Monday, June 26, 2023

IRONY

Here lie 12,000 Nazi troops killed in Arctic battle. Now a memorial site devoted to Russian warriors killed in Ukraine is built alongside

The 250 trees planted to commemorate soldiers killed in the war against Ukraine stand immediately adjacent to the German 2WW cemetery in Pechenga. Photo: Pechenga on VK


Russian authorities build a so-called 'memorial garden' in Pechenga next to the cemetery that houses many of Hitler's troops killed in the 2WW attack on Murmansk.
June 26, 2023


“We all acknowledge the importance of Victory Day and the Great Patriotic War [2WW], but it is no less important to talk about the heroes of today that have gone to protect the Motherland, its sovereignty and independence, the future of our kids and grandkids and sacrifice their own lives,” says Andrei Kuznetsov, the local Mayor of Pechenga.

The leader of the far northern municipality was one of several regional dignitaries that on the 25th of June assembled outside the town of Pechenga to plant trees for the new “garden.”

The site chosen for the project is the cemetery that houses about 12,000 of the German and Austrian men killed in Hitler’s attempt to conquer Murmansk in the period 1941-1944. Back at that time, Pechenga was called Parkkina and belonged to Finland. It was a key place for the German onslaught and housed a hospital and a seaport.

According to the organisers of the ‘memorial garden,’ a total of 250 pine trees were planted alongside the cemetery. All of them were marked with the name of a soldier killed in Ukraine.

It is likely that the 250 names belong to men that either come from the Murmansk region or served in regional brigades. Only few kilometres from the graveyard and the new ‘memorial garden’ are the bases of the 61st Naval Infantry Brigade and the 200th Motorised Rifle Brigade. Both of the brigades have suffered major losses in the war, and a Norwegian intelligence report estimates that their military capacity is today reduced to only about one fifth of their former power.

Among the names shown on photos from the ceremony is Andrei Olegovich Krasnov, a soldier from Olenegorsk, who was killed in early 2023.

 

One of the trees is devoted to Andrei Krasnov from Olenegorsk. Photo: Zhensovet Pechenga on VK

 

Several hundred local men are believed to have vanished in the war. Some of them are identified by the Barents Observer and included in news reports.

Among the latest local names added to the quickly growing death lists are Aleksandr Martynov and Mikael Aliev, both of them originally workers in the Severny nickel mine in Zapolyarny.

Sergei “Hans” Kalyaganov from the Pechenga area was killed in Ukraine in early 2023. Photo: local VK pages

Among them is also Sergei Kalyaganov, a local war veteran with combat experience from Chechnya. Kalyaganov operated under the nickname “Hans” and was part of a local military-patriotic group.

In Russia’s perverted narrative about the war, it is all about the “denazification” of Ukraine.

Paradoxically, in the new ‘memorial garden’ the name plates of Russian men killed in Ukraine stand immediately alongside the graves of Nazi warriors killed in the 2WW.

“The memorial garden will immortalize the memory of participants in the special military operation, and everyone that passes by will remember them,” says Pechenga Mayor Kuznetsov. The local politician is known for his strong pro-war stance and drives a car marked with a large “Z,” the Nazi-inspired symbol of Russia’s war against its neighbouring country.

The area that today is known as Pechenga was site for brutal battles during Hitler’s war against the USSR. For most of the war, the frontline was about 40 km further east, along the Zapadnaya Litsa river

The Germans buried many their fallen men on the sandy stretches where the Pechenga river runs into the Pechenga Bay. The graves were dug by Soviet prisoners of war.

After the war, Soviet tanks bulldozed the graves. Then, in the 1990s, the cemetery was restored with German and Austrian funding and the site is today known as ‘Land of Unity.’ Also 600 Soviet troops are buried on site.

The graveyard is located on military land and access to the area is restricted.

