Wednesday, December 15, 2021

Nestlé and Kellogg’s linked to shocking palm oil abuse in Papua New Guinea

Natural rivers and intact rainforest areas in the Bainings region of East New Britain Province, Papua New Guinea. - Copyright Global Witness

By Lottie Limb • Updated: 08/10/2021

Palm oil companies selling to European brands boasted about the use of child labour and beatings of local people.

A two-year investigation by international NGO Global Witness has revealed the shocking extent of human rights abuses and rampant deforestation in Papua New Guinea.

The South Pacific nation is home to the world’s third-largest remaining rainforest: a critical carbon sink helping to mitigate the climate crisis.

But under firms supplying household names like Nestlé, Kellogg’s and Colgate, tens of thousands of hectares of tropical forest are being destroyed.

“Papua New Guinean communities have managed and protected their forests sustainably for countless generations,” Lela Stanley, senior investigator at Global Witness said.
Land has been cleared for Oil Palm plantations in the Bainings region of East New Britain, Papua New Guinea. Global Witness

“This investigation shows they are being sold out by their own government and global financial institutions in favour of a small number of highly destructive companies, with devastating human rights and environmental consequences.”

As this tainted palm oil continues to circulate in European supply chains, the NGO is calling for strong EU action to end complicity and demand change in the industry.

What did Global Witness uncover?


Global Witness’s investigation exposed the exploitative actions of the country’s three newest palm oil plantations, including the East New Britain Resources Group (ENB).

On tape, top ENB executives were recorded bragging to undercover investigators that they had bribed a Papua New Guinean minister; paid police to brutalise villagers; used child labour; and participated in an apparent tax evasion scheme.

In the village of Watwat, men and boys as young as 16 were dragged from their beds one night in July 2019. “When the boys woke up, they were at gunpoint. They tied their hands at the back and blindfolded their faces so they could not see,” a resident said.

“When the boys woke up, they were at gunpoint. They tied their hands at the back and blindfolded their faces so they could not see”
Resident of Watwat village

Five youths were beaten and held for weeks, part of a sustained pattern of abuse directed at communities suspected of opposing the companies’ ravaging activities.

Asked by Global Witness whether anything good had come from palm oil development, another villager said “only destruction.”

A second palm oil firm, Rimbunan Hijau, ignored repeated and avoidable worker deaths and injuries on its plantations, with at least 11 workers and the child of a worker losing their lives over an eight-year period.

The NGO’s investigation also raises serious concerns that plantations such as these were operating on grabbed land - in violation of land laws in Papua New Guinea.

Filmed covertly, ENB boss Eng Kwee Tan described the firm's international tax evasion scheme.  Global Witness


Why is the Papua New Guinean rainforest so important?


Covering half of the massive island of New Guinea, Papua New Guinea (PNG) is one of the most biodiverse places in the world.

It sustains at least five per cent of all species on Earth, many found nowhere else: forest dragons, tree kangaroos, resplendent birds of paradise, and the only known night-blooming orchid.

Billions of metric tonnes of carbon are stored in its towering trees, making them a vital carbon sink and a key resource in the fight against climate change.

All of this is imperilled by the palm oil industry, Global Witness has discovered, through using satellite imagery, analysing company records and interviewing local people.

The threat is growing: by 2030, the PNG government is aiming for a tenfold expansion in oil palm cultivation to 1.5m hectares (ha), compared to about 150,000 ha in 2016.
A landowner walks across forest land destroyed in East New Britain, PNG.
Global Witness

Who is handling the tainted palm oil?


For the first time, the extensive investigation has revealed that dirty palm oil and its byproducts are being sold to household brands including Kellogg’s, Nestlé, Colgate, Danone, Hershey, and the parent companies of Imperial Leather and Strepsils.

It’s not just the names on our supermarket shelves that are complicit.

Two of the palm oil suppliers received direct and indirect backing from global financiers such as Robeco and BlackRock.

"This investigation is yet further confirmation that the global financial system is broken – the business-as-usual, voluntary approach of past years has led us into climate crisis,” says senior investigator Ms Stanley.

"Firms like BlackRock talk a big game on their commitment tackling climate change and protecting human rights, yet our revelations show its money is ultimately financing the destruction of climate-critical forests, the use of child labour, and other human rights abuses.

"It is increasingly urgent that governments legislate to prevent supply chains and global financiers bankrolling deforestation and human rights abuses."

Indonesia set to start producing more palm oil as ban comes to an end

What can European companies and citizens do?


The presence of the liquid gold foodstuff in so many of our products puts pressure on us all to push for change.

Global Witness points to the upcoming EU legislative proposal on tackling deforestation - set to be published on November 17th - as an opportune moment to do so.

The European Commission’s current approach reportedly has several loopholes which could limit its aim of addressing tainted products in EU supply chains.

To stop enabling human rights abuses and environmental degradation in PNG, the proposal must require compliance with international human rights instruments and principles, such as obtaining Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) of indigenous peoples and local communities.

Without this, EU-based businesses are relying on uneven national standards, and EU consumers cannot guarantee we are purchasing deforestation-free products.
McDonald’s new solar powered restaurant branded ‘McGreenwash’ by Greenpeace

McDonald's first net zero carbon restaurant has landed in Market Drayton, UK. - Copyright McDonald's

By Josey Vaughan-Hughes, Lottie Limb • Updated: 10/12/2021

McDonald’s has opened its first net-zero restaurant. But is it a blueprint for the future or just more greenwashing?

The new branch, located in the UK town of Shropshire, is powered by on-site solar panels and wind turbines. The building is also insulated with British sheep’s wool and clad in recycled IT equipment.

It’s set to be recognised as the first restaurant to meet the UK Green Building Council's (UKGBC’s) net-zero carbon buildings framework.

McDonald's spokeswoman Beth Hart says the Market Drayton eatery, which opened today (10 December) “will act as a blueprint for our future new builds.” The chain aims to make all new builds net-zero by 2030 while improving its existing 1,400 branches in the UK and Ireland.

'It just tastes great': I tried the new McPlant burger and this is what I thought

What actually goes on inside the kitchen is another issue, however, as campaigners have pointed out.

Why has McDonald’s been accused of greenwashing over its new build?

The new restaurant is powered by on-site solar panels and wind turbines
McDonald's

The attention to detail - signs made out of used coffee beans, a drive-thru lane of recycled tyres - sits in stark contrast to the scale of McDonald’s meat and dairy operations.

“If meat and dairy are still the main course on McDonald’s menu, then this new restaurant initiative can only be labelled as it is: McGreenwash,” says Greenpeace UK campaigner Anna Jones.

Greenwashing was first coined to describe a similar disparity between a company’s consumer-facing actions and its wider environmental policies. In the 1980s, American environmentalist Jay Westervelt noted how at a hotel he visited, there were signs asking guests to reuse their towels in order to “save the environment.”

