfully solicited donations. Between Dec. 10 and May 20, he raked in $675,000 for his voter fraud research on GiveSendGo, a Christian fundraising website that has become popular among far-right figures and accused Capitol rioters raising money for their legal defense. Since then, he’s shifted to raising money through Look Ahead America, a group he and other former Trump campaign staffers started in 2017. He told BuzzFeed News that fundraising has been “robust,” but he would not give a dollar amount. The group lost its 501(c)(3) status last year after failing to file required tax forms, but Braynard said the group reapplied with the IRS in January and is awaiting approval. The IRS did not respond to a request for comment.

When Braynard first started Look Ahead America four years ago, which he branded as an “America First” organizing and voter registration campaign, it didn’t get much attention at all. He says they raised less than $50,000 over four years. He thought the Trump campaign would see the value in his organization, which he has compared to an ACORN for the right. “But nope, I was completely wrong. Nobody cared. Nobody gave a damn,” he said.

But after he started alleging that thousands of illegal ballots were cast in key states in 2020, Braynard says he’s raised enough money to hire 10–11 full-time staff and pay himself a $60,000 salary. That coupled with his protests on behalf of the Capitol riot defendants has him regularly appearing on OAN and Steve Bannon’s War Room show.

“That’s the thing, isn’t that funny? You talk about finding election fraud and the money flows in, but when you talk about registering voters, it kinda trickles,” he told BuzzFeed News on Thursday.


Joe Raedle / Getty Images
Matt Braynard (left) helps artist Tommy Zegan move his statue of former president Donald Trump to a van during the Conservative Political Action Conference on Feb. 27 in Orlando.


Braynard was the director of data and strategy for Trump’s campaign from October 2015 until March 2016. He says he was let go after he asked for more money. The conversation got “very heated,” he said, and afterward, he got a call saying he was out. Politico reported at the time that his departure was so sudden that the campaign was left “unable to access some of its files.”

Braynard says he wanted more money because he had a “family medical issue,” but repeatedly emphasized that he didn’t tell the campaign that at the time. “I kinda regret my departure,” he said Thursday. “I would have worked for free, to be honest with you, if I did not have family. If I had no family, I would have worked for them for free and slept in my office, but I couldn’t do that.”

A top staffer on Trump’s 2016 team told BuzzFeed News that Braynard was fired after he asked for more money. But the staffer also said “he wasn’t really qualified” for the job he had because he was hired at a point when recruitment was a huge struggle for the campaign.

“Nobody thought Trump was legitimate, or had any chance of winning, none of the establishment people would work for us. The main reason we hired him is because he lived in New York already and we wouldn't have to pay housing, which we had to do for tons of other people,” the staffer said.

Another key member of Trump’s 2016 team told BuzzFeed News via text that he thought Braynard “was not good at his job and saying he was running any strategy is a flat out lie. At most he was a glorified database admin.”

Braynard called their statements “demonstrable lies” from “bitter liars.” He sent BuzzFeed News a list of 12 contacts on the campaign, four of whom responded and defended his work. Braynard also sent a series of emails from the campaign in which senior leadership thanked him for his work. In one of those emails, Braynard noted that Michael Glassner, then the campaign’s national political director, referred to him as “lead[ing] our data strategy. He also sent a link to a FiveThirtyEight story about a strategy memo he wrote for the campaign recommending that they focus on “conventionally low-propensity voters” who supported Trump.

Since he was let go, Braynard has been trying to reenter Trump’s orbit and has been repeatedly rejected. Asked Thursday why he continues to center his work around a politician whose campaign let him go, Braynard rejected the question. “I’m not sure why that’s confusing. Why would it be?”

Braynard says he is “completely supportive” of Trump, calling him “the best president the country’s ever had.” It’s Trump’s campaign staff he blames for not recognizing his work.