Azerbaijani police lock down village after environmental protests

 22 June 2023
Women confronting riot police in Soyudlu. Screengrab from video shared on social media

Entry and exit to the village of Soyudlu has been blocked since Wednesday, after riot police clashed with local people protesting environmental damage caused by a goldmine. Ten protesters were detained, while 15 were reportedly injured in confrontations with riot police. 

Two journalists are also reported to have been detained and had their phones confiscated while covering the protests on Thursday. 

On 20 June, over a hundred residents of the village of Soyudlu in the Gadabay District gathered to protest pollution of the area by a mining company, assembling near an artificial lake reportedly used to dump acid waste from the mine. 

They were also protesting plans to construct a second, similar artificial lake in the village. Protesters claimed that waste from the mines has caused significant damage to human health and the nature of the region. 

Residents reported that around 15 people were injured and five detained on Tuesday after riot police were called in to disperse the protesters. Five more were reported to have been detained the following day, as protests continued.

Videos from Soyudlu showed police using tear gas, pepper spray, and physical violence against those protesting. In a widely-shared video, an elderly woman walking away from riot police is pepper-sprayed in the face, with later footage showing her lying on the ground as other protesters attempt to assist her.

Many Azerbaijanis expressed outrage over the footage online, and demanded that police be punished for using violence against peaceful protesters.

On Wednesday, the Interior Ministry and the head of the region both acknowledged that protesters had been injured, but suggested that protesters had acted violently and police had shown restraint in their handling of the situation.  

The following day, Minister of Ecology and Natural Resources Mukhtar Babayev visited Gadabay District and stated that the issue would be investigated. 

‘Monitoring has already started. We will try to quickly clarify all questions and prepare and present the necessary proposals to the Cabinet of Ministers’, said Babayev. 

The gold mines are officially operated by a British company, Anglo Asian Mining Plc, managed by Iranian businessperson Reza Vaziri. However, a 2016 investigation by the Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) found that the mines were in fact owned by the two daughters of Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev. 

Poisoned waters

The protesters were objecting to pollution of the area by waste from the mines, which they state has caused significant damage to the health of local people. 

Residents stated that a lake in the village, which has allegedly been used to drain acid and dump waste from the goldmines for around 11 years, was damaging the nature around it and emitting toxic fumes, making it hard to breathe and causing lung damage. 

Protesters chanted and carried signs saying ‘natural waters are being poisoned’, ‘The River Kur is being poisoned’, and ‘people die of lung disease at the age of 50’. 

They also voiced their objections to plans to construct a second artificial lake in the area. 

‘The inside of [the first] lake is acid. It’s burned nature in a radius of 100 metres. In order to increase gold production, they are now building a second lake in the village’, one protester told journalists. 

She added that this lake would be close to a river. 

‘Can you imagine what that means? Nature will be destroyed as far as Shamkir, Tovuz, and Ganja.’ 

The protests continued for a second day on 21 June, with police obstructing efforts to resume protests on Thursday. On Wednesday night, police blocked roads to the village, which remain closed for entry and exit to all except for residents. 

Residents told local media that ten protesters had been arrested in total on Tuesday and Wednesday, and that their relatives were not being allowed to meet them. 

One woman told journalists that all of those detained at the protests were ‘imprisoned for 20 days’. She added that she was not allowed to visit her son, who had been detained. 

On Wednesday afternoon, the head of Gadabay District, Orkhan Mursalov, met with the protesters but claimed that their concerns were unfounded and based on ‘disinformation’ spread on social media. 

‘This grandmother is 78 years old’, said Mursalov, referring to one of the woman seen being pepper sprayed by police. ‘If the lake were poisonous, she wouldn’t be louder than me at this age.’ 

‘What do we know about the toxicity of cyanide? Who says it? This is disinformation spread on social networks.’

He added that there were currently over 50 pregnant women in the village, and the local administration had not received any ‘appeals’ from them regarding issues related to pollution. 

He also stated that while he knew that some protesters had been injured the previous day, they had thrown stones at the police, which no one had the right to do. 

