Thursday, June 09, 2022


‘Significant’ amounts of mercury in permafrost threatens Arctic food supply, research says

Speed at which permafrost is releasing toxic metal is still being studied.


The indigenous peoples of the Russian north do not only eat the meat of the reindeer, but have other parts of the animal as well as an important part of their traditional food. Photo: Thomas Nilsen

By Liny Lamberink

CBC News
June 07, 2022

Scientists have long known human activity like burning coal, mining metal and incinerating garbage emits mercury into the air — but in the past few years, they’ve realized permafrost is a “significant source” of mercury in the natural environment.

And as that permafrost thaws, new research says those ancient stores of mercury are being released into the Arctic where it threatens to increase the concentration of the toxic metal in traditional food sources.

“We’re starting to see evidence of that natural mercury entering rivers, lakes and ultimately the Arctic Ocean,” said Peter Outridge, a scientist with the Geological Survey of Canada.

A recently published paper in the journal Nature Reviews says 200 tonnes of mercury end up in the Arctic Ocean each year. The paper, which Outridge helped write, is one chapter of a mercury assessment carried out by the Arctic Monitoring Assessment Program (AMAP) every 10 years.

It says one-third of the mercury going into the ocean comes from the atmosphere, a quarter comes from ocean currents, one fifth comes from river flows and one-fifth comes from coastal erosion.

“We’re refining our understanding about where mercury [in the Arctic] is coming from,” said Outridge. As little as a decade ago, he said, the science was focused on human sources of mercury.

Still safe to eat

Outridge said mercury levels in Arctic food animals are 10 times higher than they were before the Industrial Revolution, and those levels peaked in between the 1960s and 1980s. Since then, he said, mercury concentrations in Arctic animals have been generally stable or declining.

But, he said, scientists don’t have a clear idea yet of how quickly mercury is being released from thawing permafrost. “That’s very much an active area of research,” he said.

In a plain language summary of its latest mercury assessment, AMAP says most marine mammals are at low- or no-risk for health effects from mercury exposure.

Raymond Ruben, the mayor of Paulatuk, N.W.T., said mercury contamination is not a priority or concern in his Arctic community, but it’s something he’s keeping an eye out for. He said his community relies on Arctic char and whale for food, and if mercury levels in those animals go up — it may change what people feel safe eating.

AMAP says animals near the top of the food chain — like polar bears, pilot whales, narwhals, beluga and hooded seals and several seabird populations — are “cause for concern” because they’re exposed to higher levels of mercury.

Because those animals are a critical component of traditional diets, AMAP says people living in Arctic communities face some of the highest dietary exposures to mercury worldwide.

But Outridge says people would be “well-advised” to continue eating northern foods. He said the nutritional benefits, at this point, “very much outweigh” the possible negative impact of ingesting mercury.

This story is posted on the Barents Observer as part of Eye on the Arctic, a collaborative partnership between public and private circumpolar media organizations.
Two years after huge Arctic spill, river water in Norilsk is still red from diesel fuel

Company Nornickel claims environment on the site of its major diesel oil spill is satisfactory. Investigations by a visiting environmentalist indicate otherwise.


Environmentalist Vasily Ryabinin found plenty of oil in the water during a recent visit to Norilsk. Photo: Screenshot from video by Activatica

By Atle Staalesen
June 08, 2022

“Two years have passed, there have been some clean-up operations, but these dirty red substances are still in the ground and nothing has changed,” says Vasily Ryabinin. He stands by a stream coloured red by the diesel fuel that in 2020 poured into the vulnerable Arctic nature from a collapsed oil tank reservoir.

More than 21,000 tons of fuel spilled into the tundra, streams and lakes when the tank tilted and cracked following what is believed to have been negligent maintenance from Nornickel and its subsidiary Norilsko-Taymyrsky Energy Company.

“Time flies, two years have passed, nothing has changed —red water is still running,” Ryabinin says in a video from the area.

Oil on the water in Norilsk. Photo: Rosprirodnadzor

The video is recorded only few days after Nornickel announced that the environmental situation in the area is ‘satisfactory.’ According to the company, a comprehensive study by more than 70 researchers from ten research institutes concludes that clean-up in the area has been successful and that the local ecosystem is getting restored.

The study included a wide range of tests of local waters, ground, botanics, fish and wildlife, Nornickel informs.

According to leader of the research expedition Fyodor Romanenko, the purpose of the initiative was to get “accurate, comprehensive and reliable research information based on complex study of the current state of pollution in the water-collecting parts of the Pyasina River.”

The river was among the waterways worst affected by the spill.

“The results of the studies allow the researchers to define the state of the ecosystem of the Norilsk industrial hub and the territory of the Taymyr Peninsula as satisfactory,” Norilsk informs.

However, environmentalist and activist Vasily Ryabinin disagrees.

