Wednesday, April 12, 2023

In Colombia, a Story of Coffee, Family, and Climate Change


Photograph by Giacomo Bruno
#The Frontline#Identity & Community#Environmental Justice

04.10.2023
WORDS BY LUKE OTTENHOF

On The Frontline, a Colombian coffee farmer shares his fears of losing his family’s business to climate change and a market that doesn’t reward sustainability.

Coffee farmer Julián Arroyave does the same thing every morning when he wakes up at 5 a.m.: he takes a shot of aguardiente. It’s a sweet sugar cane liquor, Colombia’s favorite spirit. It’s fortifying and warming in the cool morning darkness. Outside, parakeets and roosters chirp and coo.

After the sip, Arroyave grinds coffee beans and sets a pot of water to boil. He mixes the grinds in, and within a few minutes, coffee is ready. Arroyave said this is how most Colombians prepare their coffee. It’ll simmer on the stove for most of the day. He and his farmhands will come back to dunk small ceramic cups when they need a pick-me-up. Arroyave will have 19 more cups throughout the long day.

Arroyave’s coffee farm, Finca La Palma, is spread along the steep slopes of a long, narrow spur of land just north of the town of Filandia in Colombia’s green, mountainous Cordillera Central. This is the heart of Colombia’s famed Eje Cafetero: the Coffee Axis. It sits between a split in the Andes Mountains over 6,000 feet above sea level, the ideal conditions for growing arabica coffee. For now, at least.

Finca La Palma has been in Arroyave’s family for four generations, starting with his great-grandfather. But Arroyave is at risk of losing his way of life as predatory global market dynamics and climate change complicate farming arabica coffee at a small scale. The future of coffee may shift away from family farmers like Arroyave and toward the industrialized mono-cropping of the giant coffee farms in neighboring Brazil.

Across 7 acres of Andean hillside, Arroyave raises around 30,000 coffee trees from seed to fruit. On the sunny January morning I visit him, he walks me through the dense, claustrophobic tangle of stiff, strong branches and green leaves. The trees sit on an incline of about 70 degrees, and the dark, rich soil doesn’t do any favors with keeping your footing. But Arroyave, in jeans and a blue polo, steps confidently and swiftly through the foliage, swatting limbs aside—one fingernail is painted with the Colombian flag—and looking back to ensure I make it through. Spread among the thicket of coffee trees are banana, mandarin, lime, and avocado trees. These provide fresh produce for Arroyave’s family and workers, but they do much more than that. The scents from the fruits waft through the farm, making their way into the coffee tree flowers. The process gives the beans slightly different flavor notes.

When we reach a clearing on the edge of the hill, Arroyave gestures to a stump to stand on. The view is spellbinding: rolling, magic-green ripples of earth trailing down beneath a bright blue, cloud-spotted sky.


“Coffee growers, not just me, we do this with a lot of care, with a lot of love.”
JULIÁN ARROYAVE
COFFEE FARMER



He cherishes the land and his relationship with it; you can see it in how he steps around the trees like old friends and how his hands grasp a piece of fruit from a branch. Cultivating and enjoying coffee is part of his life, and the tradition is now an integral part of the region’s culture and identity. The Eje Cafetero is one of the country’s top tourist destinations, and the region has won national awards for its coffee.

Looking out over the land, Arroyave’s sharp blue eyes and perpetual grin wane for a moment. He thinks these might be the last years of Finca La Palma. His children aren’t interested in continuing the family’s coffee farming tradition, so when Arroyave is too old to work, he might have to sell the farm. Arroyave doesn’t blame them; he smiles when he talks about his eldest son’s desire to go to university and find a job in the city.

When he was just 16, he left Finca La Palma to work as a police officer in Bogotá for 25 years. “When I was young, I also left town and the farm to go dominate the world,” he said. “All young people want to do that. We just hope they come back.” But it’s increasingly likely that if Arroyave’s children chose to continue Finca La Palma, they would be returning to a different farm than the one they grew up on as the planet grows hotter.

Coffee has grown to become a cornerstone of Colombia in the nearly 300 years since the French stole the crop from Africa and spread it across the Caribbean for cultivation and export. In 2021, the country exported $3.2 billion worth of coffee beans, making it the third-largest exporter in the world. Coffee was Colombia’s third-largest export after crude oil and coal, and the coffee production industry accounts for some 700,000 jobs in the country, on which half a million families depend. Some 95% of the country’s coffee farmers are smallholders like Arroyave.

But coffee producers are trapped between two worsening crises: climate change and poor pay. While the price of a cup of coffee rose overall between 1980 and 2018 alongside record profits for the roasting industry in 2021, the average price of unroasted beans from producers like Arroyave has stagnated and even dropped. And the climate crisis promises to devastate the industry in the coming decades. A United Nations study estimated that, by 2050, regions like the Eje Cafetero that are suited for coffee growing could decline by 50% with increased rainfall and higher temperatures making coffee farming more difficult. Some experts predict a global coffee crisis.

Andrés Montenegro, sustainability director of the Specialty Coffee Association, puts these numbers in different terms. “That’s not only a lot of coffee,” he said. “That’s a lot of people whose livelihoods rely on coffee. That’s a 50% impact on their income. If they’re already poor, they will be poorer.”

Montenegro, who is from Colombia’s southern Nariño Department, calls this “the coffee paradox.” “The coffee paradox is thriving coffee industries, reporting billions in profits every year, and poor farmers struggling to make a decent living every year,” he said.

Coffee farmers in the Filandia region have two harvests in the year. The first comes in April and May, and the second, larger harvest arrives between September and December. In these periods, Arroyave and his workers—local laborers from nearby Filandia—navigate through the dense web of tree branches, hand-picking tens of thousands of bright, deep-red coffee cherries. They drop them into sturdy woven baskets that are strapped around their waist, which hold up to 50 pounds of beans.

But not all the beans will be usable. Arroyave plucks a coffee cherry from a nearby tree, pulls a pocket knife from his pocket, and digs it into the tip of the cherry, prying it open and wiping away the gelatinous pulp surrounding the bean. He pulls the bean apart into two halves and points to the tiny black dots on them. These are the tiny coffee borer beetle, la broca in Spanish. Along with coffee rust, an aggressive fungus that infects and destroys the tree’s leaves and can decimate up to 80% of a coffee crop, la broca is Arroyave’s arch enemy.

Arroyave fights both threats, but he refuses to use pesticides, which compromise the coffee beans’ flavor and health. This type of coffee is “basura,” he grimaced. Garbage. Whenever Arroyave sees plants and spiders on his trees, he smiles. These are his natural pesticides: they eat and help temper broca populations. Unfortunately, studies of Ethiopian and Colombian coffee territories indicate that rising temperatures and rainfalls increase the likelihood of broca infestations and other diseases like coffee rust.