He contrasted this with the vast amount of wastage he had encountered throughout the rest of the hotel, where there were no obvious efforts being made towards sustainability, and concluded the towel-washing was more about the business’s own image.

Simply put, the bulk of McDonald’s carbon emissions come not from its buildings but from its role as one of the world’s biggest buyers of beef.

It has been reported by The Counter that around 726 million kilograms of beef it purchases every year contribute 29 per cent of the company’s carbon footprint.

Jones explains that climate-critical forests in South America are being "decimated" by production linked with meat and dairy. McDonald's ought to "think beyond emissions from specific UK sites and start to urgently shift its entire business model to meat-free alternatives," she adds.

McDonald's has not pledged to reach net-zero in its supply chain until 2050 - which others have commented will be too McLate.

The build is intended to be a "blueprint" for the rest of McDonald's 1,400 UK sites.PA

What about McDonald's McPlant burger?

The launch of McDonald's plant-based McPlant burger in October was also met with mixed reviews.

Vegans had been pressuring the fast-food chain to join the meat-free movement for years, as the brand has historically been lacking in vegan options.

“When will McDonald’s take climate change seriously and launch some vegan burgers?” a Twitter user asked.

The certified vegan burger features a Beyond Meat patty and contains its own special vegan sauce and cheese.

The global chain spent three years developing the McPlant and it has even been accredited as vegan by the Vegetarian Society.

The burger costs the same as the famous Big Mac at £3.49 (€4.09) and is cooked separately from other meat and dairy products, ensuring no cross-contamination. Something which can’t be said of all its competitors.


Colombian farmers take on David vs. Goliath fight against 'exploitative' gold mining

The beautiful Cajamarca region in Colombia that local communities are fighting to protect. - Copyright CAFOD

By Louise Eldridge • Updated: 08/12/2021

Almost five years ago, small-scale farmers in Colombia won a remarkable victory in the fight to protect their land and territories. They voted en masse against international mining company AngloGold Ashanti’s plans to mine gold in the mountainous Andes district of Cajamarca.

This David vs. Goliath action was to protect an environmentally unique area, stop mining developments in the territory and inspire a surge of activism to defend land from predatory economic interests.

But the people of Cajamarca are now once again under threat.

Economic tensions underpinning the 2021 protests

2021 saw a wave of mass protests by Colombia’s working-class and rural communities under a so-called “general strike” – which led to subsequent violent attacks on protestors by security forces.

Viviana Tacha, an activist and lawyer from Colombia’s capital, Bogotá.
CAFOD

“The protests that we have witnessed in Colombia since 2019, with greater intensity in 2021, have their origin in the dissatisfaction of urban and rural communities in the face of growing inequality, linked to mining and agro-industrial business interests,” explains Viviana Tacha, an activist and lawyer from Colombia’s capital, Bogotá.

“The economic interests that exist in the territories due to their extractive potential, that only bring profit to corporations and the country’s political and economic elites, are related to the delicate financial situation that the country is experiencing. This is evident in the impoverishment of the people, who today demand basic rights to work, health, education and a fair tax system."

For the past six years, most recently with human rights organisation, Centro Socio-Jurídico para la Defensa Territorial Siembra – supported by the charity CAFOD – Viviana has been working to protect Colombia’s people and the environment from exploitation.

Including supporting the resistance of Campesinos (small-scale farmers) against plans to extract gold from their territory.

What is ecocide? Why a Glasgow river has fewer rights than a €14 company

Extractive industries drive land grabs and violence

The exploitation of Colombia’s land and communities for the extraction of precious minerals, primarily gold, formed the basis of European colonisers’ economy. Mineral wealth travelled to Europe, while indigenous people were dispossessed of their land, attacked, and killed.

Now, this vicious exploitation continues under a different guise. Collusion between state officials, corporate actors and even armed groups has helped facilitate the capture of minerals, metals and energy sources in Colombia by multinational corporations.

Massacres, torture and forced disappearances continue en masse.


The Peace Accord signed between the State and FARC guerrilla group in 2016 brought hope of an end to the violence Colombia has suffered for years. But despite this, massacres, torture and forced disappearances continue en masse. This is partly explained by the business interests seeking profit from Colombia’s natural resources, which is driving attacks on indigenous, campesino and afro-descendant communities.

The COVID-19 pandemic is exacerbating these developments. As CAFOD’s new report reveals, governments like Colombia’s are increasingly prioritising investment in the extractive industries as a driver for economic recovery, despite the negative ramifications for communities, who are suffering the deep impacts of the pandemic to their health and livelihoods.

Cajamarca’s 'true gold'


In 2017, South African-based multinational corporation, AngloGold Ashanti, who are listed on the London Stock Exchange, announced the discovery of a massive gold deposit in Cajamarca, which they intended to mine. This was the largest gold discovery in Colombia at the time. They named the deposit ‘La Colosa’ (The Colossus).

The project could have substantial negative environmental repercussions, particularly on the area’s paramos – an ecosystem of high-altitude wetlands in the Andes. The paramos are a vital water source, protect innumerable plant and animal species, and function as soil-based carbon storage – crucial protection against climate change.

Cajamarca is known as the agricultural pantry of Colombia. The fertile volcanic soils support a wide range of crops, and the area is famous for its production of arracacha, a famous Andean parsnip, which supplies national restaurant chain Crepes and Waffles. This, farmers say, is Cajamarca’s “true gold”.
Robinson Mejía, a local activist who works with Viviana.
CAFOD

More than half of Cajamarca’s 20,000 inhabitants live off the land as peasant farmers. The project risks destroying the identity of these Campesinos, whose lives are intrinsically bound up in their land and the circular agricultural system that sustains them and other Colombians.

“Here, people are proud and very happy that what is on their plate at lunchtime was grown on each of their farms,” explains Robinson Mejía, a local activist who works with Viviana.

“Their relationship with the land is characterised by how the food is produced.”
Resistance and victory

Campesino organisations, young peoples’ organisations and national environmental groups have tirelessly campaigned against mining projects in Colombia for many years.

In March 2017, despite attempts by Anglo-Gold Ashanti to stop the vote, an overwhelming 98 per cent of the population voted to protect water sources and reject the mine – and the company was forced to suspend its operations in Cajamarca.

This was the first-ever time citizens themselves had called a 'consulta popular' (popular consultation). The company had shown a disregard for the community’s decision to proceed with the mine.

They referred to Cajamarca as an unconquerable territory: no one can enter here.

Viviana believes the case is uniquely important: not only because of the ground-breaking way local community signatures triggered a consulta popular but also because it is very deeply rooted in the local campesino identity and spirit of resistance. This once prevented Spanish colonists from making their capital in the territory centuries ago.

“They referred to Cajamarca as an unconquerable territory: no one can enter here. So, if one considers the campesino attachment to the territory and the love they have for their trade, then it is not surprising that if a mining project comes along that directly threatens that, the people react and respond.”