Braynard said he applied to be a field organizer in Pennsylvania for the 2020 campaign, a job he calls “the bottom of the bottom.” It was well beneath his experience, he said, but he wanted to help out.

Still, he didn’t get the job. Braynard says “somebody at the RNC” stepped in to keep him from being hired. “But I never stopped trying to be involved,” he said.

After Trump lost the 2020 election, Braynard reached out to his campaign again, this time with a memo on how he thought they could find “illegal ballots.” He says he didn’t get a response, so he tweeted it out. Braynard says that his tweets caught the attention of Donald Trump Jr. and Eric Trump, who followed and DM’d him asking him if he was in touch with the campaign about his ideas. (A Trump spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment. Trump Jr. does still follow Braynard on Twitter.)

The next day, Braynard says he was invited to Trump campaign headquarters at 9 p.m. “I put on my best suit, I packed up my laptops in my backpack, I drove down to campaign headquarters in Arlington, and I stood on the sidewalk for an hour while they fought inside about whether or not to let me in. And then, ultimately, I was told I would not be let in and I went home,” he said.

“I was told later … there was actually one individual in there who said, ‘Ah, Matt’s difficult to work with, don’t let him in.’ And that was it. Despite several of the attorneys making a very strong case why they wanted me to come in, having at least a conversation. But that’s history,” he said with a sigh. “That’s history.”

A spokesperson for Trump did not respond to a request for comment and Trump’s 2020 campaign manager Bill Stepien declined to comment.

Absent recognition from Trump and his campaign, Braynard has devoted himself to Look Ahead America and says he is speaking with Capitol Police “daily” about plans for his September protest. In a video for potential attendees he posted last week, Braynard emphasized that he wants to have “a safe event” and called on people to “be respectful and kind to all police officers present” and to let volunteers know if they spot any trouble.

“There may be individuals in the crowd who are going to try to cause trouble, create drama, cause violence,” he said.

He’s also trying to make the event nonpartisan. He told BuzzFeed News that he invited Jesse Jackson to speak — “don’t know what they’re going to say” — and has asked attendees not to wear any campaign or election-related gear.

Outside of his protest-planning, Braynard says he’s working on a book proposal about his time on the Trump campaign and his work following the 2020 election. “I’m really trying to hopefully cash in on that with the nonfiction book because I think that’s what people want to read,” he said. ●

Kadia Goba contributed reporting to this story.

 

America’s Far-Right Extremists Are Drawing Inspiration From The Taliban’s Victory In Afghanistan

Experts warn that the failed 20-year war will likely be used by domestic extremists to recruit and organize.

Last updated on August 18, 2021

REUTERS / Stringer

A member of the Taliban stands outside Hamid Karzai International Airport in Kabul, Afghanistan, on Aug. 16.

Much of the world watched in horror as the Taliban cemented its takeover of Afghanistan this week. But in darker corners of the internet, far-right extremists, including Donald Trump supporters, white nationalists, and neo-Nazi terror groups, which often push Islamophobic messages, celebrated the fact that an underequipped insurgent group could defeat a great power — and one commanded by a Democratic president.

Now experts are warning that the scenes of the past week and the failed US-led 20-year war in the country will likely be used by such extremists as recruitment tools to push misinformation, grow their ranks, and fuel organizing.

“The political backlash from the US troop withdrawal has been leveraged by White nationalists to support their claim of the illegitimacy and ineptitude of the Biden administration as well as calls to reinstate Donald Trump as president,” Sara Kamali, a scholar and author of Homegrown Hate: Why White Nationalists and Militant Islamists Are Waging War against the United States, told BuzzFeed News in written comments.

One such white nationalist is Nick Fuentes, a 23-year-old vlogger and antisemite who cheered on the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol and has an ally in Republican Rep. Paul Gosar of Arizona. Seemingly praising the Taliban as “a conservative, religious force,” Fuentes told his 42,000 subscribers on Telegram on Monday, “The defeat of the US government in Afghanistan is unequivocally a positive development.”