On Wednesday, Azerbaijan’s Interior Ministry spokesperson stated that an investigation was being conducted into the use of pepper spray against one of the protest participants. 

‘The police officer was overcome with emotion and committed a serious offence against the woman, and we accept it’, said Elhad Hajiyev. 

However, he added that women taking part in the protests had made many ‘inappropriate statements and illegal actions’.

‘It is clear that the police officers showed high restraint and discipline towards those women’, said Hajiyev. ‘How many times have police officers been subjected to illegal acts unbecoming of an Azerbaijani woman? No special measures were applied against those women, nor was the issue of punishment raised.’

Opinion | The Ingush are leaving Russia

 26 June 2023
Image: OC Media.

A Russian collapse following their defeat in Ukraine is inevitable, and when it comes, the Ingush are ready to forge their own future.

The words of the Marquis Astolphe de Custine — ‘Russia is a prison of peoples’ — is understandable to the Ingush from the first to the last letter due to our rich prison experience inside a country that has changed names and sizes many times, but has never changed its inhuman essence.

Over 250 years, the Ingush have survived one complete and three partial deportations, during which tens of thousands, a significant proportion of our population, perished in massacres and man-made famines.

The generals in tsarist Russia complained: ‘what right do these savages have to live on such a beautiful land?!’ Russian troops carried out countless punitive expeditions, razing villages and killing people in the thousands. 

The communists even declared the Ingush to be enemies of the people, evicting everyone to the last to Siberia and Central Asia.

[Read on OC Media: Opinion | Russia’s death train rolls through Chechnya and Ingushetia]

The 21st century did not bring changes — and the Ingush met the Russians once again in the Chechen wars.

Still today, kidnappings by the security services, extrajudicial executions, and ongoing ‘special operations’ with victims both among civilians and members of the armed resistance continues.

Russia sent Ingush employees to law enforcement agencies to expand the ‘Russian World’ in Georgia, Crimea, and Donbas.

But the last straw for the Ingush was the Russian army mobilisation for the war in Ukraine, when it became apparent that Russia would not emerge victorious from this war, and that this would lead to another collapse of the empire.

The Ingush Independence Committee

The Ingush have already experienced two collapses of Russia in which unpreparedness led to chaos. This time, in December 2022, a group of Ingush emigrants living in Turkey, the EU, and the Middle East decided to prepare for the creation of their state, army, and authorities. On 13 December 2022, the Ingush Independence Committee was born in Istanbul. 

It included several dozen people who decided to firmly unite Ingush people of all political views around the idea of developing a free independent state of Ingushetia after the collapse of Russia.

The names of the committee members, except for Ahmad Ozdo, who read out the declaration of independence of Ingushetia in the European Parliament, and press secretary, Ruslan Evloev, are kept strictly secret over safety concerns. 

These concerns are not for the safety of the members themselves, but of their relatives in Ingushetia who would be abducted without fail. They would face torture, and, at best, be released after public curses and insults, at worst, their names would join the long list of the missing.

None of the committee came for fame or personal gain, because joining now there is only a risk to life.

Ingushetia has no future in Russia

All decisions in the committee are made collectively, not individually. A decision was also made to form the armed forces of Ingushetia — a general staff was created. It includes Ingush officers who took part in the war in Chechnya and Ingushetia. The process of creating military units is underway.

We have no illusions that the army of Ingushetia will be able to liberate the republic from occupation. The military is being created to protect the population of Ingushetia from external and internal enemies in the face of a gang of Wagnerites, Kadyrovites, and others who have already committed a vast number of war crimes in Ukraine. After the collapse of Russia, Ingushetia would likely be no exception.

Many mistakenly believe that the goal of the committee is to destroy Russia; there are no inadequate people who would believe that the smallest territorial republic has the strength to do this.

Russia cannot win the war in Ukraine, but neither Putin nor the Russian people can afford to lose, and they will fight to the last, that is, until their wholly corrupted country collapses. Russia will fall apart independently — anyone can deny this or pretend that nothing will happen anywhere, but not in the national republics.