UN ‘guilty’ of failing to act on climate change say activists and experts from the Global South


Under threat again


Despite the overwhelming rejection of mining activities by the people, and a legally binding agreement to have no mining on this territory, there have been some worrying recent developments. In 2017 more than 68 per cent of the Cajamarca territory had mining concessions. As of September, that figure is closer to 30 per cent, but there are also five new applications under consideration.

The new applications were submitted by unknown companies, but Colombian organisations have found indications of possible links between one of these companies and AngloGold Ashanti itself.

Rather than a national dispute between guerrillas and the state, violence in rural Colombia is now marked by local feuds over drug routes, illegal mines and gasoline smuggling
Fernando Vergara/Copyright 2020 The Associated Press. All rights reserved.

The news brings the renewed threats of violence and attacks to environmental defenders protecting their lands. Since 2013, five local campaigners against the mine have been killed, and no one is held accountable for their murders. 

The consulta popular mechanism itself is under threat as Colombian courts, pressured by the government and businesses, have moved to prevent other communities from following in Cajamarca’s footsteps – barring mining activities being forced to undergo public consultations.

International rules for companies


Many campaigners argue that the Colombian state must stop criminalising and persecuting Colombia’s people – and instead, protect them from the economic interests intent on exploiting their land, water and forests. However, they also acknowledge that many of the drivers are businesses outside the country, who source materials or products from Colombia and profit from human rights violations committed out of sight.

A number of countries, like the UK, have signed up to the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights. This 2011 global framework is meant to ensure that companies do not violate human rights in their operations or supply chains. But it has been done without ever putting in place any laws to hold companies accountable.

CAFOD is calling for a new law to make UK companies prevent abuse – no matter where they operate. With a new law on human rights and environmental due diligence due to be tabled in 2022 by the EU, strong action by the UK could set a precedent and encourage other governments to follow.

If the mine goes ahead, the inhabitants of Cajamarca will sacrifice their lives and land for the benefit of the company and those who buy this gold.
Viviana Tacha
Activist and lawyer from Colombia’s capital, Bogotá.

“If the La Colosa mining project goes ahead, it is a defeat for democracy in Colombia, as well as meaning the end of the life project of a community that has spent generations building its territory around the Campesino economy, guaranteeing our food sovereignty," says Viviana.

"If the mine goes ahead, the inhabitants of Cajamarca will sacrifice their lives and land for the benefit of the company and those who buy this gold. Binding regulations that hold companies accountable for the abuses they commit are essential to stop this."

“In Tolima people defend these mountains with joy, with love, but above all with a lot of enthusiasm,” adds Robinson.

“We do not want to be martyrs – we want to continue to be happy where we live.”

Louise Eldridge is the Lead Policy Analyst - Private Sector at CAFOD.
Additional sources • CAFOD
BJP HINDUTVA RELIGIOUS WAR
'Totally false, fabricated allegations': Mother Teresa's Gujarat mission under attack


By Fr Cedric Prakash SJ*

It is been happening with frightening regularity all over India and particularly, in States run by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP): the bashing of Christians! It is a well-orchestrated campaign to denigrate and demonise the Christians. Their design is devious: a method in their ‘madness’!

The divisive agenda is clearly to polarise sections of the majority community against the Christians. The bogey of so-called ‘conversions’ is always raised creating unfounded ‘fears’ that the population of Christians is increasing in the country whereas official government statistics clearly show a decline in numbers!

The long-term strategy is clear: they bash up minorities and, in several cases, notch up electoral gains! There is evidence to prove this be it in Gujarat in the past or recently in Tripura! Besides with bogeys and myths – the way is paved for a national anti-Conversion law! Ultimately, the ushering of a nation-state based on the ‘Hindutva’ ideology!

Christians are being bashed up, their institutions are attacked, Christian literature is burnt, undemocratic demands are made on the Christians, false charges framed, anti-conversion laws are made weapons to intimidated and harass. Reports on these come in daily: they don’t seem to stop! Above all, those who are responsible for these heinous crimes do so with impunity and are apparently guaranteed impunity by the bosses and their ilk!

The latest attack is on the Missionaries of Charity (founded by Mother Teresa) in Vadodara when on December 13 the Gujarat Police registered an FIR against them (the Missionaries of Charity who run the Ashram), for allegedly “luring young girls into Christianity and hurting Hindu religious sentiments.”

This is an allegation that is totally false and fabricated.

The sequence of events is as follows:

On August 29, 2021, Priyank Kanoongo the Chairman of the National Commission for the Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR), paid a “surprise” visit to the Ashram and apparently finds a couple of Bibles with the names of a child written on them
He directs the District Administration and police to take action; they do visit the Ashram later and in fact they find nothing wrong. In fact, they had all appreciation for the work of the sisters

On December 9 the District Social Defence Officer with the Chairman of the CWC visited the premises during which they ‘apparently’ found some serious issues!

This visit took place because there was plenty of pressure from ‘above’

An FIR was then filed; the sisters came to know about it from the media

On December 13 around 7.00pm a team consisting of an Asst Commissioner of Police, the PI of Makarpura, a Social Welfare Officer from the CWC and a lady constable visited the premises till 11.00pm for ‘investigations’

On December 14, another team of police came to the Ashram to interrogate the five girls whose names were written on the Bibles – no MC Sister or lawyer/representative (on behalf of the Sisters) was allowed to be present. The interrogation went on for more than four hours.The complaint was finally filed by the District Social Defence Officer Mayank Trivedi. During his visit Trivedi ‘apparently’ found girls being forced to read Christian religious texts at the shelter and that similar activities were conducted with the intention of “steering them into Christianity.”

Bogey of conversion is being raised amidst unfounded fears that Christian population is increasing. Official data show decline in numbers

The Missionaries of Charity have been booked under sections 295 A (deliberate and malicious acts to outrage feelings of any class by insulting its religious beliefs) and 298 (deliberately uttering words to wound the religious feelings of a person) of the Indian Penal Code. The FIR also invokes sections of the Gujarat Freedom of Religion Act, 2003, including those providing for prohibition of forcible conversion and punishment for it.

The FIR states:
“Between February 10, 2021, and December 9, 2021, the institution has been involved in activities to hurt the religious sentiments of Hindus intentionally and with bitterness… The girls inside the Home for Girls are being lured to adopt Christianity by making them wear the cross around their neck and also placing the Bible on the table of the storeroom used by the girls, in order to compel them to read the Bible… It is an attempted crime to force religious conversion upon the girls.”

The Missionaries of Charity vehemently denies these allegations as false saying that the 24 girls living in the Ashram and under their care are very well looked after. No one is forced to do anything -- if the girls want to, they are free to pray in any way they wish; besides no one is converted or forced to marry a Christian.

