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It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
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Forget Manchin. Sanders says entire Democratic party must show ‘guts’ against corporate interests
The focus of the party, says the Vermont senator, must be “to restore faith with the American people that they actually stand for something.”
Stressing a need to pass the “enormously important” Build Back Better bill, Sen. Bernie Sanders said this week that failure to do so would indicate to Americans that Democrats “don’t have the guts to take on the powerful special interests.”
The Vermont Independent’s remarks on MSNBC‘s “Rachel Maddow Show” on Monday night came after Democratic Sen. Joe Manchin of West Virginia announced on Fox News that he was a “no” on his party’s social spending and climate reconciliation package, delivering a potential death blow to the legislation his opposition had already weakened.
The announcement prompted ire from progressive groups as well as renewed demands from some Democrats that the Senate be brought back into session so that Manchin would have to go on record for voting against a bill that would provide much-needed benefits to his own constituents and beyond.
In an apparent reference to Manchin and another right-wing Democrat, Sen. Kyrsten Sinema (D-Ariz.), Sanders criticized “two senators” who’ve acted with regards to BBB negotiations that “it’s my way or the highway.”
Such a stance, said Sanders, is “an arrogance that I think is unacceptable.”
He also rebuked “people like Mr. Manchin,” who are “turning their backs on the working families of this country, allowing the big money interest once again to prevail and basically saying, ‘If I don’t get everything I want, I’m not going forward.’ That is not acceptable to me.”
What has to happen now, he said, is for leadership to bring the BBB bill to the Senate floor for a vote. Then, Manchin “will have to tell the people of West Virginia and this country why he is supporting all of the powerful special interests in this country—the drug companies, the insurance companies, the fossil fuel industry, the very wealthy who do not want to pay anything more in federal taxes.”
Another step is for Democrats to have better messaging around the bill, said Sanders. He gave as one example the monthly checks from the expanded Child Tax Credit families are poised to see cut off-—”despite the fact we’ve reduced childhood poverty through that by almost 40%.”
The focus right now, Sanders said, must not be solely on Manchin but instead fall more broadly.
“It is about the Democratic Party trying to restore faith with the American people that they actually stand for something,” said Sanders.
“Do we have the guts to take on the drug companies who are spending over $300 million in lobbying right now? Is that the Democratic Party?” he asked.
“Do they have the guts to take on the private insurance company who do not want us to expand Medicare and dental, hearing, and eyeglasses?” he added. “Do we have the courage to do what the scientists are telling us has to be done and transform our energy system away from fossil fuel?”
Subsidizing militarism in search of monsters overseas seems more and more like the American way. With the new focus on near peer competitors like Russia and China, the dangers are only growing.
On December 12th, the New York Times published a story about the U.S. drone war in Syria that should have raised more eyebrows but barely registered with most of the American press. The piece by Dave Phillips, Eric Schmitt and Mark Mazzetti concerned a small unit controlled by Delta Force and 5thSpecial Forces members called Talon Anvil, which sounds more like a metal band created by way of a thesaurus than an operation that engaged in thousands of drone strikes across Syria from 2014 to 2019 at the height of the battle against the so-called Islamic State.
Why the story was important is that it revealed that many of Talon Anvil’s 1,000s of strikes killed civilians, so many that some of those operating the drones 24 hours a day in three 8 hour shifts refused orders to deploy them in heavily populated areas or against targets that didn’t appear armed. Despite this, each year the group operated, the numbers of civilian casualties in Syria went up.
As reported by the Times, even officials with the CIA complained to the Special Operations Command about the strikes. Nonetheless, the bloody drone war was a bipartisan affair that occured over two U.S. presidential administrations.
As Larry Lewis, who was among those who wrote a Defense Department report on civilian casualties in 2018, told the reporters, in terms of the sheer numbers of civilians wounded and killed, “It was much higher than I would have expected from a U.S. unit. The fact that it increased dramatically and steadily over a period of years shocked me.”