“Dear researchers, if you really want to check the true condition of the eco-system, you can simply call me and I will show you where to check,” Ryabinin says as he stands on the shore of the red-coloured stream.

Or perhaps this simply is “useful soil,” the activist adds in an ironic comment aimed at the mining and metallurgy company.

Nornickel is known world-wide for its reckless care of nature around its industrial facilities. The vulnerable Arctic environment surrounding plants in Taymyr and the Kola Peninsula have over decades been subject to serious degradation.

The spill of diesel fuel significantly added trouble to the strained environment in the area. Several hundred people were involved in the clean-up operations in summer 2020.

A big number of special containers was flown into the area and placed along the worst affected rivers and streams. Spilled oil was pumped into the containers. In addition, the company started production of storage facilities for up to 100,000 tons of polluted soil. However, flooding, bad weather and the harsh climate complicated operations.

Information about the situation was firmly controlled by the authorities and Nornickel hardly any independent environmental experts were granted permission to enter the area.

A historical fine followed. Nornickel in early 2021 had to pay a record-big sum of 146 billion rubles (€1.66 billion) for environmental damage inflicted.

The red king crab: a blacklisted but valuable fisheries resource



With climate change come changes in species distribution. Here in the High North, we expect to see many marine species move northwards. In addition, humans sometimes move species for commercial purposes with varying outcomes. One such species in the red king crab.

By: Jenny Jensen, Magnus Aune, Paul Renaud, Benjamin Merkel
 and Guttorm Christensen // Akvaplan-niva
April 20, 2022
Red king crab with an acoustic tag and information on how to contact the researchers attached to a leg with cable ties. 
Photo: Guttorm Christensen/ Akvaplan-niva

Starting in the 1960s, Russian scientists introduced a Pacific marine species, the red king crab (Paralithodes camtschaticus), to the eastern Barents Sea to establish a new commercial fishery. Following this introduction, we have seen two parallel developments. First, in recent decades, dense aggregations of the species gradually moved into Norwegian waters and south-westwards along the Norwegian coast. Second, as intended by its introduction into the Barents Sea, the crab has indeed become a major harvestable stock, with commercial catches in Norwegian waters worth 30 000 000 Euros in 2019.

However, the red king crab has a destructive impact on the benthic fauna: it has therefore been blacklisted in Norway and the fisheries authorities do not want the species to move further west along the coast. Accordingly, current Norwegian policy is quota regulations east of Nordkapp and free (eradication) fishing in areas farther west.

Attaching an acoustic tag to a red king crab onboard MS Stormfuglen in Gamvikfjorden. Photo: Magnus Aune / Akvaplan-niva


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As red king crabs can be numerous in an area one day and almost completely absent the next, it is tricky to locate them for harvesting. Fishers therefore spend considerable time and burn much fuel searching for crabs. This also causes pollution and climate gas emissions that could be avoided with better information. This is why a group of fishermen from Hammerfest eagerly contacted Akvaplan-niva and asked: “What do the crabs do? And where ARE they?” With funding from the Regional Research Fund North and fishery companies, we started to find answers to their questions.

In the study, we equipped 39 crabs with acoustic tags that transmitted a signal telling us the identification code of each individual. These signals were then picked up and stored in receivers that we moored in a grid system in Gamvikfjorden northwest of Hammerfest. By triangulation (using the difference in how long it took for signals to reach different receivers), we could calculate the position of the crabs to within about three metres.

Two examples of red king crabs’ movements in Gamvikfjorden on the island Sørøya in the period May-November 2016. One individual left the fjord rapidly after tagging (left) and one individual remained, moving around the study area during the entire 6-month period after tagging (right).
 Map: Magnus Aune / Akvaplan-niva

We experienced some challenges with receivers being lost, as the next stop northwards of the study location is the North Pole and the weather can be harsh. In spite of this, we managed to record high-quality data from March to October. The data revealed many interesting aspects of the crab’s habitat use and we found that about half of the tagged crabs left Gamvikfjorden within two weeks after tagging. Three individuals were recaptured in fishing gear as far as 147 km from the tagging location, having moved with average speeds of 200-500 metres per day.

The crabs that remained in the fjord over the summer showed many interesting behavioural patterns. For instance, in late spring when the water masses were cold throughout, the crabs were found both in shallow and deeper waters, likely eating different food types. However, as summer progressed and temperatures rose above ~6°C, the crabs quickly moved into deeper and colder waters. Also, many crabs appeared to be social, walking together almost all the time. These findings confirm that the red king crab can move fast, but also that it has clear temperature preferences. From this, one can make predictions as to where the crabs are likely to be at different times of the year.