The calculated attempts to dismantle the tremendous work done by the Missionaries of Charity for the poorest of the poor, the unloved and rejected, the orphans and widows- needs to be condemned unequivocally and strongly by all enlightened citizens who not only value the great legacy Mother Teresa has left us – but who admire the work done by her Sisters today!

All efforts to tarnish the name of the Missionaries of Charity, besides hurting their tremendous work, will greatly affect the thousands of the poorest of the poor, dying destitute, abandoned, rejected and others (irrespective of caste or creed) they so lovingly care for day and night – without counting the cost!

This bashing of the Missionaries of Charity and of all Christians must stop now!
Wake up India before it is too late!
---
*Human rights, reconciliation and peace activist/writer
SJ SOCIETY OF JESUS, AKA JESUITS
Pepsi action against Gujarat potato farmers declared 'violation of public interest'
By Our Representative
Thursday, December 09, 2021

The Protection of Plant Varieties & Farmers' Rights (PPV&FR) Authority has accepted a farm activist’s Revocation Application, to revoke the varietal registration of Pepsico India Holding (PIH) on potato variety FL-2027.

Calling it a a precedent-setting judgement a joint note issued by several farmers' rights groups said, it means that anything that threatens farmers rights as contained in India's unique legislation is, and ought to be a matter of Public Interest. "This is a victory for farmers of India", it said.

PPV&FR in its virtual hearing accepted a plea for revocation of the PVP certificate granted to PepsiCo India Holding on the potato variety in India (FL-2027), on multiple grounds.

Grounds included are: that the grant of the certificate of registration has been based on incorrect information furnished by the applicant (Sec.34 (a)), that the certificate has been granted to a person not eligible for protection (Sec.34(b)), that the breeder did not provide the Registrar with such information, documents or material as required for registration (Sec.34 (c)), and that the grant of the certificate of registration is not in the public interest (Sec.34 (h)).

This means that Pepsico’s varietal intellectual property rights (IPR) as granted in a plant variety certificate in February 2016 will be taken back by the authority. The judgement brings to light the procedural gaps in the grant of PVCs. Importantly, farmers’ rights as contained in India’s Act and any attempt to harass and intimidate farmers have been considered as a matter of public interest, through this judgement.

The revocation application used specific clauses (Sec.34 (g)) in India's Protection of Plant Varieties and Farmers' Rights (PPV&FR) Act 2001 and argued that the IPR granted to Pepsico India on a potato variety was not as per provisions laid down for registration and was also against public interest. The revocation application was filed by farmer rights activist Kavitha Kuruganti, who said, the judgement is unprecedented in India's statutory history related to farmers' seed rights.

The revocation application was filed on June 11, 2019, and the authority took almost 30 months in arriving at this conclusion on Kuruganti's application. The company now has just about two months of the original registration time period left which was till January 31, 2022 (the registration certificate given to the company was renewable up to January 31, 2031, but now stands revoked).

The judgement sets a precedent for all seed and F&B corporations and other registrants to not only uphold, but also more importantly, not to transgress the legally granted farmers’ seed rights and freedoms in India, said Kuruganti.

“This judgement of the Authority is significant and historic. It upholds farmers’ seed freedoms as contained in Sec. 39 of the PPV&FR Act, which makes this sui generis law of India truly unique. The Authority’s acceptance of the Revocation Application, including on grounds of being against public interest, sends an important signal that farmers’ rights cannot be taken lightly by IPR-holders in the country", said Shalini Bhutani, legal researcher and IPR expert in agriculture and biodiversity.

"This should prevent further intimidation of farmers through vexatious IP lawsuits. The PPV&FR Act 2001 provides routine legal provisions for opposition to the IP registration at the time of grant of registration [Sec.21(3) read with Sec. 34]", Bhutani explained.

"The grounds for subsequent revocation include [Sec. 34(h)] that the grant of the certificate of registration is not in public interest; this is a fundamental safeguard for farmers’ inherent seed rights Sec.34 for Revocation of the IP protection has been reinforced by our law-makers in their wisdom keeping in mind that developments warranting intervention could happen after the grant of certificate of registration, requiring the said IP Registration to be revoked”, she added.

The civil society note said, in the current case, Pepsico India used the certificate that it got from the authority on FL-2027 potato variety to sue hapless and uninformed farmers in Gujarat in 2018 and 2019, basing its actions on a non-existent exclusive right that it claims to have obtained against Indian farmers also. The judgement of the authority also says this.

On the other hand, the Indian legislation is unambiguous that farmers have over-arching rights over what seed they can plant as well as what they are entitled to do with their produce from any variety, including seed of registered variety. The only condition is that they may not sell seed of protected varieties in a branded fashion, knowingly, the note continued.

Indian legislation is unambiguous: Farmers have over-arching rights over what seed they can plant and what they are entitled to do with their produce
Even here, an Indian farmer can claim innocent infringement if done unknowingly.

 Despite the law being this clear, Pepsico India harassed and intimidated farmers and sued them for exorbitant levels of alleged damages in 2018 and 2019. PIH also engaged detectives to entrap farmers and took secret video footage to build its cases, it added.
“It is a welcome development. With this judgement, the authority has chosen to uphold the legal rights granted to farmers and has decisively considered Pepsi’s actions against potato farmers in Gujarat as a violation of public interest. The Order today follows another responsible action that the Authority took several months ago, when it corrected the factual mistakes we pointed out in the FAQs document on their website", said Dr Suman Sahai of the Gene Campaign.

"We are happy with the result of this case filed with the Authority and feel proud to be instrumental in setting up the precedent that asserts farmers’ rights. We are thankful to the farm activists also", said Bipinbhai Patel, one of the farmers sued by PIH in 2019.

"We believe that the Authority and the Government have a responsibility to let every applicant and registrant under the PPV&FR Act know that their rights do not supersede farmers' rights. The registrants’ rights are limited to only production of a variety, and not production from a variety. Even when it comes to production of a variety, farmers have rights to produce seed and even sell seed of a protected variety provided it is unbranded", said Kapil Shah of the Kisan Beej Adhikar Manch.

"Companies should not think that they are at liberty to harass farmers -- we are watching, and will disallow any such mischief. For us, any intimidation and harassment of farmers is clearly a matter of public interest. We sincerely hope that the Authority will proactively put into place all measures and mechanisms possible to ensure that farmers' rights are not violated at any cost", asserted Kuruganti.

The interpretation of 'public interest' by the Authority today is very progressive. This is a victory for farmers in the country, especially of the potato farmers in Gujarat who strongly resisted Pepsi’s onslaught on their rights in 2019", she added.