Islamophobia has been weaponized by white nationalists like Fuentes for recruitment and propaganda, making his support for the Taliban’s militant Islamist worldview all the more intriguing. But Kamali said it’s notable “because he is reifying the White nationalist narrative of victimhood by supporting that of militant Islamists, specifically as mutual targets of American government aggression.”

“This shared narrative of victimhood, in turn, sanctions the war many White nationalists view themselves as fighting against the US government, people of color, and immigrants to be holy, righteous, and necessary,” she added.

In April, President Joe Biden set a goal to withdraw troops from Afghanistan before the 20th anniversary of the Sept. 11 terror attacks that drew the US into the country’s longest war. In the months following, Biden said the collapse of the Afghan government and military was unlikely to happen as quickly as it did this week, even though US spy agencies were warning privately that the outlook was grim.

Then, one by one over the past week, Taliban fighters seized cities and government buildings, finally taking the presidential palace in Kabul on Sunday after President Ashraf Ghani fled the country. The only territory not under the Taliban’s control is a section of the Kabul airport, where the US and other Western nations are frantically trying to evacuate thousands of desperate Afghans scrambling to flee the Islamist insurgents.

Meanwhile, on Telegram and other encrypted social media apps, extremists like Fuentes watched with excited anticipation as the Biden administration’s debacle seemed to grow worse by the hour and the Taliban tightened its grip on Afghanistan.

“To be honest, the Taliban is epic,” wrote a far-right vlogger associated with a violent neo-Nazi group who was at the Jan. 6 Capitol riot, in a post on Telegram on Monday that has since been viewed more than 20,000 times. “The US had to invade in the early 2000’s and stay over 20 years, spending $1 trillion dollars, and dozens of American lives to hold them back. As soon as we left, the Taliban takes over the whole country in like 12 hours. LMAO.”

Dozens of similar posts were shared by various extremist groups and figures, and while still praising the Taliban, their racism, hate of the Middle East, and antisemitic views were readily apparent

“I think Islam is poisonous,” began a post in a Telegram channel linked to the neofascist street brawling club the Proud Boys with over 50,000 subscribers, “BUT, these farmers and minimally trained men fought to take their nation back from [Western neoliberals]. They took back their government, installed their national religion as law, and executed dissenters. Hard to not respect that.”

On Twitter, Kathleen Belew, an expert on the US white power movement and author of Bring the War Home, wrote that the images of the evacuation of the US Embassy in Kabul call directly back to the fall of Saigon in 1975, a moment used “to fuel decades, if not generations, of organizing.”

“It will not take much for them to slide old recruitment strategies into this new context,” she said. “Furthermore, the frustrations of veterans of the Global War on Terror and especially Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan about what this means ... will make some of them available for recruitment and radicalization.”

Kamali echoed that, telling BuzzFeed News that “Ghost Skins,” or past and present members of the military and law enforcement who don’t openly display their white nationalist beliefs but are part of the complex makeup of extremist groups, could be susceptible to militarization.

“Though the blood of US military personnel was not shed to the extent of the Afghan military in the fight against the Taliban, there is certainly resentment from American servicemembers and veterans about the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan,” she said. “The mental and physical anguish endured, including lives lost, has also been interpreted as being for naught.”

“This anti-government resentment will be another weapon in the arsenal of White nationalists to further recruit Ghost Skins,” she added.

Reports of US veterans, contractors, and others voicing their criticism of events in Afghanistan are being shared just about everywhere. And the military and law enforcement agencies are known to have problems with extremists in their ranks. At least 62 people arrested for allegedly participating in the Capitol riot are current or former military members, and at least 15 were either former police officers or active law enforcement officers at the time. However, as Belew noted, this doesn’t mean they are all susceptible to extremist recruitment.

But some extremists who have military ties are already exploiting recent events.