The principle behind triangulation of red king crabs within the acoustic receiver grid. 
Graphic: Jenny Jensen / Akvaplan-niva

Providing the fishermen with precise knowledge of where aggregations of the red king crab can be found will help them to harvest this valuable resource more efficiently, with a higher profitability and a lower environmental footprint. Our new findings can hopefully act as a corner piece in the puzzle of understanding the crab in the new waters that it has invaded. From this we can build additional knowledge to support sustainable harvesting and at the same time minimise the crab’s southward colonisation. Because let’s face it: despite its blacklist membership the red king crab is not likely to disappear.

The red king crab, Paralithodes camtschaticus. 
Photo: Jenny Jensen / Akvaplan-niva

This story is originally published on the website of the Fram Centre


Second Barents Sea oil discovery this spring

A preliminary estimate reveals between 6-10 million barrels of recoverable oil equivalent.



By Thomas Nilsen
June 09, 2022

Operator of Skavl Stø exploration well, Equinor, announces the finding of more oil just two weeks after last significant discovery in the same area.

Also this new finding will be considered linked to the Johan Castberg field with planned production start in 2024. The Skavl Stø well is located five kilometers south-southeast of the Johan Castberg field.

“The new discovery and information will be viewed in the light of other discoveries in the area, and together with our partners we will consider further development of the area,” said Kristin Westvik, Equinor’s senior vice president for exploration and production north.

Skavl Stø is the thirteenth exploration well in the Johan Castberg license, awarded for drilling in 2009.

Map by Equinor

Equinor holds a 50% stake of the license, with Vår Energy (30%) and Petoro (20%) making up the rest of the partnership.

Norway has been criticized by environmental groups for its comprehensive Arctic oil drilling in times of climate crisis. Also, the groups argue, the Barents Sea differs from other areas of the Norwegian shelf by darkness during the winter months as well as icing, frozen equipment, and possibilities for drifting ice, especially in the northern parts of the Barents Sea.

Just hours before Equinor and partner petroleum companies announced the new finding, Statistics Norway published the 2021 figures on climate gasses emissions showing a decrease of 0,3 percent year by year.

That puts the petroleum-hungry country way behind its goal set by the Paris Climate Agreements to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 50% by 2030 compared to 1990. The Norwegian Government’s own goal is a reduction of 55% by 2030.

According to Statistics Norway, emissions are so far down by 4,5% compared to 1990.
Russia's most potent submarine base is decorated with large painting of U.S attack sub

Local authorities wanted to give downtown Gadzhievo a much-needed facelift, but the painting of an American attack submarine on a local house wall is met with disbelief and outrage.


The new mural in Gadzhievo depicts a U.S attack submarine, most likely of the Los Angeles-Class, alternatively of the Ohio-Class. Photo: vk.com/murmansk.region

By Atle Staalesen
June 09, 2022

“Look, what a beauty,” the local town administration proudly writes in a social media post about the mural.

The house located in the center of the small town now depicts a submarine in surface position surrounded by stormy waves. It is made in an artistic way by a professional muralist.

The painting was completed in early June.

The only problem is that it is not a Russian submarine.

U.S submarine attack on house wall in Gadzhievo. Photo: vk.com/spisok_zato

The mural soon attracted massive attention from locals, many of whom have spent years at sea for the Northern Fleet.

The house wall in Gadzhievo shows a U.S submarine, apparently a sub of the Los Angeles-Class. The American nuclear-powered fast attack underwater vessel can carry numerous torpedoes, Tomahawks and Harpoon missiles, and is a frequent visitor in the Barents Sea where it hunts Russian submarines.

Many of the latter have Gadzhievo as their home base.

A storm of reader comments now rages on local social media. On the VK page of the municipal administration, a local underlines that someone must carry the responsibility for the action.

“How disgusting! Why paint an enemy vessel?!” the comment reads. And the person adds that “we have our own submarines, and they are by far more beautiful than the ones of our foe.”

“Shame on the town administration!” another readers writes.

Meanwhile, town authorities argue that the painting was chosen after a vote where locals were invited to participate. The sub got the most votes, the administration says.

Nonetheless, consequences for the local town officials could soon be detrimental.

On another local VK page, several people call on the FSB to get engaged. “I suggest that representatives of the Prosecutor’s Office and the FSB deal with this issue before this shameful act is seen by the whole country,” a person operating under the name “Polar Wolf” writes. TOO LATE

Another person calls on the artist and local authorities to be charged under the new laws on “discrediting the Russian Armed Forces.” The laws were adopted following the recent onslaught on Ukraine and has led to large fines and arrests of anti-war activists.

The mural in Gazhievo is unlikely to have a long life.

In a comment, a man calls the painting “mockery in the soul of every submariner.”

New fourth generation Borei class submarine “Vladimir Monomakh” in Gadzhievo. 
Photo: Mil.ru

“This submarine is not only foreign, it belongs to the enemy. It has been the main opponent of our submarine forces over the last 30 years,” he writes. “With what kind of feelings will our submariners parade the local streets next to this picture?” he asks.