Farmers in the Eje Cafetero are bracing for climate chaos. Coffee needs a fine balance of rain and sun, which the area offers. But weather patterns have been changing quickly. “Last year, we didn’t have the summer we normally expect,” Arroyave said. “It was really short with only a few days of sun and a lot more rain. When the coffee flower captures too much water, it falls off and doesn’t produce cherries. That leads to a significant loss of production.” Luckily, Arroyave hasn’t yet had a landslide, or derrumbe in Spanish, on his farm. But last year’s heavy rainfalls brought flooding and derrumbes across central Colombia that killed 204 people and displaced more than 400,000.

Farmers like Arroyave in the Cordillera Central will be dealing with more and more weather extremes in the coming decades, particularly droughts and floods, which are intensified by La Niña and El Niño, climate patterns that originate in the Pacific Ocean and affect temperature extremes around the world.

“Some years, we have tons of water, which turn into floods, and then we have droughts sometimes even in the same year,” said Ana María Loboguerrero, the director for climate action at the Alliance of Bioversity International and International Center for Tropical Agriculture at the agricultural organization CGIAR. “There have been instances where farmers lose [all the crops] that they have. That’s like losing all their income for that year.” This unpredictability makes it difficult for farmers to decide when to harvest, which varieties to grow, or when to water—decisions that will maximize their yields.

Arabica beans like the ones Arroyave grows (he favors the Castilla varietal at the moment) are particularly susceptible to a changing climate. Robusta beans, which are popular and industrialized in Vietnam and Brazil, are expected to fare better in the climate crisis’ higher heat, but the majority of Colombian coffee farmers grow arabica.

Arroyave’s worries extend beyond his industry.
“Climate change hasn’t just affected coffee farmers,” he said, “but all people who depend on the land.”


In a brick room built on the back of the bungalow at Finca La Palma where the workers take their breaks, an old, hulking machine separates the harvested beans from their pods and pours them into a deep concrete tub filled with water. The good beans sink; the bad ones that the broca has burrowed into float and are skimmed off the top. After the wash, the water is emptied through a pipe that drains into the coffee trees. The empty bean pods are added to an enormous compost pile in various stages of decomposition. That compost is used to help cultivate the new trees. Arroyave grins and makes a circle motion with his hand. “It’s all cyclical,” he said.

He dries his beans on the rooftop of the bungalow, which he keeps covered like a greenhouse by a section of translucent plastic roofing. It’s only about 70 degrees Fahrenheit out, but the drying area feels like a sauna up here. Arroyave uses a wooden rake to move the beans around every two hours for 20 days. After drying, Arroyave roasts them at his roastery in Filandia, where they’re bagged and branded for sale. Arroyave sells Finca La Palma beans domestically. The permits for export are too expensive. A new initiative to institute a living income for coffee farmers shows promise, but Arroyave said his farm is too small to benefit from it.

This exclusion leaves smallholder farmers like Arroyave—who make up a lion’s share of Colombia’s coffee production industry—in the lurch. Both Montenegro and Loboguerrero’s research confirms that the situation at Finca La Palma is becoming eerily familiar.

“Kids don’t want to be on the coffee farm not because they don’t want to work in coffee, but because they don’t want to be poor,” Montenegro said. “They don’t want to endure the same struggles they see their parents face today.”

“Kids don’t want to be on the coffee farm not because they don’t want to work in coffee, but because they don’t want to be poor.”
ANDRÉS MONTENEGRO
SPECIALTY COFFEE ASSOCIATION

Between the harvests, Arroyave, his father-in-law, and a few hired hands face an endless list of maintenance tasks. They germinate and cultivate new coffee plants in a wooden planter box for eight months before transferring them to the ground. The Castilla varietals take between nine months to a year to begin producing berries, and if Arroyave is lucky, they’ll reliably bear fruit for 15 years before they begin to slow down, weaken, and rot. Then, Arroyave must hack them out and load them atop the compost pile. Nothing is wasted at Finca La Palma.

When the work in the coffee trees is finished for the day, Arroyave turns his attention to the other tasks on the farm. He feeds and tends to the pigs, chickens, and other fowl before he drives back into Filandia where he lives. He meets with his wife and two children in the town’s central square, sipping coffee and chatting with friends. As he drives into town, his left hand is constantly flying out the window to wave and holler a greeting at vendors and community members on streetside patios. Then, the Arroyaves head home for dinner.

Arroyave has a new job, too. Nowadays, Finca La Palma isn’t just a working coffee farm. Like a lot of fincas in the region struggling with insufficient profits, it’s also a tourist destination. Arroyave books tours through WhatsApp and picks up travelers in town to drive them the bumpy 20 minutes north of Filandia to La Palma. Arroyave is a natural guide: he’s warm and energetic, palpably passionate about the land and his work. The day my partner and I visit Finca La Palma, we’re the only guests.

Near the tour’s end, he sits me down at a table on the bungalow’s patio and prepares coffee three different ways. He sets a hot plate with a tin bowl on it, then pours in some unroasted beans. He cranks the heat up and stirs the beans every few seconds. A thick, sharp fragrance fills the patio. When the beans are ready, he transfers them into a grinder, then uses the grounds to prepare fresh coffee with a pour-over, a French press, and an Italian moka pot. He even prepares a tart, fiery shot: a hit of coffee with aguardiente and juice from a lime-orange hybrid that grows in his yard

As I sip my coffee, Arroyave reminds me how much time and work went into each sip. By his count, it’s around two years of labor. He would know. He’s raised this coffee from seed to cup. It’s a pride that only farmers can understand.

“Coffee growers, not just me, we do this with a lot of care, with a lot of love,” Arroyave said. “This is our culture, our tradition. It’s what we know how to do.”

FACT CHECKING JASMINE HARDY
Correction, April 10, 2023 1:51 pm ET
The previous title of Ana María Loboguerrero as head of global policy research for agricultural organization CGIAR in the text was outdated and has been corrected to reflect her current title.


Sharply Fewer in U.S. See Energy Situation as "Very Serious"

BY JEFFREY M. JONES
GALLUP
POLITICS
APRIL 10, 2023


STORY HIGHLIGHTS

34%, down from 44% a year ago, say U.S. energy situation is very serious

Declines seen among all key subgroups

Americans prioritize environmental protection over energy production


WASHINGTON, D.C. -- Americans show significantly less concern about the U.S. energy situation now than they did a year ago, with 34%, down from 44%, describing the situation as “very serious.” The 2022 spike came amid sharply rising gas prices and was the highest percentage seeing the situation as very serious since 2011. The record-high 58% viewing the energy situation as very serious was recorded in 2001, amid rolling blackouts in California.