In a video published on BitChute on Sunday as the Taliban was seizing city after city, the founder of neo-Nazi domestic terror group the Base and a former contractor for the Department of Homeland Security in Afghanistan told US extremists whose goal it is to foment the collapse of society, “we need to think bigger [and] try or organize on a regional level” like the Taliban has done.

100% CORRECT

Michael Moore compares Christian conservatives in US to Afghanistan's 'religious nuts'

Michael Moore compared the Taliban to Capitol rioters in a tweet on Monday

By Julius Young | Fox News

Michael Moore once again got candid about his thoughts on the state of governmental and societal affairs amid the Taliban takeover in Afghanistan.

The documentary filmmaker and author continued to voice his opinion in an interview with Variety on Thursday, just days after he compared the Taliban to Capitol rioters in a tweet.

In the conversation, Moore argued that Taliban control in Afghanistan greatly sets back years of cultural advancement for women but went further – saying a similar sentiment also applies stateside.

"They’re religious nuts, but we’ve got those here too," Moore said. "But they said yesterday in their press conference that girls’ schools are going to remain open. OK. We’ll see. They also said they are going to operate under Islamic law. That’s exactly how a lot of Southern Baptists want it to be here too."

AFGHAN DIRECTOR ISSUES WARNING OF MASSACRES, CHILD BRIDES, BANNED ARTS AMID TALIBAN TAKEOVER

Added Moore: "In a lot of parts of the country, we are following dictates of conservative Christians. It’s wrong there and it’s wrong here."

While Moore was vehemently against Joe Biden in the latest presidential election, throwing his support behind Bernie Sanders, he now believes that Biden’s decision to remain steadfast on pulling out of Afghanistan was ultimately the right one.

"Biden will not have one more American soldier die for something that the Afghans don’t even want to die for," he said, claiming that "95% of people agree with what Biden did this week."

"But if you listen to the reporters in the White House press room, you realize that 95% of them seem to be opposed to," Moore added.



Moore also admitted he is "pleasantly surprised" with the new president’s performance thus far.

"I am so pleased with Biden. I was one of the main people out there campaigning with Bernie," Moore said. "I learned during that campaign that they’re actually close. It’s not fake friends. They respect each other."

"As chairman of the Senate Budget Committee, Bernie has influenced a lot of the things that Biden has done," Moore added. "I have a sneaking suspicion that they talk to each other every night when they’re in their jammies."

The director received mixed reactions from many on social media for his remarks with one person tweeting, "To be fair, there ARE many similarities between the Taliban and evangelicals," while another commenter wrote, "He's not even the thousandth person to have said this."

Another added: "Well, not saying I agree with him but there are points of convergence between the two ideologies that are very disturbing to contemplate. Just saying.."

One critic wrote: 'This guy is dangerous," as another detractor responded, "This man is out of his mind. Sad!"

"He needs to be saved," wrote another Twitter user, adding, "Jesus who came to save the lost and the sick, please have mercy on him."

Julius is an LA Entertainment Reporter for Fox News.

Fossils point to life on Earth 4 billion years ago



AFP, Paris


The oldest fossils ever found are "direct evidence" of life on Earth 3.8 to 4.3 billion years ago when our planet was still in its infancy, researchers reported yesterday.

Even at the lower end of the spectrum, "the microfossils we discovered are about 300 million years older" than any runners-up, said Dominic Papineau, a professor at University College London who made the discovery.

The dating puts the fossils "within a few hundred million years of the accretion of the solar system," he said in a video statement.

The results were published in the peer-reviewed journal Nature.

The fact that life kick-started not long after Earth formed suggests it could also emerge on watery worlds outside our Solar System at comparable stages of formation, the scientists said.

"If life happened so quickly on Earth, then could we expect it to be a simple process that could start on other planets?", asked lead author Matthew Dodd, a graduate student at the London Centre for Nanotechnology.

Earth and Mars had liquid water on their surfaces at the same time, he noted.