Gadzhievo is one of Russia’s most potent Navy bases. It houses the lion’s share of the country’s new strategic Borei-class submarines, as well as the Yasen multipurpose attack subs.


Over the last years, major investments have been made in local infrastructure, including quays, roads and weapons storage facilities.

Gadzhievo is located about 50 km north of Murmansk. It is part of the closed military municipality of Aleksandrovsk. The town has a population of about 13 thousand.

Massive mystery spill spotted in Baltic Sea


US Navy's warship USS Gravely is seen in the Baltic sea port city of Gdynia in what was described by officials as a show of support for the country as war rages in neighboring Ukraine, Poland June 7, 2022. (File photo: Reuters)


AFP, Stockholm
Published: 09 June ,2022: 05:28 PM GSTUpdated: 09 June ,2022: 05:57 PM GST

The Swedish coast guard said Thursday it had detected a massive spill of an unknown substance in the Baltic Sea off the coast of Sweden.

Covering a surface area of 77 square kilometers (30 square miles) in both Swedish and Finnish waters, the spill was first detected on Wednesday in the Bothnian Sea.

“What the spill consists of is still not clear but it is not mineral oil, and there is currently no immediate threat of landfall,” the coast guard said in a statement.

It said it had mapped the spill using planes and also collected samples, adding that it would not be able to comment on which measures to deploy until after the samples had been analyzed.

A preliminary investigation into environmental crimes has also been launched.

“Among other things, it is being investigated which ships have been in the area and what cargo they have had,” the coast guard said.
Rural Europe Takes Action | For Resilience and Peace – Political Action Now!

originally published by ARC2020
June 9, 2022


Ed. note: This article first appeared on ARC2020.eu. ARC2020 is a platform for agri-food and rural actors working towards better food, farming, and rural policies for Europe.

The war in Ukraine has changed Europe. But has it? Peace was never a given, but esteemed to be our standing achievement, just like the often cited European values, democracy, the rule of law, and solidarity. They have been so attractive to many of our Eastern European neighbours that they have taken every risk and effort to become part of it. Have we honoured that courage and expectation in the West?

On June 7 ARC2020 and Forum Synergies launch a new book titled “Rural Europe Takes Action – No more business as usual”. Indeed there is no excuse for business as usual, given this collection of stories of innovation and resilience, from 25 countries, that dare to imagine a larger and a more open Europe. With our heads in the clouds of possibility, and our feet firmly on the ground, we draw from these inspiring tales of action a series of recommendations for policymakers. The coda to our symphony of stories from the ground is an ‘unwritten regulation’: an Integrated European Rural, Agricultural and Food Policy.

Here is a teaser for the book – its conclusion – a call to take political action now!

If we look for a moment only at rural Europe and the European policies in force there, the war seems not to have changed much. There was much concern about interrupted imports of fertilisers and animal feed from Ukraine to the EU, worries about the pig and poultry sector, about rising food prices and open world markets. But the EU’s agricultural, food and rural policy seems to be staying where it is, even though the war, like the pandemic and the climate crisis, has revealed its immense vulnerability and dependence.

True, not everything can change in a day. But there are moments like the beginning of a new programming period for the Common Agriculture and Cohesion Policy and the “Future of Europe” process that call for a step back and a fresh thought. Can we really continue to pay the bulk of CAP money to farmers based on hectares? Imagine Ukraine joining the EU in a few years as promised; should we pay oligarchs or Western European land grabbers for owning land?

Today subsidies to farmers can make up more than half of their income. The historical reason is to keep them ‘competitive’ on the world market. But this will make them even less so. What about investing the CAP budget into a new rural infrastructure allowing farmers, seed savers, bakers and all artisanal producers to establish a resilient food system in a circular economy, renewable energy and short supply chains? What about ceasing to see rural areas through the lens of primary production only, and considering them as the diverse and multifold spaces which they actually are or ought to be, home to industries, crafts and services, towns and villages, land devoted to production and leisure as well as nature protection?

Rural areas are wholesome spaces and only policies which take this wholesomeness into account will be supportive to rural areas where thriving societies live, work and evolve. We have gathered examples of how it works. The moment to start a new integrated rural policy is now.

What about investing much more into the self-organisation and empowerment of Europe’s strong civil society? The war has shown that, more than ever, civil society takes action on its own. When refugees began to flow into Poland and other neighbouring countries of Ukraine, civil organisation was much quicker and more efficient than governmental action. Empathy and solidarity were neither prescribed nor paid; they were simply there. Why not offer better structures and unbureaucratic support for bottom-up action groups and socio-ecological initiatives?