Because the people of Russia who are alien to this war, who cannot study their native language in schools, who feel like second-class citizens in their country, now have to think about a future without Russia. They must now think about life without serving as cannon fodder for Russian imperialism, because their future is not in Russia, and not with Russia.

‘They demand to keep everything as it was’

But even many of the ‘good Russians’ among those who oppose Putin and his regime do not want to hear and understand this.

So I debated with the Russian opposition within the walls of the Hudson Institute in Washington at the Free Nations of PostRussia Forum, where I was authorised to represent the Ingush Independence Committee.

They demanded to keep everything as it was — Russia within the borders of 1991. I have not heard what they will do with Abkhazia, South Ossetia, or Transnistria, but I believe there they will insist on the will of the people. Still, they consider any expression of the will of the peoples of Russia exclusively as ‘separatism’.

Neither the Kremlin nor the Russian opposition is willing to listen and accept that we, and thousands of others in Russia, are tired of them. 

The most important thing that those ‘good Russians’ cannot understand is that for us, life under their domination in all spheres, with another state collapse every hundred years or so — this is not our choice. 

And it is unlikely that you will find a people on earth who would like to live in a state where in one century, God and private property are abolished, in the next we are a stronghold of Orthodoxy with a leader richer than a hundred Arab sheikhs.

It looks like madness, but the Russian opposition is again promising us a ‘beautiful Russia of the future’ with the same zeal and passion with which the Bolsheviks promised communism a hundred years ago, and 200 years ago, the tsarist generals told us that a civilised life awaits us in a slave-owning empire full of blessings and prosperity.

We have no connection with the Russians

The non-Russian peoples of Russia are unlikely to find common ground with the Russians, because the Russians need an empire, but we do not. 

The Ingush, the Chechens, the Daghestanis, or the Yakuts with the Bashkirs are not interested and do not need the occupation of Crimea or Donbas, control over Transnistria, and neighbouring peoples who speak their language and celebrate 9 May.

Socially and culturally, Azerbaijan is closer and more understandable to us. We are closer to Georgia, where people think about a future vacation, repairing a house, or buying a new car, not about whether Wagner will capture Bakhmut and then how to celebrate this war crime as a victory.

The history of the Ingush in tsarist, communist, or ‘democratic’ Russia is one big criminal case against Russia in its crimes against the Ingush people, whose only fault is their unwillingness to die out or to be part of a state of the Russian people, obedient to the Kremlin.

The Committee of Ingush Independence today speaks from the side of civilisation, a normal economy, and the rule of law, which will have to be established in Ingushetia to replace the imperialism, corruption, and other components of the Russian world.

US Embassy security hand activists and journalist to Azerbaijani police

 26 June 2023
By Ismi Aghayev
From left to right, activists Sanubar Heydarova, Narmin Shahmarzade, and Gulnara Mehdiyeva. Image via Abzas.


Three feminist activists and one journalist were detained by security at the US Embassy in Baku and handed over to police after holding and live-streaming a peaceful protest against police brutality in Gadabay.

The activists were attending an early Independence Day event at the US Embassy on 23 June.

During the reception, Gulnara Mehdiyeva, Sanubar Heydarova, and Narmin Shahmarzade removed their scarves to reveal black hands drawn on their necks.

They stood next to Azerbaijani MPs and other officials while describing recent events in Gadabay and criticising ‘representatives of the government and the opposition of Azerbaijan’ who were gathered at the event.

Ulvi Hasanli, the founder and director of the independent media outlet Abzas, filmed and live-streamed the protest.

‘All human rights are not protected in Azerbaijan, on the contrary, all human rights and rights are suppressed’, said Sanubar Heydarova. ‘In a civil manner, we wanted to draw attention to the human rights violations happening right here in Azerbaijan, especially the ongoing repression of the Gadabay people by the government against the fulfilment of their demands.’