Bhopal-type disasters: Lack of binding UN treaty behind 'failure' to regulate TNCs


By Gopal Krishna*

A binding UN treaty alone can ensure that transnational corporations like UCC/Dow pay the price for industrial disasters. Liability for industrial disasters such as the 1984 Bhopal gas tragedy must be pinned on transnational corporations. New efforts for an enforceable treaty which are underway alone can ensure that business enterprises are subservient to both peoples’ will and legislative will. It can ensure the primacy of human rights and public interest over private economic interests.

a compelling logic for the governments “to establish an open-ended intergovernmental working group on transnational corporations and other business enterprises with respect to human rights, whose mandate shall be to elaborate an international legally binding instrument to regulate, in international human rights law, the activities of transnational corporations and other business enterprises.”


The open-ended intergovernmental working group (OEIGWG) has had seven sessions so far. Ahead of the seventh session, the Permanent Mission of Ecuador, on behalf of the Chairmanship of the OEIGWG, released a third revised draft legally binding instrument to regulate the activities of transnational corporations and other business enterprises. The third revised draft served as the basis for State-led negotiations during the seventh session, which took place from 25 to 29 October 2021.

Thirty seven years after the Bhopal gas tragedy of 1984, the victims and the adversely affected ecosystems await relief and remediation. Lessons from such industrial disasters create a compelling logic for an internationally binding treaty for transnational corporations (TNCs) and human rights.

To this end, a UN resolution of 2014 created the UN open-ended intergovernmental working group and tasked it to prepare the text of such a treaty. Given the fact that corporations are admittedly not meant to be “democratic public interest institutions”, such negotiations on an enforceable treaty is of great significance.


Prior to the current efforts initiated by Ecuador and supported by India, China, South Africa and others, to provide a legal remedy to wrongs committed by business enterprises, the UN Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights had approved the ‘UN norms on the responsibilities of transnational corporations and other business enterprises with regard to human rights’.

These norms emerged as a step towards ensuring corporate accountability in August 2003. But the report of the special representative of the UN Secretary-General on business and human rights undermined these proposed mandatory norms under the influence of International Chamber of Commerce and the International Organization of Employers.

It chose to promote the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights in July 2011 as part of advocacy for the status quo of voluntary regulation by the companies while admitting that “while corporations may be considered organs of society, they are specialised economic organs, not democratic public interest institutions.”


The tremendous influence of US-based Union Carbide Corporation (UCC) became visible when I posed a question to the chief minister of Madhya Pradesh. I asked him about the disposal of the 336 tonnes of hazardous waste lying in the UCC factory, its liability and the disclosure of the report of the judicial inquiry commission on the 1984 Bhopal disaster. The chief minister chose to maintain a studied silence about all these questions. Significantly, although the Justice SL Kochar led commission submitted its report to the state government in February 2015; it has not been made public as yet.
In such a backdrop, it was remarkable that the foreign ministry under Sushma Swaraj changed India’s position with regard to a mandatory UN treaty. In its essence, the proposed treaty is an outcome of some 45 years of effort underlining that self-regulation by TNCs is not enough at all.

In order to inspire confidence, the new efforts for an enforceable treaty must ensure that business enterprises are subservient to both peoples’ will and legislative will. It should ensure the primacy of human rights and public interest over private economic interests. It should reaffirm the hierarchical superiority of human rights norms over trade and investment treaties and develop specific state obligations in this regard.
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*Law and public policy researcher. Source: ToxicsWatch
Govt of India's 'narrative' of hate, 'clarion call' for onslaught on civil society: Ex-babus

Counterview Desk

Addressing “fellow citizens”, the Constitution Conduct Group (CCG), having former prominent civil servants as it members, has said that recent assertions by National Human Rights Commission National Human Rights Commission Justice (retd) Arun Mishra, the Prime Minister and General Bipin Rawat, Chief of Defence Staff, portent a deliberate and disturbing strategy to “deny civil society the space and wherewithal for its operation.”

Pointing out that the contours of this strategy have now been revealed in the New Doval Doctrine propounded by the National Security Adviser (NSA), in a statement, signed by 102 ex-civil servants, CCG said, Doval’s recent use of the term “fourth-generation warfare”, which is normally employed in relation to a conflict where the state is fighting non-state actors, such as terror groups and insurgents, is sought to used in the context of civil society.

Text:We are a group of former civil servants of the All India and Central Services who have worked with the Central and State Governments in the course of our careers. As a group, we have no affiliation with any political party but believe in impartiality, neutrality and commitment to the Constitution of India.

A disturbing trend in the direction of the country’s governance has become discernible over the past few years. The foundational values of our republic and the cherished norms of governance, which we had taken as immutable, have been under the relentless assault of an arrogant, majoritarian state. The sacrosanct principles of secularism and human rights have come to acquire a pejorative sense. Civil society activists striving to defend these principles are subjected to arrest and indefinite detention under draconian laws that blot our statute book. The establishment does its best to discredit them as anti-national and foreign agents.

Civil society, a diverse mass of formal and informal groups pursuing their own interests, occupies the vast democratic space outside of government and business. As the locus of critique, contestation and negotiation, it is an important stakeholder in governance, as well as a force multiplier and partner in the project of meeting popular aspirations. But civil society is viewed through an adversarial prism today. Any entity, which dares to highlight deviations from the norms of Constitutional conduct, or question the arbitrary exercise of executive authority, runs the risk of being projected as a foreign agent and enemy of the people. At a systemic level, the financial viability of civil society organisations is being progressively undermined by tweaking the legal framework governing foreign contributions, deployment of corporate social responsibility funds and income tax exemptions.

Our anxiety with regard to the articulation of the state-civil society interface has been heightened in recent weeks by statements emanating from high dignitaries of the state. On the occasion of the Foundation Day of the National Human Rights Commission, its Chair, Justice (retd) Arun Mishra, asserted that India’s creditable record on human rights was being tarnished at the behest of international forces. The Prime Minister, on his part, discerned a political agenda in what he felt was selective perception of human rights violation in certain incidents, while overlooking certain others. And quite shockingly, General Bipin Rawat, Chief of Defence Staff, gave a fillip to the growing menace of vigilantism by endorsing the killing of persons believed to be terrorists by lynch mobs in Kashmir.

Taken together, these portents indicate a deliberate strategy to deny civil society the space and wherewithal for its operation. The contours of this strategy have now been revealed in the New Doval Doctrine propounded by the National Security Adviser (NSA).

Reviewing the passing out parade of IPS probationers at the National Police Academy in Hyderabad, Shri Ajit Doval proclaimed:

“The new frontiers of war, what you call the fourth- generation warfare, is the civil society. Wars have ceased to become an effective instrument for achieving political or military objectives. They are too expensive and unaffordable and, at the same time, there is uncertainty about their outcome. But it is the civil society that can be subverted, that can be suborned, that can be divided, that can be manipulated to hurt the interests of a nation. You are there to see that they stand fully protected.”

Instead of exhorting the IPS probationers to abide by the values enshrined in the Constitution to which they had sworn allegiance, the NSA stressed the primacy of the representatives of the people, and the laws framed by them.