"We could expect to find evidence for past life on Mars four billion years ago," Dodd said.

It may also be true, he added, that Earth was "just a special case."

The tiny fossils -- half the width of a human hair and up to half-a-millimetre in length -- take the form of blood-red tubes and filaments formed by ocean-dwelling bacteria that fed on iron.

Locked inside white, flower-like quartz structures known to harbour fossils, they were found along what were once warm-water vents on the ocean floor, most often in deep waters.

ron-carbonate (white) rosette with concentric layers of quartz inclusions (grey) and a core of a single quartz crystal with tiny (nanoscopic) inclusions of red hematite from the Nuvvuagittuq Supracrustal Belt are seen in Québec, Canada. Photo: AFP

Such iron-rich, hydrothermal systems exist today, and are home to bacteria that may be similar to those unearthed by Dodd and his colleagues.

Known as the Nuvvuagittuq Supracrustal Belt, the site of the discovery contains some of the oldest sedimentary rocks known on Earth.



Strong evidence of life

They formed between 3.77 and 4.29 billion years ago, and may have been the habitat for the planet's first life forms.

It is still not known when, or where, life on Earth began, but these deep-sea vents are seen as a good candidate.

Earth is thought to be about 4.57 billion years old.

Previous claims of super-ancient fossils have been challenged by scientists asking whether they are, in fact, natural mineral formations of some kind.

"One of the big questions when it comes to early life studies is whether or not the organic carbon we find in these rocks is actually biological in origin," explained Dodd.

The researchers used several methods to check, including laser-imaging to analyse the minerals associated with the organic material.

The presence of two in particular -- apatite and carbonite -- provide strong evidence for life, they said.

Moreover, the flower-like quartz structures in which the tubes and filaments are embedded have often been found in younger rock to contain traces of bacteria that consumed iron for energy.

The possibility that the microfossils were forged by temperature and pressure changes as the sediment formed were also examined, and excluded.

The new fossil find complements the recent discovery of 3.7-million year geological structures in Greenland called stromatolites.

While not fossils, stromatolites are made by microbial colonies, and form in the sunlit surface waters of the ocean.

The oldest microfossils previously reported were found in Western Australia and dated to 3.46 billion years ago, though some scientists say that these are not biological in origin.

Several other research institutions contributed to the new study, including the Geological Survey of Norway, the US Geological Survey, and the University of Ottawa.

Fossil ‘mother lode’ records Earth-shaking asteroid’s impact: study

Researchers believe the impact set off fast-moving, seismic surges that triggered a sudden, massive torrent of water and debris from an arm of an inland sea known as the Western Interior Seaway

WASHINGTON: Scientists in the US say they have discovered the fossilized remains of a mass of creatures that died minutes after a huge asteroid slammed into the Earth 66 million years ago, sealing the fate of the dinosaurs.

In a paper to be published Monday, a team of paleontologists headquartered at the University of Kansas say they found a “mother lode of exquisitely preserved animal and fish fossils” in what is now North Dakota.

The asteroid’s impact in what is now Mexico was the most cataclysmic event ever known to befall Earth, eradicating 75 percent of the planet’s animal and plant species, extinguishing the dinosaurs and paving the way for the rise of humans.

Researchers believe the impact set off fast-moving, seismic surges that triggered a sudden, massive torrent of water and debris from an arm of an inland sea known as the Western Interior Seaway.

At the Tanis site in North Dakota’s Hell Creek Formation, the surge left “a tangled mass of freshwater fish, terrestrial vertebrates, trees, branches, logs, marine ammonites and other marine creatures,” according to Robert DePalma, the report’s lead author.
Some of the fish fossils were found to have inhaled “ejecta” associated with the Chicxulub event, suggesting seismic surges reached North Dakota within “tens of minutes,” he said.
“The sedimentation happened so quickly everything is preserved in three dimensions — they’re not crushed,” said co-author David Burnham.