How were Talon Anvil able to get around rules of engagement that might have protected the many civilians said to have been wounded and killed in the strikes? By claiming “self-defense”. As of 2018, 80% of strikes in the chaotic Syrian conflict were characterized this way.
As two unnamed former task force members explained, the claim that almost every strike was carried out to protect U.S. or allied forces, even when they were far from the location where the bombs were dropped, allowed approvals at lightning speed.
The Delta Force and other special forces soldiers ordering the strikes were also accused by Air Force intelligence analysts tasked with reviewing the footage they produced of turning the drones’ cameras away from their targets before dropping their payloads so that there would be no evidence in the case of a ‘failed’ strike that resulted in civilian casualties.
This story might not have been told at all if not for an earlier one, also in the Times, about three piloted strikes in a Syrian town called Baghuz on March 18th, 2019, where some of the last IS holdouts were said to be sheltering.
After a drone above the town relayed images of a crowd of people, mostly women and children, next to a river bank, a U.S. F-15 dropped a 500 pound bomb on the group. As those that survived the first bomb searched for cover or wandered in shock, a second and then a third bomb, each weighing 2,000 pounds were dropped, obliterating them. Although we will never know the exact number, at least 70 civilians died as a result.
As also reported by other outlets, confused air operations personnel at a large base in Qatar looked on in disbelief at what was happening in Baghuz, with one officer asking in the secure chat, “Who dropped that?”
Even though an airforce lawyer flagged the incident as a possible war crime, the U.S. military tried to bury and then deny that it had happened at all. They even went so far as to have coalition forces “bulldoze” the blast site in a clear attempt to bury evidence of the crime.
The strike was ordered by the group that we now know also controlled Talon Anvil and ground operations in Syria called Task Force 9, a unit so secretive that those at the airbase in Qatar who first drew attention to the strike in Baghuz were unaware of its existence. Both groups are not officially recognized as ever existing by the American government.
The bizarre metric of success for Talon Anvil and Task Force 9 generally seemed to have been sheer numbers of bombs dropped rather than actual militants removed from the incredibly fraught battlefield. Not only the U.S. and its allies, especially Turkey, routinely massacred innocent people, but the Syrian government and its Russian ally showed callous disregard for the lives of civilians as well, especially in flattening East Aleppo, where they killed well over 400 people in the densely populated urban area.
The man at the top of Task Force 9 and other secretive special forces, General Stephen Townsend, faced no repercussions for the alleged war crimes but was instead promoted. He now heads the country’s Africa Command, where special forces and drones are deployed but where there are even fewer influential voices who might put a spotlight on the kinds of crimes that may be occuring in countries like Somalia and Niger, where hostilities haven’t been officially declared.
Norman Soloman recently wrote about how crimes like the one that occured in Baghuz and many other towns and cities in Syria go unpunished but those who reveal these kinds of atrocities on the part of the United States and its allies like Julian Assange, Chelsea Manning and Norman Hale, a former analyst with the U.S. Air Force, recently sentenced to 45 months in prison for revealing the impacts of U.S. drone warfare, are victimized by the state for their whistle-blowing.
It’s important to give mainstream outlets like the Times credit for using the resources at their disposal to make stories like that of Talon Anvil public, even when they are hidden behind paywalls and have to be searched out, but as several commentators including Soloman have noted, there is a tendency to portray the U.S. military and political leadership as meaning well and what amount to war crimes as simple mistakes. Such a position wouldn’t be taken in regards to a competitor like China or Russia.
It should also be noted that in almost every case from the torture that took place at Abu Ghraib to Talon Anvil’s bombing of civilians, every atrocity is placed squarely on the shoulders of the military’s lower ranks when they are made public. This ignores the very rigid hierarchies in place where superiors either order or imply that more and more drone strikes, for example, need to take place in order to create the illusion of some kind of success.