In addition to the 34% of U.S. adults who say the energy situation is very serious, 51% describe it as “fairly serious,” and 14% say it is “not at all serious.” The latter readings have increased by five and four percentage points, respectively, since last year.

The March 1-23 poll also found a six-point drop in the percentage of Americans who worry “a great deal” about the availability and affordability of energy, from 47% to 41%. However, energy concern remains higher than it has been in any other year since 2012 (48%), which tied 2006 for the highest in the trend that dates to 2001.

Lessened concern about the energy situation is likely related to lower average gas prices now versus a year ago. In March 2022, gas prices were about 80 cents higher per gallon than in March 2023, and they were on their way to a record of more than $5 per gallon in June 2022.

Gallup first asked Americans for their assessments of the U.S. energy situation in the late 1970s during the energy crisis. At that time, about four in 10 said the situation was very serious, before the proportion climbed to 47% in August 1979 amid gasoline shortages that summer.

When Gallup next asked the question, in 1990 -- also during a period of rising gas prices -- far fewer, 28%, described the situation as very serious, but that figure eventually rose to 40% during the Persian Gulf War.

A decade later, Americans’ concern was subdued, until the California energy crisis prompted a surge in concern. By 2002, after the crisis passed, a record-low 22% said the situation was very serious.
All Groups Inclined to See Situation as Less Serious, but Gaps Remain

The decline in perceptions of the energy situation as very serious is seen across all key subgroups. Republicans showed one of the larger drops -- 15 percentage points, from 64% to 49%. However, they remain more likely than other demographic or political subgroups to describe the situation as very serious. For example, 34% of independents and 21% of Democrats believe the energy situation is very serious.

The 20-point decline among Eastern residents rating the energy situation as very serious is also one of the bigger declines among subgroups. Now, there are substantial regional differences, particularly between Eastern residents, who show less concern, and Southern residents, who show more.

There are also notable divides by age, with 19% of those under age 30 viewing the situation as very serious, compared with 42% of those aged 50 and older. A year ago, Americans between 30 and 49 were about as likely as older Americans to believe the energy situation was very serious, but that has changed, given the larger 17-point drop among the middle-aged group.

The age and regional differences may largely reflect the political leanings of these subgroups.
Americans Prioritize Environment Over Energy Production

Since 2001, Gallup has asked Americans to assess the tradeoff between protecting the environment and producing greater energy supplies. In most years, they have put a higher priority on environmental protection than energy production, including 53% to 43% currently.

Historically, the margin in favor of the environment has tended to be larger when energy prices are relatively low, and smaller when they are higher. During the period of high gas prices between 2009 and 2013, for example, Americans were mostly divided or they slightly prioritized energy development over the environment. This pattern was temporarily disrupted in May 2010 after the Gulf of Mexico oil spill created an environmental disaster in that region. Later, after gas prices fell starting in 2014, Americans again began prioritizing the environment, with the gap in its favor reaching a record 25 points in 2016, 2017 and 2018.

Last year, amid surging gas prices, the gap narrowed to four points, before expanding this year.

Americans also favor “green” solutions over those involving increased production of traditional energy supplies when asked how to better address the nation’s energy problems.By 56% to 40%, Americans say the nation should emphasize more energy conservation by consumers rather than increased production of oil, gas and coal.

By an even larger margin, 59% to 35%, the public believes the nation should emphasize the development of alternative energy sources such as wind and solar power over producing energy from oil, gas and coal.

On both of these questions, Americans have consistently favored conservation or alternative energy production over traditional energy-source production, though the sizes of the gaps have varied, depending on the current energy situation.
Republicans, Democrats on Different Sides of Energy-Environment Debate

Republican and Democratic opinions on environmental protection versus energy tradeoffs are mirror images of each other. By 79% to 18%, Democrats say the nation should prioritize environmental protection over energy production, while Republicans would prioritize energy production by 80% to 17%.

The movement on this item among all Americans this year is attributable to independents, who prioritize the environment by 57% to 37% but were divided last year. Both Republicans' and Democrats' preferences were unchanged in 2022 compared with 2023.

Large majorities of Republicans also believe the U.S. should emphasize production of oil, gas and coal over both conservation and alternative energy, while Democrats and independents favor the more environmentally conscious approaches.

Bottom Line


Americans’ concern about the energy issue and how it relates to environmental protection is responsive to changes in the U.S. energy situation. Typically, Americans are less concerned about energy when gas prices are low and supply is abundant, but their concerns rise when energy prices spike, as was the case last year, or when supplies are limited. Thus, the rise in energy concern last year, and the decline this year, is consistent with historical opinions about energy.

The data are clear that Republicans and Democrats have very different views about the approaches the U.S. should take on energy. Independents’ opinions, however, are closer to those of Democrats, making the nation as a whole more sympathetic to proposals that emphasize environmental protection over energy production.

View complete question responses and trends (PDF download).
Director At Florida Liberal Arts College Likens Ron DeSantis’ Takeover To ‘Fascism’

In a resignation letter, Aaron Hillegass wrote a scathing rebuke of the governor’s efforts to transform New College into a conservative beacon.


By Nina Golgowski
HUFFPOST
Apr 11, 2023


Gov. Ron DeSantis’ efforts to transform the New College of Florida into a conservative beacon are being compared to fascism by the school’s director of the applied data science program, who issued a scathing rebuke recently while announcing his resignation.

Aaron Hillegass, in a letter shared on social media Saturday, tore into the Republican governor’s recent appointment of six conservatives to the public school’s Board of Trustees and the ousting of the school’s president in favor of a conservative career politician.

He further ripped a DeSantis official’s expressed desire to turn the small liberal arts school into a conservative “Hillsdale College of the South.” One newly appointed trustee said this could inspire other conservative state legislators to “reconquer public institutions all over the United States.”

Hillsdale College is a small private Christian school in Michigan that has prided itself in not adhering to Title IX ― a civil rights law prohibiting sex-based discrimination in schools ― since it doesn’t accept public funding.


“Hillsdale College is bad for America,” Hillegass said in his letter addressed to the school’s newly appointed interim president Richard Corcoran, a former Republican speaker of the Florida State House who was reportedly awarded a lucrative $699,000 a year salary for the new role ― more than double of what the school’s previous president was making.

Hillegass, who said he was hired just before DeSantis’ takeover, said in his letter submitted Friday that Republican efforts to overhaul the Sarasota college, his alma mater, “cultivates prejudice against immigrants, the LGBTQ+ community, minorities, and non-Christians.”