What about educating young people, many now Ukrainian refugees, on how they can make peace grow in a resilient and self-organised environment, respecting the rules set by limited natural resources and climate change? We cannot continue to consume energy, land and water outside the EU and hide the impact of our consumption patterns from the equation.

We can neither hide the appalling amount of food waste, nor the wasteful long-distance transport of food throughout Europe. Rural and farm policy must boost local or territorial circular economy and energy saving. That is part of the plan to make Europe less dependent. Europe will be a promoter of peace if it reduces its climate and biodiversity footprint and plays fair on global markets.

The reflexive reaction of the European Commission and EU member states to the war was particularly disappointing. Within days some political leaders – as if waiting for the opportunity – were ready to pass over ambitions to act on climate change and biodiversity loss, questioning their own Green Deal and Farm to Fork strategy, even calling for the ploughing of set-aside land to attain “food sovereignty”. Fortunately, there has been a fight back from civil society organisations and some EU institutions.

Civil Society and farmers’ organisations at the Good Food Good Farming demo in Brussels, 2012

Policy change at a snail’s pace

Since the European Conference in Cork in 1996, there has been a long sequence of policy statements and political declarations on rural policy from EU Institutions and civil society organisations (European Rural Parliament, ELARD, ARC 2020, and Rural Voices Report). They all fundamentally point in the same direction: More dedicated integration of European, national and territorial policies is urgently needed. But very little has changed.

It is a rather common excuse for business as usual that policy change can only happen if sufficient data and evidence is gathered for a reform. This was and is the case in climate change policy debates and it is true for rural policies. In fact, there are already enough fine data and objectives available at OECD, in the UN Sustainable Development Goals, in the Green Deal, Farm to Fork and Biodiversity Strategies. The major shortcoming is that over 25 years the implementation of the goals expressed in Cork 1 and 2 has advanced at a snail’s pace.

Farmers, breeders, bakers and brewers at the European conference organised by Anders Borgen at Kalø Organic Agricultural College, Denmark, June 2019

Our view from the clouds

The inspiring stories we have gathered from 25 countries across Europe show how many rural actors and organisations are already creatively using every tool at their disposal to overcome the challenges they face and seize the opportunities open to rural areas in a green, digital and social transition. They also suggest that civil society is responding faster than policy to the transformations taking place in society and provide insights into some of the repercussions of this delay on the ground.

It is not possible to design one policy to fit all conditions, especially if rural policy is treated as merely an annex to a longstanding agricultural policy. Integrated rural programmes have to be based upon a sound analysis of rural (and urban) territorial dynamics, the participatory identification of the needs of people in different types of territory, and policies targeted to respond to them.

There are several examples of Member States and regions that have developed promising interventions based on such an analysis (i.e. Castilla la Mancha in Spain). However, this first step of identifying the needs of different types of rural areas, based on both analytical research and consultation with stakeholders, seems to be conspicuously absent from many current rural development programmes, including those underway in National CAP Strategic Plans. As this book goes to print, there still seems to be much business as usual underway for the coming programming period. Policies and public support must be targeted towards the people, areas and rural infrastructures that need them most.

Multisectoral and coordinated policy

The longstanding declared ambition to establish a “fully fledged multisectoral rural development policy” means the capacity to respond to the needs and opportunities across all seven thematic clouds of this book (and other possible fields) in a coordinated and integrated way.

In practice, local stakeholders like LEADER Local Action Groups, trying to create youth employment, are often bound in a very complicated policy and administrative setting: housing, schools, cultural and transport services for young people are all under pressure – with no back up from larger scale national or EU investments or policy.

There is also more than sufficient evidence (see the European Commission’s recent Communication on a Long Term Vision) that “genuine integrated rural development” requires a series of preconditions which go beyond the box-ticking exercises applied in current sectoral policies – including some types of rural proofing.

Discussing development of cereal populations in situ at Kalø conference

Enabling and empowering rural people

The litmus test for all rural development policy must be that it not only responds to the needs and aspirations of rural communities but also that it enables and empowers them to act in ways that contribute to societal well-being.

In fact, the action stories presented here provide many examples of how rural communities achieve remarkable results despite the complexity and difficulty of accessing many policies that are supposedly there to support them. This situation needs to be turned on its head by making a series of structural changes which place rural areas and rural communities onto a much more favourable playing field.

Several countries and regions are already experimenting with policies of this kind (France, Ireland and Castilla la Mancha, to name but a few). Their actions include: preferential tax rates for the people living in certain types of rural area, favourable investment criteria and co-financing rates for these areas and for projects meeting certain criteria (i.e. accessible small scale infrastructure for local producers), simplification, reduced thresholds and additional technical assistance and capacity building, umbrella schemes, simplified cost options, flexible rules and incentives to encourage rural-rural and rural-urban cooperation, ensuring that national legislation enables community initiatives, on energy/digital/mobility, short supply chains and sustainable agriculture etc.