The village of Soyudlu, in Gadabay District, has been locked down since 21 June, with entry and exit forbidden to all except for residents of the village. This followed protests by local people against pollution by a goldmine in the region.


[Read more: Azerbaijani police lock down village after environmental protests]

Shahmarzade told OC Media that embassy security guards approached the activists as they were speaking and demanded that they leave the premises. According to the activists and at least one eyewitness, they were then detained by US Embassy security in the entrance of the embassy until police arrived.
The founder and director of Abzas, Ulvi Hasanli, being taken away by police after US Embassy security handed him over. Image via Ulvi Hasanli.

The activists were handed over to the police, as was Hasanli, but released shortly after being interviewed at a police station.

Speaking to OC Media, Hasanli stated that he was treated roughly by embassy security guards.

‘Five or six embassy guards twisted my arms and handed me over to [the] police’, said Hasanli.

‘I did not expect such violent behaviour on the territory of the embassy’, said Hasanli. ‘This is interference with my journalistic activity. The embassy of a country that talks about democracy and human rights, and freedom of the press should not have behaved like this, it was a very shameful act.’

Footage from outside the embassy shows Hasanli being taken to a police van by four police officers.

After the embassy staff ejected the activists and journalist from the premises, at least ten Azerbaijani political and cultural figures left the event in protest.

‘The removal of journalists and activists by the guards of the embassy and their handing over to the police was, to put it mildly, just shameful’, wrote writer Zumrud Yaghmur. ‘As soon as I heard the news, I followed [them].’

Afiaddin Mammadov, a member of local pro-democracy group, the Democracy 1918 Movement, was also among those to leave the event in protest.

Mammadov confirmed to OC Media that embassy staff physically removed Abzas founder Ulvi Hasanli while ordering others to follow.

‘The feminists were protesting in a civilised way’, he added.

‘Ulvi Hasanli was filming their protest as a journalist. The security service of the embassy approached him and demanded he stop the live broadcast. After Ulvi stopped the broadcast, the guards took Ulvi’s arms. They grabbed him and took him to the entrance gate of the embassy.’

‘Ulvi Hasanli and the feminist activists were held at the embassy entrance until the police officers of the 21st police station arrived. After the police officers arrived, the embassy staff handed over Ulvi and the feminists to the police officers personally’, he said.

A spokesperson for the US Embassy neither confirmed nor denied that the activists and journalist were physically removed from the event and handed to police.

The spokesperson told OC Media that only portions of the event were open to the media and on the record.

‘Much of the night was a chance to network, share the diversity of the United States, and celebrate the official event’, they said.

‘The US Embassy supports fundamental freedoms, including the right to protest and freedom of speech.’
GEORGIA; THE COUNTRY
Chiatura miners’ strike ends after company caves on key demands

 26 June 2023
By Mariam Nikuradze
OC MEDIA
Miners concluded their protest outside the parliament on 24 June. Photo: Mariam Nikuradze/OC Media.

A strike by manganese miners in the central Georgian town of Chiatura has come to an end after 18 days, with the mining company agreeing to key demands from the workers.

On Saturday, mining firm Georgian Manganese agreed to reverse new ore quotas that miners had described as ‘inhuman’. They also agreed to honour their contractual obligation to increase salaries by 12%, in line with inflation.

The miners went on strike after the company announced that workers would have to mine up to 40% more ore over shorter shifts. Both miners and labour activists said such demands were impossible to meet and would effectively result in a pay cut for miners.

The mines will resume work from 1 July.


The company also agreed to honour their legal obligation to provide paid holidays and sick leave. They also promised to reimburse strike days at 60% pay and to improve safety conditions in the mines.

A commission consisting of representatives of the company, workers, trade unions, and government officials will also be set up to decide on a range of other complaints, including improving health insurance, better safety equipment, and deferring bank loans for employees.
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The strike began on 8 June and on 12 June, 10 miners went on a hunger strike. They were joined by an eleventh person several days later who sewed his mouth shut, while another sewed his eyes shut.