“When a governor guts the leadership of a state school in an effort to make a facsimile of Hillsdale, this is fascism,” he wrote.

“Not the shocking Kristallnacht-style fascism,” he said, referencing acts of Nazi violence against Jews, “but the banal fascism that always precedes it.”


Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis in January announced plans to reform public universities by banning "critical race theory" and investing millions of dollars in Sarasota's New College.

Hillegass went on to say that while he loves New College, he hopes the school “fails miserably and conspicuously” and that “If I were more patriotic, I would burn the college’s buildings to the ground” — a comment that he told HuffPost by phone on Tuesday was merely hyperbole.

“I would never burn a building down. Nor should anyone else,” he later tweeted.

“My peers at the university have been very supportive. They’re happy that someone stood up and said it,” Hillegass told HuffPost of the general reaction on campus.

“Academic freedom, whether you’re on the left side or the right side, all academics agree that academic freedom is important.”

Hillegass, who said that he would be leaving the college when his contract ends in August ― a decision that he said followed him being asked if he would renew ― emphasized the importance of academic freedom.

“Academic freedom, whether you’re on the left side or the right side, all academics agree that academic freedom is important,” he said, though standing up for this has not been easy.

“People have left threatening voice messages for me, people have sent me really awful emails,” he said of some of the public response. “It’s a whole range of a lot of really angry posts, a lot of really supportive posts.”

Internally, he said he has “not been given any trouble” at the school over his letter and even had “a very good talk about it” with one of the new trustees, Eddie Speir.


DeSantis in January announced the appointment of six conservatives to the New College of Florida's board of trustees.

He said he believes many others employed by the college have been quietly sending out their resumes amid ongoing legal efforts by DeSantis to ideologically transform public education.

“I think that this is true all over Florida with House Bill 999,” he said, referencing a controversial bill that, among other things, would prohibit certain course material in public schools that support diversity, equity, inclusion, or the teaching of Critical Race Theory. It also would make changes to tenure.

“I think that a lot of academics in Florida who have options are sending out their resumes,” he said. “As top-notch professors leave the state, Florida will find itself having a hard time producing a modern workforce.”

Representatives with New College did not immediately respond to HuffPost’s request for comment Tuesday.

Mehdi Hasan Exposes Trump’s Biggest Prison Hypocrisy In 60 Furious Seconds


The MSNBC host used the ex-president's own words against him.


Ed Mazza
Apr 10, 2023


Donald Trump has claimed that he is the victim of a “witch hunt” and “political persecution” as he faces charges of falsifying business records in New York.

But as MSNBC’s Mehdi Hasan pointed out on Sunday night, no one has tried to prosecute ― and threatened to prosecute ― political rivals quite like Trump himself.

Hasan set out to name everyone Trump has threatened to jail in just 60 seconds, from Hillary Clinton to Snoop Dogg.

He made it, too ... but only barely:

'We Shall Overcome': Joan Baez Embraces Tennessee Dem After Powerful Performance

The folk singer-songwriter sang the iconic protest song with Justin Jones in the wake of the GOP-led Tennessee House expelling him last week.



Ben Blanchet
Apr 10, 2023, 


Joan Baez joined hands with Tennessee Democrat Justin Jones during a touching rendition of “We Shall Overcome” in the wake of the GOP-led Tennessee House’s expulsion of him for his role in a gun violence protest.

Jones, one of two Black Democrats expelled from the state House on Thursday, has referred to the expulsion as an “attack on democracy” and it’s likely he could rejoin the body following a meeting by the Nashville metro council on Monday.

Baez was friends with Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and often sang the iconic protest song during the civil rights movement of the ’60s, notably at the March on Washington.

Baez, who was in Nashville for a discussion with Emmylou Harris this past weekend, weighed in on the expulsion and added that movements are fueled by “little victories and big defeats,” The Tennessean reported.

Jones, in a tweet, referred to meeting Baez as part of a “movement of the spirit.”

“She stands with us in our struggle in Tennessee and said she’s hopeful to see young voices leading,” Jones wrote. “‘WE SHALL OVERCOME...’ Serendipitous, indeed.”

wo later joined in a performance of the song at an airport before embracing each other with a hug.

You can watch a clip of their performance below.



After a controversial merger, Nevada Gold Mines union is back

In 2019, management abruptly stopped recognizing a union. This week, the company and the union negotiated a new contract.
March 31, 2023
This story was produced in collaboration between High Country News and The Nevada Independent.

Nearly three years after the National Labor Relations Board sued Nevada’s largest gold mining business for not recognizing a union that had been in place for decades, a collective bargaining committee reached an agreement with the company this week for a new three-year contract.

The contract provides more than a thousand workers at Nevada Gold Mines with an 8.5% increase in wages over the contract’s term, along with other protections, as the mega-company continues to hold a large amount of influence over a local economy dominated by its operations.


Local 3 Bargaining Committee members include President Steve Ingersoll, District Rep. Scott Fullerton, senior business agents Phil Herring and Dylan Gallagher, business agents Lyman Hatfield and Kevin Rains, and members Carl Peters (Underground Operations), Eli Myrick (Underground Operations), Jackulyn Kinkead (Underground Operations), Charles Gonzalez (Surface Process Maintenance), Ernie Lopez (Surface Mine Maintenance), Norm Wilson (Surface Mine Maintenance) and Olivia Sharlow (Surface Custodian).
Photo courtesy of Operating Engineers Local 3

“The greatest highlight to note is that in December of 2019, we could not receive recognition… and our members faced a large amount of uncertainty and insecurity,” Scott Fullerton, a district representative for Operating Engineers Local 3, said in a press release Tuesday. Negotiating a new three-year contract, Fullerton said, “says a lot about the dedication of the membership, the determination of Local 3 and the importance of both parties communicating effectively.”

The new collective bargaining agreement covers Nevada Gold Mines’ operations that used to be managed by Newmont, including Gold Quarry, Leeville, Pete Bajo, Emigrant, Chukar, Deep Post, Deep Star, Exodus, Mill 5, Mill 6, South Area Leach, Genesis/TriStar, Rita K and parts of North Area Leach. The agreement does not cover areas previously operated by Barrick.

In an email, Fullerton said any employee covered by the agreement could join the union. As of Jan. 30, the bargaining unit consisted of 1,394 employees with 542 union members.

Nevada Gold Mines did not respond to a request for comment.