The forthcoming CAP Strategic Plans and Cohesion Policy Programmes should include these elements if they are to contribute towards the Long Term Vision for Rural Areas. Stakeholders should be involved in the assessment of whether they do so in practice.

A Long Term Rural Vision 2040 – too little too late – but maybe the start of something bigger?

Based on many of the opinions and declarations mentioned above, a vast amount of research and a substantial exercise of stakeholder consultation, the European Commission in June 2021 published a Communication on a Vision for rural areas in 2040.

A Communication does not in itself constitute an integrated Rural Agenda which has been demanded by so many organisations and stakeholders (including the European Parliament, the European Committee of the Regions (COR), the European Rural Parliament, the international association Rurality – Environment – Development (RED), the European LEADER Association for Rural Development, and many more). In addition, the Communication was launched late, when most of the regulations for the 2021-27 programming period for EU funds had already been approved and while EU Member States were already in the process of preparing their plans and programmes.

However, the Communication does announce an Action Plan, a series of Flagship initiatives and the launch of certain structures which – if they are sufficiently well resourced and manage to attract the involvement of stakeholders – could contribute to building a more ambitious and innovative Rural Agenda in at least four ways:

First, by improving the fit and implementation of this round of programmes. Member States should use the very significant potential of the Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF), InvestEU, and other EU programmes as well as the European Investment Bank. This needs to be carefully monitored.

Secondly, by further identifying the gaps and what needs to be done in specific areas to overcome them. Prime candidates for attention by stakeholders are the actions programmed under Specific Objective of the CAP Strategic Plans for securing “vibrant rural areas” (SO8) and the new Cohesion Policy Objective of “Europe Closer to Citizens” (PO5) as well as all the territorial instruments such as LEADER, Smart Villages, Integrated Territorial Interventions, INTERREG and Sustainable Urban Development Strategies. If the systems and procedures are put in place to ensure that all these instruments pull in the same direction and really empower rural actors – this will be a considerable step forward.

Thirdly, by using this information as the basis of a stocktaking exercise planned for mid-2023 and the preparation of a set of “reflections on enhanced policy support action and financing for rural areas as well as the way forward to be publicised in the beginning of 2024”.

Finally, to value the role that rural areas can play in a green, digital and social transition, these more ambitious policies need to be recognised and integrated into the broader discussions that will take place in the debate on the Future of Europe.

A Rural Action Plan

The Communication on the Long Term Vision for Rural Areas has launched a “Rural Action Plan” which includes 30 flagship initiatives. In isolation, these initiatives are a drop in the ocean compared to the scale of the structural changes required now.  However, if the flagship initiatives are sufficiently well resourced, attract enough stakeholder involvement and, in particular, are linked together, they could become significant building blocks for the beginning of a genuine shift in the way rural areas are treated in EU policy.

A Rural Pact

The Communication states that “a Rural Pact will be developed with all levels of governance and stakeholders supporting the shared goals of the vision… The Pact will provide a common framework for the engagement and cooperation of a wide range of actors at the EU, national, regional and local level”.

A major conference is planned in June of 2022 to fill this Rural Pact with content. Will it simply become another manifesto of good intentions signed by a series of key institutions and organisations concerned with rural development? Or could it act as a dynamic force for building alliances between traditional rural stakeholders and other key players in the fields that affect rural development such as health, education, mobility, digitalisation and many more?

 

Rural revitalisation, proofing and observatory

The Communication promises:

  1. one stop shop information platform to facilitate rural cooperation. Will this simply become another static website or can it evolve into a powerful tool for supporting the stakeholders involved in the Rural Pact?

  2. rural proofing mechanism. When will such mechanisms be put in place, and will it already be possible to “proof” the emerging CAP Strategic Plans and Cohesion Programmes and to make recommendations to the Member States to encourage them to support the vision?

  3. Rural Observatory to further improve data collection and analysis. When will this happen, and how soon can it start to produce tools and information to support the Pact, the Revitalisation Platform and the Proofing Mechanism?

Marion Eckart from ELARD (L) and Paul Soto of ENRD (R), at the occasion of the “Rural Europe which way to go?” at the European Parliament, 2020

Resetting the “Future of Europe” Process

Since the failure of the process for a European Constitution, ambitions of European Institutions and governments of the Member States for more European Integration have crumbled. The so-called intergovernmental process has continued to practice business as usual and provoked even further disintegration and renationalisation of common policies, as the latest reform of the CAP shows.

The new process on the “Future of Europe” is an opportunity and a risk at the same time which could mobilise the collective intelligence or deeply disappoint civic engagement for a more democratic and integrative Europe.

To help it become an overwhelming success, we offer a draft regulation for an Integrated Rural Development Policy as our contribution to the Future of Europe, using our view through the seven clouds as burning glass to discover the potential for rural vitalisation and renaissance, thus revealing a broader European territorial strategy covering urban-rural linkages as well as the role of, coastal, mountain, island territories.