NSA’s clarion call for an onslaught on a demonised civil society is of a piece with the narrative of hate targeting defenders of Constitutional values

It would be pertinent to recall here that the term “fourth-generation warfare” is normally employed in relation to a conflict where the state is fighting non-state actors, such as terror groups and insurgents. Civil society now finds itself placed in this company. Earlier, the term “Urban Naxal” was being used to denigrate individual human rights activists. Clearly, under the New Doval Doctrine, people like Father Stan Swamy would become the arch enemy of the Indian state and the prime concern and target of its security forces.

The NSA’s clarion call for an onslaught on a demonised civil society is of a piece with the narrative of hate targeting defenders of Constitutional values and human rights that is regularly purveyed by the high and mighty in the establishment.

The defining traits of the current dispensation are hubris and an utter disregard of democratic norms. These were manifest in the steamrolling of a discriminatory Citizenship (Amendment) Act through Parliament, its linkage with the National Register of Citizens, and the ruthless suppression of the spontaneous protests that erupted in various parts of the country.

The same traits were in evidence in the enactment of a set of three farm laws without public debate, stakeholder consultations or endorsement by alliance partners, and the highhanded treatment accorded to the agitated farmers encamped at the gates of Delhi. Their heroic resistance over fourteen months elicited the choicest of epithets from the establishment. Dubbed variously as “Andolanjeevis” (professional agitators), “Left-wing extremists” and “Khalistanis”, they were accused of working at the behest of “Foreign Destructive Ideology”, in a bizarre word-play with the acronym FDI referring to Foreign Direct Investment. Electoral compulsions might have led the Prime Minister to announce the decision to repeal the hated laws, but the damage done to the nation’s polity and social fabric will be hard to repair.

Let us hope that the government will realize the pitfalls of demonising dissent and trying to suppress civil resistance by brute force. It is also hoped that the alumni of the National Police Academy, or indeed our security forces in general, will not be swayed by the NSA’s rhetoric and remember that their primary duty is to uphold Constitutional values, which override the will of the political executive. Even the laws framed by the legislatures have to be tested on the touchstone of constitutionality and accepted by the people. If this fundamental principle is not accepted, we may turn to the well-known satirical poem “The Solution”, written in a different context by the famous German playwright Bertolt Brecht, which concludes with the following words:

"Would it not in that case be simpler
for the government
To dissolve the people
And elect another?"
Satyameva Jayate
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Click here for signatories
INDIA
Nagas being subjected to untold trauma, 'heavy' mental burden: Global rights group

Sunday, December 12, 2021
Counterview Desk

The International League of Peoples' Struggle (ILPS), with presence in 40 countries, even as strongly condemning the "murder" of 15 coal miners and injuring 11 more by the Indian army in Mon district, Nagaland, has said it is "joining" its network, Naga Peoples Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR), adding, it supports the Naga peoples, the people of India’s north east and all lovers of peace and freedom in calling for the immediate repeal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), 1958.

Releasing a statement by NPMHR, it said, AFSPA is sought to be implemented by the Government of India in Northeast States allegedly enabling Indian army’s "massacre of indigenous peoples and citizens with impunity." Calling for justice for all the "victims" of the Indian government, it has floated an online petition to repeal AFSPA to seek international solidarity.

NPMHR statement:Ever since military aggression and occupation of the Naga homeland in 1954, civilians and common Naga people have been the target of the Indian army and the para-military forces. Armed with Draconian and inhuman legal immunity by the Indian Parliament, the Government of India continues unabated to kill civilians and common people at any time and at any place of its conveniences. Our women folks were stripped of all human dignity by the armed forces of the world’s largest Democracy, India.
They are being raped, tortured, made to give birth publicly with no more human dignity left and are being subjected to live lives of untold trauma and heavy mental burdens. The Indian State does not spare any of its armed tools and occupational instruments to extinguish the Naga spirit of human dignity and spirit of equal human brotherhood. The world is prevented from knowing these ceaseless state-sponsored crimes against the Naga people and against humanity.

The reign of the Indian State-sponsored terrorism and war waged on civilian population is yet again showcased when the best-trained Indian elite forces butchered a group of humble people returning to their homes in a truck from their work places. The well-trained Indian army personnel engaged their most sophisticated firearms to kill them as if the simple, humble and bread-earning villagers were diseased and had to be culled.
Are the lives of the Naga people less than the lives of other fellow human beings? This evil act of the Indian government through its military forces once again reveals its true intent of owning our land after exterminating our Naga people.

Our people at all times seek to live in peace with all other people. Our history tells that we have never waged war on any people even in the days of old. We are being denied to live lives of dignity, to exercise our rights and are now being driven to live in fear. The Government of India, time and again, wages war against our Naga people. The actions of the Indian State upon our people are no less than the erstwhile apartheid. No power on earth had ever succeeded in subduing our Naga spirit.

We, the Naga Peoples’ Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR), resolutely condemn the genocide committed upon the humble working-civilian villagers. We squarely hold the Government of India with all its draconian and fascist laws responsible for letting loose their dogs of war to maul to shreds the innocent villagers of Oting who have committed no crime whatsoever except commitment to humbly earn their livelihood with dignity and honor. Even at this moment when we are making this Statement, the Indian military and paramilitary forces are still engaged in their mayhem of killing the civilians in Mon Town.

Our anguish is unspeakable at this moment of grief. Our hearts go to the families of the slain innocent villagers. The NPMHR stands with them all and shall walk with them through thick and thin.

Science, Scientists, And Scientism

Monday, 6 December 2021

Science, in the not-so-recent-past, has often had a bad press. It's been personified, particularly by the political left, as Frankenstein, as agents of capitalism, classical liberalism, colonialism, sexism (yang over yin), eugenics, and god-like pretension. More recently though, in the zeitgeists of climate change awareness and covid, it's had an unusually good press; although we retain this persistent worry that viruses such as SARS-Cov2 may be the unwitting or witting result of the work of careless or evil scientists.

Science is simply a method of acquiring knowledge; a method that complements other methods, such as direct observation, thematic storytelling (literature, humanities), and abstraction (eg mathematics, accounting and law). And applied science is the process of creating technologies and other interventions which make use of scientific knowledge. Almost no knowledge is absolute; knowledge, whether derived from science or otherwise, is contestable. The only kind of absolute knowledge is that of tautology, with the most important tautologies being those that make up the discipline of mathematics.

The mantra we hear much of these days is: 'the science tells us …'. Actually, the science doesn’t tell us anything; rather scientists tell us things, and scientists are people with the same human foibles as other people. This idea of science (and therefore scientists) being the 'arbiters of facts' is what I call 'scientism'. It is no different to the old medieval idea of popes, and archbishops, and ayatollahs as being the possessors of facts; the arbiters of truth. It seeds the idea of uncontested – indeed incontestable – truth. It is the idea that 'facts' represent truth, and that there cannot be 'alternative facts'; it is the idea that if some statement (ie 'claim') conflicts with what the authorised science says, then that claim must be false.