In 2019, Nevada Gold Mines was formed as a joint venture between multinational mining giants Barrick and Newmont, companies with deep histories operating massive gold mines across the Interstate 80 corridor in northeastern Nevada, from Winnemucca to West Wendover. Merging the two operations into one company led by Barrick — Nevada Gold Mines — had an immediate impact on workers. Where there were two major competing employers in the area, now there is one.

In the months following the merger, Nevada Gold Mines management stopped recognizing the union, which had represented Newmont employees since 1965, taking actions that the nation’s top labor regulator told a federal court “left many employees feeling terrified and betrayed.”
“There’s no competition for labor anymore.”

In June 2020, the National Labor Relations Board asked a U.S. District Court judge to grant an injunction reinstating the union, alleging that the company had engaged in “unlawful conduct.”

Nevada Gold Mines had initially responded by calling the federal agency’s request “an extreme and draconian injunction” to force it into a labor agreement that had preceded the new company. But the case did not proceed as the company entered into settlement talks that culminated in a win for the union: Nevada Gold Mines agreed to recognize the union and restore benefits.


Gold country: A precious metal, a mining mega-corp and a captive workforce
Read more


During the past two years, The Nevada Independent and High Country News have investigated workplace changes at Nevada Gold Mines. Through a tip form, dozens of former and current workers have shared information about policy changes at the mines, discrimination complaints and the company’s outsized influence over the labor pool. In addition, workers have reported concerns that the company placed an emphasis on productivity at the expense of safety.

After the settlement agreement, Operating Engineers continued to file additional complaints with federal regulators, alleging unfair labor practices concerning pay and worker classifications. But union officials said communication with the company improved. By March 2022, the company had agreed to issue $1.1 million in back pay and damages and a one-year contract extension with a 2.5% pay increase. The negotiations over the new contract began in February.

After the contract was negotiated Tuesday, Fullerton said that the agreement marked “positive progress” in a relationship with Nevada Gold Mines that had started on adversarial footing.

The contract, Fullerton said, also includes pension increases and addresses “safety aspects,” though he noted that the safety record of union areas is better than the record in other areas.


Mining operations at the Nevada Gold Mines mine near Elko, Nevada.

Photo courtesy of Operating Engineers Local 3

Although there are several small mines in the region — and a few more are expected to come online — Nevada Gold Mines remains a regional giant, employing roughly 7,000 workers and thousands of contractors. The company’s size, workers said, gives it significant control over the local labor pool, supplies and contractors. Carl Peters, an underground miner with Nevada Gold Mines, said in a press release that he participated in the union’s volunteer negotiating committee because he felt that the union “is the only thing that holds this company in check.”

“There’s no competition for labor anymore,” he added.

Jackulyn Kinkead, an underground truck operator and a member of the negotiating committee, said in a statement that the union “came out ahead on everything.” Kinkead said that she valued having the union protection: “If something happens, I am able to make a phone call.”

Daniel Rothberg is an environment, water and energy reporter for The Nevada Independent. He is based in Reno.

CRT

Q&A: Parks Service chief historian on creating inclusion in the nation’s story

Meet Turkiya Lowe, the first Black person and the first woman to oversee history taught by the agency.

Jessica Kutz 

INTERVIEW April 6, 2023

 

This article was originally published by The 19th 

In recent years, the National Park System has exploded in popularity, with the towering granite monoliths of Yosemite National Park and the beauty of the Grand Canyon becoming bucket-list experiences for millions of Americans. In 2022, over 311 million people visited a national park. 

But, like many American institutions, the parks system exists only because of the violent genocide of Indigenous peoples and their dispossession from their homelands. And for a long time, the stories told at these parks have glossed over these histories and perspectives on the founding of America. 

Over the last few years that narrative has started to change. And the stories of not only Indigenous people, but also of African Americans, women and others with marginalized identities are being incorporated into how the park service tells American history.

Through the sites that receive historic designation, or the guidance given to interpretative staff who lead informational talks in the parks or at historic places, the National Park Service (NPS) plays a significant role in telling many aspects of American life.

From 1931 until 2017, the job of chief historian of the NPS, the person responsible for overseeing the history taught at parks, has been filled by White men. But in 2017, Turkiya Lowe became the first woman and first African-American person to hold the position. 

Lowe, who has been a historian with the NPS for decades, views the job of the agency’s historians as akin to being the nation’s storytellers. With her background as a social historian and a Ph.D. that focused on African-American history and women’s history, she has aimed to resurface some of those histories and emphasizes the communities and everyday people whose stories have been forgotten. 

The 19th spoke with Lowe about her priorities as the principal historian of the park service, the stories she’s focused on telling, and how the service is addressing an often incomplete history of America. 

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

Jessica Kutz: Can you tell me a little bit about your path to becoming a historian? 

Turkiya Lowe: I actually grew up believing that I was going to be the next Supreme Court justice, and then Clarence Thomas was appointed as a justice. I'm from Savannah, Georgia, and Pin Point, Georgia, [where Clarence Thomas is from] is less than two miles away from where I grew up, and I thought, “They’re not going to appoint another person from the same area,” so I switched to wanting to become a regular lawyer. 

It wasn’t until I went to undergrad at Howard University, when in the last semester of my junior year I decided to take a public history class. It was being taught by a professor at Howard who was a public historian, and two guest lecturers were from the National Park Service. I was fascinated. 

Even though Savannah has one of the largest historic districts in the country, one of the oldest, I really didn’t know that was actually something that you can do, be a historian and care for the places where history happens. 

I then applied for an internship to a new program with the National Park Service, the cultural resources diversity internship program. I was one of three new interns to this program and the rest just happened from there.

Turkiya L. Lowe, the chief historian of the National Park Service, stands at the
Grand Canyon, one of her favorite historical sites under the agency’s purview.
NPS

JK: Could you tell me more about the role the National Park Service plays in preserving history? What does it mean to be the principal historian of the National Park Service?

TL: In the National Park Service, we like to identify ourselves as the nation’s storytellers. I call us the keepers of our shared heritage, of the places and repositories and the programs that allow local and state communities to preserve their own history. We have 424 NPS units cared for by the service through our national park system.

We also have more than 72 community assistance programs that provide technical assistance for local communities to preserve their own historical, cultural and natural heritage. So we do that work and we assist our country and the globe, because we do have international programs [that allow other countries] to maintain their own history in their own culture. 

The focus of the principal historian is one where I provide guidance and best practices in the practice of history for the National Park Service. Our office is one that provides technical support for individual park units to maintain their administrative histories, to inform their management and operation decision-making, as well as to provide scholarly, relevant and up-to-date information to our interpretive staff to tell American stories from multiple perspectives — the events, the impacts and legacies which informs our present and informs our future.