Many of these ideas were already gathered and published in the 2010 ARC Communication which was offered to the European Commission for negotiations of the 2014 CAP reform. Most of the proposals and data are still valid today and should not further remain in the drawers of the Commission.

UK

Cost of filling up a family car with petrol passes £100 for first time

The figure has been called a ‘thoroughly depressing threshold’ (Picture: Getty Images)

The average cost of filling a typical family car with petrol has exceeded £100 for the first time.

A litre of petrol at UK forecourts reached a record 182.3p on Wednesday, according to figures from data firm Experian Catalist.

That was an increase of 1.6p from the previous day, taking the average cost of filling a 55-litre family car to £100.27.

£100 To USD $125 / $158.36 Canadian Dollar

Meanwhile the average price of a litre of diesel was recorded at 188.1p on Wednesday.

The situation is likely to get worse, as the cost of living crisis continues to grip the country.

Forecourts at motorway service stations are already selling petrol and diesel for more than £2 per litre.

THAT'S $3 CDN A LITRE 

RAC fuel spokesman Simon Williams said the average price of petrol crossing the ‘thoroughly depressing threshold of £100 a tank’ meant it was ‘a truly dark day’ for drivers.

He added: ‘There’s almost certainly going to be upward inflationary pressure, which is bad news for everybody.

A photograph taken on April 30, 2022 shows a petrol station of the multinational oil and gas company Shell, in Eltham, south east of London. - Britain has been hit hard by rocketing prices of gaz and fuel after the invasion of Ukraine by key gas producer Russia. Britain has vowed to become carbon net zero by 2050, but recently announced plans to drill for more North Sea fossil fuels as it seeks to secure energy independence and axe Russian imports. (Photo by Ben Stansall / AFP) (Photo by BEN STANSALL/AFP via Getty Images)
Some petrol stations are already selling petrol and diesel at £2 per litre (Picture: AFP/Getty Images)
Pussy Riot activist released from Croatian prison for fear of death penalty

Aysoltan Niyazova

A member and activist of Pussy Riot has been released from prison in Croatia. She was sentenced to death after the group gathered for her release.

Aysoltan Niyazova, 49, from Turkmenistan, was arrested on May 29, 2022 at the Croatian border.

Since 2011, Ms. Niyazova has been "cut down" for spending $ 20 million from Turkmenistan's central bank, despite having no connection to Turkmenistan.

Ms. Niyazova believes she was targeted after her father was murdered in the 2000s because of opposition to Turkmen President Saparmurat Niyazov.

She became a member of Pussy Riot in prison after she met group member Char Aznable, who was imprisoned for her "punk prayer" performance in 2012.

Aysoltan Niyazova was arrested on the Croatian border on May 29, 2022 and released five days later




After the prison, she came to live in Moscow.

She fled the Russian capital on March 5 after Vladimir Putin invaded Ukraine and went to Switzerland, where her son lives.

After she stayed there for a month and a half, she took a European tour of Pussy Riot. Ms. Alyohina fled Russia after the war began in February, disguised as a food delivery service to cross the border. Pussy Riot went to Berlin in May to perform, and from there to Croatia, where Nyazowa was arrested.

Her detention by authorities was reported on Instagram by Olga Borisowa, a fellow Pussy Riot. He said Ms. Nyazowa was not provided with a lawyer or interpreter for the May 30 trial in Croatia.

"I didn't have enough time to understand what was happening with this arrest," she said. "The only thing I felt was fraud in the whole situation."

Activists were denied the right to receive a single call and were immediately sent to prison by the judge for 40 days. They said.

Prison officials also refused her a parcel and warm clothes for her care.















Pussy Riot played the band Maria (Masha) Aryohina in Berlin last month
(AFP via Getty Images)



"I was not afraid to be banished because I was convinced that Croatia was a country of human rights and democracy.

" But the judge said I was angry that I didn't listen to me. I was in court for only 20 minutes, but no one was with me.

"20 minutes later, I have been imprisoned. "

Since being released from Croatian prison, Ms. Nyazowa has spoken about Croatian women's rights and LGBTQ pride.

She is now moving to Lithuania, where she wants to get a humanitarian visa and stay in the EU.

Croatia Arrests Pussy Riot Activist Sought by Turkmenistan


By AFP
June 2, 2022
Aysoltan Niyazova.Olga Borisova / facebook


Croatian police have arrested a Russian activist linked to protest punk group Pussy Riot, acting on an international warrant issued by Turkmenistan, a member of the group said Wednesday.

Aysoltan Niyazova was arrested on the Croatian border early Monday when she entered the country from Slovenia with the group, Maria Alyokhina told reporters.