This philosophy of science as absolute truth – 'the facts' – is practiced and supported by 'scientistes' (as I call them). Scientism is the religion of science; the 'faith' of science. Many people we call 'scientists' may also aptly be called 'scientistes'; they practice their science as a faith as well as their approved method.

Scientific knowledge actually consists of 'explanatory hypotheses' which are 'undisproven'. (This statement is an 'abstract truth' or tautology; it represents a 'definition' of science.) Thus science is a deductive method, where potential truths derive from theory, and are subject to testing. Scientific hypotheses may or may not be currently contested – in full or in part. But, to be scientific, the must be capable of being contested; and a resolution to such a contest should be conceptually possible, using the method of direct observation. The resolution need not be the discarding of one hypothesis in favour of another; it may be a synthesis of the contesting hypotheses. (Is 'light' made up of waves or particles? It turns out that the best current answer is 'both'.) We use scientific knowledge – undisproven hypotheses – to make predictions; 'making predictions' may be to test hypotheses, or we may perform actions – or implement policies – on the basis that this knowledge is most likely true.

We might note that the concept of evolution in science is a tautology; it essentially says 'what survives best survives best'. The disputes that involve evolution are around the initial origins of 'things' (such as the origins of life, or of matter); or around the mechanisms of evolutionary change, including whether those mechanisms involve intervention. (Charles Darwin prefaced 'The Origins of the Species' with a discussion about domestication, in which humans were the external agents for the evolution of domesticated species.)

A most useful metaphor for science is the 'table'. Explanatory hypotheses that may be true – that are undisproven – sit on this table of potential knowledge. Scientific tension exists when there are two or more hypotheses on the table, both (or all) purporting to explain the same observations. A scientist welcomes alternative hypotheses, because science is all about testing and revising current knowledge. Scientistes, on the other hand, do whatever they can to prevent the emergence of alternative facts. Scientistes are invested in one set of facts, and – in line with human nature generally – are not happy to 'write off' past investment. Leading scientistes distil their wisdom into texts, which become 'the truth'. In medical 'science', the truth for nearly two millenniums was revealed through the second century writings of Galen, arguably the greatest scientiste of all time. Ordinary scientistes, like priests, simply perpetrate or perpetuate the teachings of their antecedent mentors.

For practical convenience, science is divided into sciences, or scientific disciplines. The first division is into 'natural science' vis-à-vis 'social science'; sometimes called 'hard science' versus 'soft science'. The former includes physics, chemistry and biology. The latter includes economics, anthropology and psychology. By definition, these are empirical (subject to testing by observation) rather than cultural. However the practice of many people who are employed as 'scientists' may indeed include a cultural component; a component that reflects a belief system.

Belief systems can be regarded as forms of literary truths; truths which will typically conflict with other belief systems, and which by their very nature cannot be resolved as true or false. There are other kinds of literary truth: in particular those of 'fiction', such as the works of Shakespeare that uphold certain universal themes about human behaviour; and those of 'non-fiction', in particular history texts (historiography) which are highly contestable, and which often convey as much information about the zeitgeists and beliefs of the historians as they do about the times and mores that are being investigated.

Abstract truths may take the form of a tautology – true by definition or (as in algebra) by logical extension. Or they may arise from a belief system: for example, a set of laws such as the 'Ten Commandments' or 'Sharia Law'; or an accounting methodology such as the 'double-entry bookkeeping' as practiced by the medieval Venetians, and attributed in particular to the renaissance texts of Luca Pacioli.

Belief systems can be overlayed, possibly in contradictory ways. It is perfectly possible to believe in both Christianity and primitive capitalism. It is also possible to believe in Christianity and be implacably imposed to primitive capitalism. (To avoid discursion, we may think of primitive capitalism as unevolved or unreimagined capitalism. See my Who's The Thief? for a way out of unevolved capitalism.) While purely religious belief systems are not contestable, systems such as primitive capitalism – based on legal and accounting constructs around 'property' – are contestable but not in a strictly scientific sense. More in an ethical sense.

Who are Scientists?

Babies are scientists! Babies are unencumbered by previous investments, previously formed beliefs, so are free to learn about the world by forming hypotheses, testing them, and rejecting or modifying the hypotheses that don't meet their evidential tests.

· Babies resemble tiny scientists more than you might thinkPBS, 2 Apr 2015

· Every Child is a ScientistWired, 28 Sep 2011

In an important sense, a scientist is anybody who revises what they believe to be true in the light of changing evidence. Police detectives are – or at least ought to be – scientists; yet, as a group, they have had a reputation for tunnel vision, for pursuing a single line of investigation while downplaying information that questions that investigative line.

Yet we normally think of scientists as people who are employed with a role labelled 'scientist', and as specialist scholars or practitioners within a scientific discipline such as physics or economics. Many people with this moniker are people we do not trust, in large part because of who they are employed by, or who they might hold an allegiance towards.

Any 'scientist' who instinctively acts to keep 'alternative facts' off the 'table of knowledge' is a scientiste rather than a scientist, whatever their formal title might be. They may have been corrupted by their employers' belief systems; or by their own. Indeed their own belief systems might attract them to employers with compatible belief systems. Scientistes are the knowledge gatekeepers of liberal polities.

Another problem with scientific truth is that of 'narrow-vision'. One test of a scientifically-informed policy relating to Covid19 might be that it minimises the number of people who die of Covid19, while neither caring about the number of people who die from (ie, as a result of, directly or indirectly) Covid19, nor being interested in non-fatal consequences of Covid19. The informing scientists may be unbiassed with respect to a belief system, but unintentionally biassed through an overly narrow criterion of the success of an intervention they support.

The scientiste problem is not just about biassed science; it's also about the cheerleaders for scientism, who may include politicians, public servants, and journalists. Cheerleaders, inclined towards popular belief-systems, may express 'confirmation bias' towards certain kinds of scientific 'facts' relative to alternative scientific facts. They may not ask questions that do not align with the favoured narratives.

An interesting article of the bad scientist good scientist genre is 'Reality Check: Vax Vexation' by Stephen Davis (NZ Listener, 4 Dec 2021, p.12) which focuses on the Public Health Policy Journal, which is edited and published by 'discredited' scientists. (I use quote marks as a sign of my neutrality on this matter.) My sense is that much of the 'science' in this journal might be regarded as non-science or nonsense by many scientists; but much science published in other journals also reflects an agenda.