JK: Typically what is preserved in our nation’s history, whether it’s historical sites or in our national archives, has represented one dominant perspective. How is the National Park Service addressing the absence or misrepresentation of marginalized peoples in our history? 

TL: We are always asking ourselves new questions of existing sources, right? Those of the majority, or those who have been privileged to have their voice be part of the historical record. And in those traditional sources there are a lot that talk about communities that have been marginalized, whose perspectives on events or impacts of events in history hasn't been placed at the center. 

So if you look at plantation records, for example of a plantation owner, and they are listing the plantation’s property, and it has tools, and it has mules and it has human beings listed by their first name. We can ask that source, not necessarily what the wealth was of that planter, but what may have been the experience of that human being that was listed only by their first name, or only by their presumed age and gender, and ask ourselves, “What must that person’s life have been like, as only a first name, or gender and age?” and use those previously read sources to then talk about, think about and describe the lives of that person that was enslaved. 

And then we do know that there are records that were generated by marginalized communities: women, Spanish-speaking immigrants, those who are working-class and poor rather than an elite status. Those records do exist, but we have to tease them out in different spaces, different archives. Oral histories are one of the tools that we use in order to do that. 

We are committed to telling the multiple perspectives and impacts and legacies of historical events ...

Now for the National Park Service, we have an initiative that is called Telling All Americans’ Stories. As an agency we are committed to telling the multiple perspectives and impacts and again legacies of historical events on all of our publics and all of our citizens to be inclusive of those stories. Sometimes they are contradictory. Sometimes the perspectives are in conflict with each other and we have to acknowledge that, but then move forward in the stories that we tell, in order to talk about where we are now and allow communities to express their experiences.

JK: In your Ph.D. program you focused on African-American history and how that intersects with women. How has that informed your work at the park service? 

TL: My specific professional research interest is Black women, but also Black women in social clubs and movements in the West. So even though I'm from Georgia, I was like, I’m going to go in a totally different direction and look at the history of Black people in the American West, and specifically in the Pacific Northwest. 

In terms of being a principal historian, I’m always drawing on questions about what was happening in the West. A lot of our history is East Coast-centric. So that allows us to expand the questions geographically. So I always find myself asking, OK, did the patterns of our history operate this way in the American West? That allows us to draw in more perspectives of Chicano women, and Indigenous women, who have had significant impacts on what would become the United States of America, as the United States moved from the coast.

And I always challenge our historians and the work that we do to be mindful of this movement of the borders of our nation to incorporate all of these peoples and interests. 

In terms of being a principal historian, I’m always drawing on questions about what was happening in the West.

JK: I’m curious how the histories of LGBTQ+ communities are being preserved in the National Park Service. Have there been any new initiatives to resurface that history in the park service? 

TL: We completed a national historic landmarks theme study for LGBTQ+ history in 2017. That theme study gave the historic context for communities to nominate properties not only for National Historic Landmark status, but also for the National Register [of Historic Places]. We have properties that were designated prior to the existence of the theme study, but this was a specific effort by the National Park Service to support local communities with LGBTQ history to nominate their sites. 

Of course, we received into the park system Stonewall National Monument, which we care for, and specifically tells the story of LGBTQ civil rights history. That is one of the foundational places where we undertake our interpretation and public education of this broader history. I can’t give you the numbers on how many LGBTQ sites that are extant in the National Register of Historic Places, but I know several have been added as part of the NHL study effort. 

In our Telling All Americans’ Stories, if you look at that website, we also talk about specific people, places and events which are important in LGBTQ+ history. 

JK: Previous people in your position were military historians, and you are a social historian. How has that background, along with your own focus on African-American history and women, shaped how you view your role? 

TL: I’d have to say that my best practice in terms of how the National Park Service thinks about and does the work of history is to focus on broad events, and their impacts rather than on individual, or elite persons. We highlight the lives of everyday men, women, children, or how they have been impacted by these broader patterns of history within the United States. 

For example, we are undertaking right now a new handbook, which is a kind of a brief, concise examination of a topic in United States history. The audience is for our interpreters and public educators in the parks to assist them with designing new programs or adding new content to their interpretation. But it’s also one that the general public can look to, to get a general overview of historic topics. 

We’re pursuing one for the history of disability in the United States, and that really is about the everyday lived experience of people [with disabilities]. And not only in the political decisions, the Helen Kellers but those activists, those advocates who are living with invisible disabilities and how they have been presented in United States history and impacted U.S. policy, the Constitution, but also labor and those broader patterns of how people live their lives. 

I have to say my tenure as principal historian is one where we look at those who are well known, but also those who have created community.

JK: So my last question for you is, do you have any favorite historical sites?

TL: That’s very easy. I never choose one. I have three. This is very personal to me. 

One is the Grand Canyon because as a woman of faith, it feels like God doodled in the sand in the mountain to create the Grand Canyon. The other is Harpers Ferry, because it has multiple layers of history. It has African-American history with John Brown’s raid, and African-American history with a historically black college and university. It has military history, and it has a history of civil rights. It’s the second meeting place of the group, the Niagara Falls Movement, the group that founded the NAACP. So it has this broad history of fighting physically and politically and through community education for civil rights. 

And then the third is the Maggie Lena Walker National Historic Site, in Richmond, Virginia. She was the first woman and African-American woman to found a bank; she was just an extraordinary woman with a somewhat tragic life, losing her husband in a tragic way, becoming disabled later in life. But she was one of the wealthiest Black women of the late 19th and early 20th century [who had been] formerly enslaved as a child.

So every time I’ve visited these three sites, it has renewed my spirit. 

Jessica Kutz is a gender, climate and sustainability reporter at The 19th. Formerly, she was an assistant editor for High Country NewsWe welcome reader letters. Email High Country News at editor@hcn.org or submit a letter to the editor. See our letters to the editor policy.

Why a portrait artist from Ireland started making comics about U.S. police brutality

April 10, 2023
NPR
Jonathan Franklin


Irish artist Pan Cooke combines his love of graphic storytelling with a passion for education and advocacy to create comic strips highlighting prominent cases of police violence. Here, one of his latest strips tells the story of the beating death of Tyre Nichols, who died on Jan. 7 in Memphis, Tenn.Pan Cooke

After Minneapolis police killed George Floyd in the summer of 2020, the entire United States watched as protests against police brutality rocked cities from coast to coast. And while the U.S. was grappling with questions of race and justice, the rest of the world looked on, too.

That included the Irish illustrator Pan Cooke. As a white man who lived thousands of miles away from the ongoing protests, the racial reckoning gave him the chance to educate himself about why police brutality had been dominating headlines.

"It was a topic that I was very ignorant to and wanted to learn more about it," Cooke said.