Pussy Riot arrived here for a concert in Zagreb as part of its European tour to help Ukraine.

Local media reports say the Turkmen authorities have accused Niyazova of embezzling money from the country's central bank.

But Pussy Riot and Niyazova's lawyer, Lina Budak, say the warrant against her was politically motivated. Local rights activists and Amnesty International have also condemned her detention.

Niyazova was briefly detained in Slovenia on the same arrest warrant issued by Turkmenistan in 2002.

"I want to raise this case just so everyone knows that an innocent person is in prison now and she should be freed," Alyokhina said.

She was addressing reporters in front of the Zagreb prison where Niyazova is being held.

Niyazova's lawyer Budak would not say on what charge she had been arrested.

But she did say her client had already served a six-year jail term in Russia for the offense cited on the Interpol warrant.

"She cannot be tried again, extradited or serve a new sentence," the lawyer said, adding that they were appealing her detention.

Amnesty International joined calls by local rights activists for Niyazova's release.

Zagreb knows that her "activism would put her at great risk of suffering serious abuse, including torture and other ill-treatment, should she be extradited to Turkmenistan," Julia Hall, Amnesty deputy director for Europe, said in a statement.

"Turkmenistan is not a safe country for her or any human rights defender," she added.


Rights group to Croatia: release Pussy Riot member now

Amnesty International is urging Croatia not to extradite to Turkmenistan a member of a Russian music band known for its strident opposition to the policies of Russian President Vladimir Putin

ByThe Associated Press
June 01, 2022, 

ZAGREB, Croatia -- Amnesty International on Wednesday urged Croatia to halt extradition proceedings to Turkmenistan and immediately release a detained member of a Russian music band known for its strident opposition to Russian President Vladimir Putin's policies.

Lawyers for the rights group and the member of the Pussy Riot band said Croatia detained Aysoltan Niyazov on the strength of a 2002 Interpol warrant issued by Turkmenistan for alleged embezzlement. Neighboring Slovenia had previously arrested Niyazov but released her immediately.

Pussy Riot is on a tour in Europe protesting the war in Ukraine and Putin's policies. The band became internationally known after its members were jailed in Russia for their activism.

“Croatian authorities know that Aysoltan Niyazov’s activism would put her at great risk of suffering serious abuse, including torture and other ill-treatment, should she be extradited to Turkmenistan," Amnesty International’s Julia Hall, Deputy Director for Europe, said. “Turkmenistan is not a safe country for her or any human rights defender.”

Niyazov’s lawyer Lina Budak told local Croatian media that authorities have launched a review process for possible extradition to Turkmenistan.

Croatian police have said they were obliged to respond to an outstanding international warrant against Niyazov.

Amnesty International said Interpol warrants have been “notoriously abused by a number of authoritarian regimes and countries with appalling human rights records to try to silence activists and those who speak out about human rights violations."

“Croatia should not be complicit in such practices,” said the group's statement. "Authorities in Zagreb must refuse Turkmenistan’s request for Aysoltan Niyazov’s extradition and immediately release her from detention.”

EU in Kosovo joins Pride Parade

 09.06.2022  
Pristina
 

The EU Ambassador in Kosovo, Tomas Szunyog, and the EU in Kosovo team, joined today in Pristina domestic institutions, human rights activists, and diplomatic corps, in a Pride Parade organised by several civil society organisations.

Pride Parade

This year’s slogan of the Pride Week in Kosovo is: We are in the state, we are in the family, and it calls for the respect, acceptance, and inclusion of LGBTIQ persons in both public and private life.

“This is the sixth Pride organised in Kosovo. That sends a very positive message to the members of the LGBTIQ community in Kosovo and beyond. I am proud to be joining the parade alongside LGBTIQ community members, human rights activists, Kosovo institutions, and diplomatic corps,” said Szunyog.

 

Parade with EU HoMs

"While the annual and uninterrupted holding of Pride Paredes in Kosovo clearly marks the commitment to the protection of human rights and diversity, we must not forget that members of the LGBTIQ community still face discrimination, both in Kosovo and the EU, and that all of us need to work together towards ensuring that LGBTI persons are treated equally.”

Ambassador Szunyog commended human rights activists and the Kosovo Office of Good Governance for all the good work done so far in promoting the rights of the LGBTIQ community and noted that the burden of this work cannot be carried by a select few, but needs to be done also by the opinion and decision-makers on all levels of government.

“I would like to emphasize that the discrimination based on sexual orientation is prohibited by the EU legislation and Kosovo laws, and this provides a sufficient space for us to help root it out,” said Szunyog.

Pride Parade Pristina

The Pride Parade is part of the Pride Week activities. Contributing to the week’s programme, the Ambassador Szunyog will host today a reception for key NGOs and international actors contributing to the promotion and protection of rights of the LGBTIQ community in Kosovo.