Another fault with the NYT’s story is it fails to credit Hale for his whistle-blowing and doesn’t appear to be using its influence to call attention to his imprisonment for revealing the truth of what was going on with the country’s drone war as early as 2015, revelations that were important to the Times’ stories.
Rather than passing the Build Back Better Act, which would have, among other things, provided pre-kindergarten child care to working people whose lives would be significantly improved by it, one deeply compromised Democratic senator stopped its passage. Arguments about out of control budgets didn’t stop the same body from awarding the Pentagon $25 billion more than the president asked for for their budget which was $768 billion after approval in the country’s Senate.
Subsidizing militarism in search of monsters overseas seems more and more like the American way. With the new focus on near peer competitors like Russia and China, the dangers are only growing.
SEE https://plawiuk.blogspot.com/search?q=PERMANENT+ARMS+ECONOMY
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Yeah, Marx wants the entire bourgeoisie overthrown—but for him, there's actually more than one kind of bourgeoisie, or at least there are different shades of bourgeoisie.
The petit—French for small—bourgeoisie is made up of small business owners. These people hire other workers, and hence benefit directly from the appropriation (or, in Marx's view, stealing) of the proletariat's wage-labor, but they generally do not own large-scale means of production. So, a grocery-store owner would be petit bourgeoisie, because he benefits from the value added by the labor of his workers but doesn't own an oilrig or a bunch of land.
An interesting example might be a small-fry, self-employed freelance journalist in what today is called the knowledge economy (as opposed to Marx's industrial age). The journalist owns a computer and office equipment, which are arguably means of production, even if small-scale. He or she might also "hire" unpaid interns—a kind of employment, sort of—whose labor he benefits from for free.
On the other hand, as a little-known journo, he or she is probably paid an average of only about $200 per article before self-withholding for taxes, which is certainly not what you expect a member of the bourgeoisie to be living off of or re-investing.
The question of classifying the petit-bourgeois points to the boundary problem Marx's class analysis raises: where do you draw line as to who belongs to which class? Marx seems obsessed with looking at the world in terms of economics—wage-labor versus capital, for instance. But what about a male journalist, for example, being able to win more article assignments from magazines than a female journalist, simply because of the over-representation of males in the media? The Manifesto says next to nothing about this factor in classification; see our "Women and Femininity" theme for more on that.
Another point Marx would raise about the petit bourgeoisie is that they're at risk of becoming proletarians due to the increasing power of the bourgeoisie, who centralize wealth and influence the government to pass laws in their favor, pushing everyone else downward economically.
In Marx's words, "The lower strata of the middle class—the small tradespeople, shopkeepers, and retired tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen and peasants—all these sink gradually into the proletariat, partly because their diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale on which Modern Industry is carried on, and is swamped in the competition with the large capitalists, partly because their specialised skill is rendered worthless by new methods of production. Thus the proletariat is recruited from all classes of the population" (Section1.35).
Capitalist economists would argue otherwise: that if the rich get richer, the poor get richer, too, as in the saying that a rising tide lifts all boats.
Today, both the bourgeoisie and petit bourgeoisie can be contrasted against the labor aristocracy. The labor aristocracy is made up of workers who have managed to negotiate pay for themselves higher than the value they add by their labor. Although labor aristocrats don't benefit from the wage laborer directly—since labor aristocrats don't hire the wage laborer and then keep a portion of the value the laborer adds to the product—they do benefit indirectly by having the purchasing power to buy the goods the laborer makes but cannot afford.
They also benefit indirectly in the sense that the higher wages they're paid for their labor are only made possible, Marx would say, by the wages stolen from the value added by the wage-laborers on the bottom.
Marx, in fact, might say that many workers in the United States are labor aristocrats compared to workers in the third world such as child miners in Africa, since the former are able to maintain a lifestyle the latter can't and can do so only because of the great inequality between workers in the U.S. and the third-world workers they indirectly exploit.