Indeed some bad science is used to push one agenda that I'm supportive of; namely that of concern about anthropogenic climate change, a reality which it is difficult to argue against based on the evidence that I'm aware of. Nevertheless, as an economic historian, I was disappointed by the infamous 'hockey stick' chart, that entirely removes the Little Ice Age which peaked in the seventeenth century, and has been widely argued to be an instrumental factor in the transition from feudalism to capitalism, especially in Europe. (A very worthwhile book here is Nature's Mutiny by Philipp Blom, Picador 2019, about "How the Little Ice Age transformed the West and shaped the present". Some people have played down the Little Ice Age by suggesting that it was mainly a northern hemisphere phenomenon; the state of New Zealand's glaciers at the time of James Cook's first voyage – 1769 – would suggest otherwise)

Another example of bad science good science rhetoric was Al Jazeera's The Campaign Against the Climate (17 Apr 2021) where 'bad scientists' upholding naked capitalist agendas with pseudo-scientific falsehoods were pitted against good publicly-spirited agenda-free scientists. If only it were that simple! Actually, the requirement to look after Planet Earth is a difficult-to-contest ethical truth; the climate science is useful, but by no means the only reason to induce better behaviour.

An interesting and accessible recent discussion about science was Steven Pinker's RNZ (27 Nov 2021) interview with Kim Hill: Steven Pinker: why being rational is human and matters now. In a poignant moment at the end of the interview, Pinker acknowledged the important scientific career of the late Emeritus Professor Michael Corballis, who, apparently, "some senior academics say Corballis was the best chance Auckland University has ever had to snare a Nobel Prize". Sadly, for this distinguished world scientist aged 85, half of the references in his Wikipedia page relate to events in the last few months (see the letter Corballis co-authored, In Defence of Science, which referred to Mātauranga Māori.

(Mātauranga Māori is largely a mix of generalised inference from direct observation [the inductive method], much of which complements and facilitates science, and thematic storytelling which conveys ethical truths and true human foibles. That is not to claim that Māori before colonisation never used the scientific [deductive] method; rather it is to acknowledge that valid knowledge – truth – is much more than explanatory science, and that oral traditions of knowledge cannot easily convey methodology.)

Questions in need of an Improved Knowledge Base

I will mention four.

First on human origins, very little of what I have read properly acknowledges that a very large proportion of humans in the past will have lived, as today, in low-altitude habitats. The anthropalaeontologists don't deny that sea levels are up to 100 metres higher today than they were between 90,000 and 10,000 years ago; but they continue to favour inductive reasoning based on available evidence (very little of which was from low-altitude habitats for the essential reason that those habitats are now under water), while showing little interest in more speculative theory-informed possibilities about the coastal lives of early humans.

Second, when it comes to epidemiology, there still seems to be a scientific bias in favour of explanations for epidemics based on the unique characteristics of micro-pathogens rather than in favour of explanations that focus on the different vulnerabilities of host populations to the likes of viruses and bacteria. Thus, I have yet to see any stories trying to explain why, in 2020 before new Covid19 variants emerged, Eastern Europe suffered much worse than Western Europe in late 2020 despite the west suffering much more initially; and I have seen few attempts to explain why South America was so vulnerable.

Third, there are many matters in economics that could be better understood by better practice in economic science. The one I will mention here is about the causes of inflation; and the alleged role of low interest rates in causing inflation, and of the widespread conviction that intervening in the market to raise interest costs will somehow make inflation go away. The commonsense approach is to see inflation as analogous to physiological pain, knowing that pain can have many possible causes. The 'one remedy' answer for inflation is no more scientific than was Galen's famous blood-letting remedy for many types of medical ailment. Further, we only have to look at the relationship between interest rates and inflation in New Zealand (and elsewhere) in the years before the 2008 global financial crisis; then, higher interest rates were raising both general inflation and especially house price inflation.

Finally, an accounting matter. How can we know how much income-tax is paid by any New Zealander, and by all New Zealanders? It's a question with no scientific answer, because it depends on the legal and accounting systems adopted. And these systems, as noted, are derived culturally, not scientifically.

Philosophers of Science

I will finish this essay by noting three classic works on the philosophy of Science; all works I learned about in my higher education.

The first work remains the seminal text on the scientific method, and was published in Nazi Germany in 1934, and translated into English in 1959. It is of course Karl Popper's The Logic of Scientific Discovery. We should note that Popper (born in Austria) was not a Nazi; he indeed also wrote a classic discourse on political liberalism – The Open Society and Its Enemies – while living as a political refugee in Christchurch, New Zealand. Popper will have been well aware of the Methodenstreit – the Battle of Methods – in economics in the 1880s, in which the deductive method promoted by the 'Austrian school' of economists was pitted against the inductive method favoured by the German 'historical school'.

The second classic work on science was Thomas Kuhn's The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (1962), which introduced the notion of 'paradigm-shift'. Thus the reality is that most professional scientists work within paradigms all their careers, and that there is an innate conservatism within such scientific work. Scientists tend not to ask questions that might lead to uncomfortable answers; they build safer careers working within already well-researched territory.

Finally, Imre Lakatos introduced the idea of 'Research Programmes' which had a hard core, and a soft periphery. The hard core really represented a 'scientific dogma' (yes, it's an oxymoron), a quasi-scientific belief system (doctrine) which was protected from the usual scientific methods of falsification. The Research Programme could, however, evolve in relatively incremental ways, through allowing changes to its soft outer veneer.

I have little doubt that Michael Corballis was familiar with the works of these three philosophers of knowledge. Of course, their works and his are subject to the principle of scientific contestability – subject to revision through argument and through counter-example – as are any works in the field of knowledge.

One of the 'pseudo-sciences' that Lakatos identified was 'neoclassical economics', which, at its core and as is practiced by its practitioners, is very much a doctrine – the doctrine of economic liberalism – rather than a science. Yet economics comes up with many useful hypotheses which are often tested, though not always rejected or modified when the scientific method suggests they should be. Take my example about inflation.

Indeed economics, which models itself on physics, contains truths that are more analogous to pure mathematical truths; truths that might be called advanced tautologies. An important such truth forms the basis for cost-benefit analysis: it says that if the benefit of doing more of something outweighs its 'marginal' cost, then more should be done. Otherwise more should not be done, and possibly too much of that something has already been done.

Coming back to the biggest scientific issue of 2020 and 2021, this core economic truth can help answer the question as to how long a nation facing a pandemic emergency should continue to stay in protective quarantine, or for how long people should continue to wear facemasks in confined public spaces. By definition, an emergency public health mandate has clear short-term benefits that outweigh its short-term costs. But, when it comes to the question of extending such an authority-led measure, calculations of diminishing benefits and increasing costs come into play.

Conclusion

There is much more to knowledge than science. Nevertheless, the scientific method has proved to be a major contributor to modern knowledge, both through the wonderful and otherwise unknowable insights into nature that it brings, and to the technologies and other human interventions which contestable knowledge makes possible. Science should neither be denounced nor deified. Scientism is not science. Scientific knowledge is contestable, by definition, and is tested and modified through observation and measurement.

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Keith Rankin (keith at rankin dot nz), trained as an economic historian, is a retired lecturer in Economics and Statistics. He lives in Auckland, New Zealand.

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