“It’s like an avalanche that collapses almost like a liquid, then sets like concrete. They were killed pretty suddenly because of the violence of that water. We have one fish that hit a tree and was broken in half.”

The fossils at Tanis include what were believed to be several newly identified fish species, and others that were “the best examples of their kind,” said DePalma, a graduate student and curator of the Palm Beach Museum of Natural History in Florida.

“We look at moment-by-moment records of one of the most notable impact events in Earth’s history. No other site has a record quite like that,” he said.

“And this particular event is tied directly to all of us — to every mammal on Earth, in fact. Because this is essentially where we inherited the planet. Nothing was the same after that impact. It became a planet of mammals rather than a planet of dinosaurs.”

The paper is to be published in the Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences.

'You are not a cow': FDA begs Americans to stop taking drug meant for livestock as COVID-19 remedy

Christy Somos
CTVNews.ca Writer
Published Saturday, August 21, 2021 

TORONTO -- The U.S. Food and Drug Association (FDA) has issued a plea for Americans to stop taking a drug often used as a de-wormer in livestock as a method to treat or prevent COVID-19.

In a tweet Saturday, the government agency said “You are not a horse. You are not a cow. Seriously, y’all. Stop it.”

That quip was followed by a link to a frequently asked questions page and an explainer on the dangers of humans ingesting ivermectin meant for animals.

“Ivermectin is often used in the U.S. to treat or prevent parasites in animals,” the U.S. FDA page states. “The FDA has received multiple reports of patients who have required medical support and been hospitalized after self-medicating with ivermectin intended for horses.”

On Friday, the Mississippi State Department of Health issued a stark warning on its Facebook page, warning residents: “Do not use ivermectin products made for animals.”
Newsletter sign-up: Get The COVID-19 Brief sent to your inbox

The Mississippi Poison Control Center also sent out an urgent bulletin Friday, saying they had “received an increasing number of calls from individuals with potential ivermectin exposure taken to treat or prevent COVID-19 infection.”

The centre said that at least 70 per cent of its recent calls have been related to ingestion of livestock or animal formulations of ivermectin purchased at livestock supply centres.

At least one person was hospitalized in relation to ivermectin meant for livestock, according to local reports.

Mississippi has the highest rate of COVID-19 cases in the U.S. according to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control, and is tied with Alabama for the lowest vaccination rate.

Despite the lack of any scientific evidence that ivermectin is an effective treatment for COVID-19, some of the drug's advocates have cited it as an alternative to approved COVID-19 vaccines and public health measures like physical distancing and wearing a mask.

Similar to then-U.S. president Donald Trump’s false claims about hydroxychloroquine being an alternative treatment for COVID-19, Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro has publicly endorsed the drug.

A non-peer-reviewed pre-print study from 2020 that touted the drug is thought to have caused black market sales to surge and has even swayed government responses, especially in South America, throughout the pandemic. The paper was later retracted.

WHAT IS IVERMECTIN FOR?

In animals, ivermectin is used to prevent heartworm disease and certain internal and external parasites. The formula and dosage used for treating animals is vastly different than the ivermectin approved for use in humans.

The FDA has approved ivermectin in doses meant for humans to treat people with conditions caused by parasites and in some cases, as a topical agent for surface parasites like head lice.

“Ivermectin is not an anti-viral drug,” the agency states on its website. “There’s a lot of misinformation around, and you may have heard that it’s okay to take large doses of ivermectin. That is wrong.”

The FDA said that it is possible to overdose on ivermectin, which can cause nausea, vomiting, diarrhea, hypotension (low blood pressure), allergic reactions, dizziness, seizures, coma and death.

The FDA said it has not reviewed any data to support the use of ivermectin in COVID-19 patients, but did say “some research is underway” but did not elaborate.



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Cows in a field are seen in this image (Pexels/Chance Lowe)