While researching cases of police violence, he came across the story of Eric Garner, a Black man who was killed by Staten Island police in 2014. Learning about what happened to Garner, Cooke began to create and share cartoons illustrating Garner's story, as well as other cases connected to police brutality and racism, on his Instagram page.



"I did it only with the intention of just for self-education," he said. "And then, I shared it with a few friends in my WhatsApp group who said they themselves actually learned something from it."

With the recent murders of Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor, and George Floyd on his mind, Cooke began to create comics about their lives, and how they'd been cut short by violence.

"It was just something I was doing for myself because I'm more of a visual learner," he said. "I felt that I learned a lot myself just by doing this."
Cooke has had a longtime passion for art

Throughout his 20s, Cooke worked as a portrait painter, illustrating portraits of celebrities that were commissioned by customers. But portrait painting was something he eventually lost passion for, he said.

It wasn't until the COVID-19 pandemic hit in March 2020 that he felt the opportunity to shift in a different direction.

"I got a break and decided to do something else. I started focusing on drawing cartoons," Cooke said.

Each of the single-panel illustrations drawn by Cooke tells the story of a specific police violence-related incident that occurred. Throughout each panel, Cooke recaps what happened during the encounter, while avoiding graphic depictions of the event.

So far, Cooke has drawn comics telling the stories of Atatiana Jefferson, John Crawford III, Amir Locke and Daunte Wright, among others.

Cooke has even drawn a comic to tell the story of Eugene Goodman, the U.S. Capitol Police officer who diverted rioters from the U.S. Senate chamber during the January 6 attack.


Once he devoted his time to the drawings, Cooke quickly realized how much of an impact he was making, as his following on Instagram grew from under a thousand to over 300,000 in a matter of weeks. The response, he says, has been overwhelmingly positive.
"It kind of became apparent that people were learning from it ... it's almost like we were learning together. It grew quite quickly," Cooke said.

And while the comics began to take off across social media, Cooke says he's still continuing to learn about police violence — emphasizing that he's in no way trying to be a subject matter expert on this.

"I try not to speak too much on the actual subject of racism, as I am a white guy in Ireland...all I can do is use my talents and skills to help raise awareness," he added.
Staying informed with less exposure to graphic images


Irish artist Pan Cooke combines his love of graphic storytelling with a passion for education and advocacy to create comic strips highlighting prominent cases of police violence. Here, one of his latest strips tells the story of the beating death of Tyre Nichols, who died on Jan. 7 in Memphis, Tenn.Pan Cooke

Since creating the comics, Cooke says the reception of his artwork has been more positive than negative.

"One of the main [pieces of] feedback that I get is that, through the comics, you can kind of get more a visual idea of the story without having to view the violence directly," he said.



With videos containing violence and death being incredibly stressful to watch and process, Cooke's artwork serves as a bridge between staying informed on the cases without having to directly watch the footage.

"I'm just using art to tell a story that's already available, just in a different way," he said.

The art is something he hopes to continue doing in the future, as he's balancing drawing comics and writing a memoir called Puzzled, which details his experiences growing up with obsessive compulsive disorder and anxiety.

Cooke says he hopes his work will continue to bring attention to police violence.

"I just want to be a stepping stone towards people doing positive action," he said.
Can Cooperatives Save Mezcal?

A booming mezcal market, driven by imports to the US, is fueling unsustainable farming and production practices in Mexico. Collective ownership is helping growers protect agave’s genetic diversity, local biodiversity, and mezcal’s ancestral roots.



BY ANNELISE JOLLEY
CIVIL EATS
APRIL 10, 2023

Erika Meneses, director of Aguerrido, stands by a wild agave plant with one of the cooperative’s mezcaleros. (Photo courtesy of Aguerrido)


Erika Meneses never set out to form her own mezcal cooperative. But a series of setbacks—the pandemic, a job loss, and, most devastating, the death of her husband in 2019—pushed her to innovate. Meneses’s husband was a mezcalero, a mezcal producer. Together they worked at the cooperatively owned brand Sanzekan in Guerrero, a state on Mexico’s Pacific coast. After losing her husband and then her source of income in 2020, Meneses decided to take what she had learned at Sanzekan and apply it to her own community of Chilapa in the mountains of Guerrero.

She asked local master mezcaleros, or maestros, if they were interested in producing and selling their mezcal collaboratively. Meneses believed that if they banded together, they could reach larger markets while remaining faithful to ancestral practices. Four maestros joined her.

They named the brand Aguerrido, meaning fierce or valiant. “The cooperative is a warrior that does not give up, that fights, that defends its culture, but above all, defends traditional mezcals,” Meneses says. By “traditional mezcals,” she means agave-distilled spirits that reflect local terroir and are made in small batches according to ancestral methods, rather than mass produced.

“The boom has done a lot of damage. Traditions are being lost in communities.”


The need to distinguish and defend traditional mezcal is a result of the spirit’s explosive global popularity. Over the last decade, Mexico’s mezcal production increased by approximately 700 percent, with the majority designated for international markets. In 2019, the United States surpassed Mexico to become the world’s largest mezcal market. And as with demand for other Mexican crops—such as avocados and corn—the American obsession with mezcal unleashed a host of downstream effects that impact small producers most acutely.

Many brands are no longer producer-owned, Meneses explains, but rather run by businesses with the capital to invest in flashy marketing. Some foreign-owned brands offer to buy mezcal in bulk from small mezcaleros being squeezed from the market, leading to industrialized production methods.

As a result, many mezcaleros turn to unsustainable practices to produce greater volumes in the short term at the expense of their futures. “The boom has done a lot of damage,” says Meneses. “Traditions are being lost in communities.”

Traditional mezcal production is synonymous with sustainability. Producers have historically practiced rotational agave growing, selective harvesting, and small-batch distillation. But when they try to keep up with unsustainable demand, ecological damage follows. As growers across Mexico and as far north as the Western U.S. are realizing, agave opens the door to a lucrative market.

In some cases, communities are deforesting hillsides to make room for monocultures of fast-growing agave. Meanwhile, rare agave species—which can take up to 35 years to mature—are disappearing from the wild. Overharvesting and monocropping both threaten the agave’s genetic diversity and local biodiversity.


Agave plant photo courtesy of Aguerrido.


In the face of these challenges, mezcal cooperatives are designed to protect small producers. At their best, collectively owned and cooperatively operated brands model a future in which mezcaleros can maintain ancestral and ecologically beneficial practices, while still gaining access to an exploding market.

Preserving Ancestral Traditions

Despite her entrepreneurial savvy, Meneses says that Aguerrido’s members “are not businesspeople—we are farming families looking for a market.” The collective’s core members are lifelong mezcaleros, old enough to remember a time when mezcal faced social stigma.

“They were always fighting to continue making mezcal, even though they hid it, even though it was not well paid,” Meneses says. “They feel proud to say, ‘I make a very good mezcal passed down from my grandfather.’” The four maestros—Don Refugio, Don Ciro, Don Tomás and Don Antonio—carry on their families’ traditions in their own techniques, which in turn inform Aguerrido’s ethos.

Each co-op member complies with mutually established growing, harvesting, and production regulations. Because of agave’s long lifespan, some mezcal producers succumb to the temptation of harvesting immature, unripe agave. These plants have lower sugar content, which requires more of them to produce the same volume.

Rather than “looting the hills,” Meneses says, Aguerrido’s members select only mature plants for production. They plant more agave than they harvest, and all replanting is carried out with close attention to the ecosystem as a whole. “That is another agreement, that you must reforest—but without damaging the ecosystem, removing woody trees, or damaging the soil.”


The members of Aguerrido raise their fists as a nod to the cooperative’s logo, symbolizing their desire to raise their voices and fight to preserve their traditions. (Photo courtesy of Aguerrido)

The mezcal production season runs from February to June. Then they turn their attention to cultivating other crops such as corn and squash. Meneses says this choice is part of Aguerrido’s effort to maintain soil health and biodiversity, despite the larger growing trend among producers and growers to monocrop agave. The group’s vision is “to protect our mezcal precisely from people who only seek a particular benefit for themselves.”

And instead of focusing on short-term profit, she says they’re working to produce mezcal as they always have—in small batches with ancestral techniques.

Member-led Sustainable Practices

Bordering Guerrero is the state of Oaxaca, the beating heart of Mexico’s mezcal industry. Oaxaca accounts for 85 percent of mezcal production and is also where mezcal’s ecological impact is most visible. “Communities are becoming like dust bowls because of monoculture of agave,” says Niki Nakazawa, co-founder of Neta Spirits.

But this isn’t the case everywhere. In Logoche, a 110-person village in Oaxaca’s Sierra Sur region, traditional practices still rule the day. Neta Spirits represents the 12-family cooperative Grupo Productor Logoche. Neta purchases from the producers and commercializes the mezcal under the Neta brand. The 12 member families oversee everything else, from planting to distilling to bottling to labeling. An elected committee, appointed by the cooperative, organizes the bottling and labeling process.

Unlike some neighboring communities, producers in the village of Logoche prioritize the long-term health of the land. Members plant their fields with multiple varieties of agave in alternating rows to preserve genetic diversity and insulate the crops from disease and pests. They use the milpa system of rotational planting, which includes crops like corn, beans, and squash to enrich the soil and prevent erosion. Using goat and donkey manure, they prepare natural fertilizers to replenish the fields.

The cooperative also follows the indigenous custom of harvesting agave during the full moon, when they believe the plant’s heart or piña is most concentrated with sugar. Pooling their labor, resources, and profits allows the cooperative to preserve ancestral—and often more labor-intensive—methods.


Community members in the village of Logoche work collectively to roast the agave hearts that will then be crushed and fermented before distillation. 
(Photo courtesy of Aguerrido)

Though much larger, Banhez Mezcal follows similar cultivation practices. A cooperative of 44 families in Ejutla, Oaxaca, Banhez adheres to a member-established code of conduct that focuses on the sustainable management of their agave fields. Its collaborative structure also incentivizes responsible production, including better waste management.

Mezcal’s distillation process produces an acidic liquid waste called viñaza, which can pollute local water sources. Not long ago, one Banhez member built his palenque—distillation site—in a location that impacted local groundwater. When the community realized that viñaza was threatening its water quality, the member took out a loan from Banhez and rebuilt the palenque elsewhere.

“When you look at the brands that are able to maintain environmental ethics, it’s really down to ownership,” says Alex Jandernoa, director of education at Banhez. “In order to move [a palenque], you have to keep producing mezcal. If you’re not part of a cooperative, you can’t move. You don’t have the money; you don’t have the safety net.”

Rooted in Indigenous Values

In some cases, it’s less the cooperative business model and more a community’s cooperatively held values that insulate producers from market pressure. Nakazawa says Grupo Productor Logoche’s collective ethos is rooted primarily in traditional customs. Logoche, like hundreds of Oaxaca’s municipalities, is governed by two systems: the federal government and customary indigenous laws called usos y costumbres. Grupo Productor Logoche’s cooperation, Nakazawa says, “is rooted in older ways of participation.”

In communities governed by customary indigenous law, “people participate directly in the well-being of other members of the community and in the stewardship of the land.” Every village member participates in communal work, called tequio, in lieu of paying taxes at the local level. Because mezcal is Logoche’s main industry, everyone pitches in at some step during production, and pricing is set by community consensus. “The idea of cooperativism and collectivism is really embedded in those forms of political participation,” says Nakazawa.

The Cooperative Potential

From a commercial perspective, Meneses believes that cooperatively owned brands have an advantage in their product diversity. In the case of Aguerrido, each bottle is a unique representation of the local ecosystem, the agave, and the producer’s skill. “[Consumers] can find diversity in expressions from each producer,” she says.

Maestros del Mezcal, a nongovernmental organization representing hundreds of small producers across Mexico, provides financial and technical support to preserve traditional production practices and protect the land from exploitation. Maestros recently launched a collective brand under the label MDM Asociación Civil, exporting its first shipment to the U.S. last year.


Members of Grupo Productor Logoche gather in their cooperatively owned and managed bottling plant. (Photo courtesy of Aguerrido)

“I do think collective brands can help preserve tradition—by pooling fiscal and regulatory resources and providing easier access to the markets, which is much more costly and time consuming for just one person to do,” says co-organizer Rion Toal. He thinks it’s a model that could be applied successfully to other Mexican products for export. In the case of coffee, for example, “if small producers were able to form co-ops and roast their own beans and legally export them, they could make a lot more money per kilo.”

As pressure from foreign demand mounts, Mexico’s mezcal producers face a choice: turn to industrialized methods and damaging cultivation practices for quick economic gain or differentiate by preserving and promoting ancestral methods. The cooperative model makes the latter option easier. Collective ownership helps producers preserve mezcal’s roots, without losing a foothold in the market.

Meneses says that Aguerrido’s cooperative model looks beyond turning a short-term profit and focuses on the community’s future in mezcal production. “The idea is to be aware, to use good practices—not just right now but also for the future, for the new generations.”



Annelise Jolley is a San Diego-based writer and editor who covers food, farming, travel, and the terrain in between. 


SEE