As negotiations faltered, a portion of the miners travelled to the capital Tbilisi on 19 June, where four more miners started a hunger strike the next day.


After the deal was reached, Tariel Mikatsadze, one of the striking workers, addressed those gathered outside parliament and reminded those gathered that they were originally demanding a 40% raise.

‘Considering that our friends are on a hunger strike for the 13th day, that we are on strike for the 19th day, we decided to agree to an 11.9% increase according to the inflation’, he said, adding that this proved that increasing their salaries was not their only principal demand.

Several of the protesters outside parliament told OC Media that given that some of the miners were putting their health at risk in the hunger strike, this was the bare minimum they could agree to
.
Tariel Mikatsadze. Photo: Mariam Nikuradze/OC Media.

Mikatsadze said that it was now crucial to ensure the company also fulfils the remaining demands, which will be discussed in the new commission.

‘If the same thing happens as happened after the mass strike in 2019, if they lie to us again, if they drag these issues over time, we will need your support again’, he added.

The Social Justice Center, a local rights group that assisted the workers during the strike, warned that the agreement did not include certain issues that Georgian Manganese was legally obliged to resolve.

‘Unfortunately, such basic issues as improving the daily meals of miners, restoring the functionality of the sanatorium, resolving loan interest issues with the bank, and renewing equipment to protect labour safety were subjected to commission work.’

‘These issues concern the protection of labour rights at the basic level and they need to be seen in a legal perspective and immediately enforced and ensured’, the statement read.

The miners left Tbilisi on the evening of 24 June, with those who were on a hunger strike transferred to a hospital to recover.

Georgian Manganese also issued a statement confirming that the company would increase raise salaries according to inflation, something they previously agreed to in the collective agreement signed with workers in 2019.

Why the far right is trying to infiltrate a miners’ strike in Georgia

 23 June 2023
By Mariam Nikuradze
OC MEDIA
A group of striking miners from Chiatura outside the parliament building in Tbilisi. Photo: Mariam Nikuradze/OC Media.

Manganese miners from the central Georgian town of Chiatura have for weeks been on strike over their working conditions. But since a portion of the strikers moved their protest to the capital Tbilisi, far-right figures have been seen attempting to ingratiate themselves into the protests, leaving the miners unsure who to trust.

When several dozen striking miners and their supporters arrived in Tbilisi on 19 June, their intention was to bring wider attention to their cause. And the strike resonated with many Georgians, especially as images of miners who had sewn shut their mouths in despair emerged.

Some of those to join their demonstration in solidarity were young people who previously protested, and defeated, the government’s planned foreign agent law.

One was Lucas Ablotia. Along with several of his friends, Ablotia was outside the parliament demonstrating in support of Lazare Grigoriadis when the miners arrived in Tbilisi.

‘We learned that miners were protesting inhuman treatment, including violations of labour rights. Obviously, I wanted to express solidarity and would stand with them as a citizen’, Ablotia told OC Media.

Ablotia was draped in an EU flag and held Georgian and Ukrainian flags. ‘We always stand at protests like this’, he said.
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But Ablotia and his friends weren’t welcomed with open arms.

‘Several people approached me and spoke to me in a bad tone, that I was ruining this protest because I stood with the EU flag, that the EU is depraved, that Ukraine started the war and it’s Ukraine’s fault what is happening in Ukraine.’

‘They accused me of being a supporter of Misha [former President Mikheil Saakashvili]. They told me that Misha started the war in 2008, and things like that.’

‘It is not safe to be there anymore. They threaten us, they yell at us. They told me I am a Mishisti faggot and things like this.’

In the following days, the young people did not attend the miners’ demonstration.

But Ablotia is not sure who it was that was harassing them. At least one was scolding them ‘in the name of the miners’, he said.

‘We spotted some fascist groups there’, he added.
Extremists at the picket line

While following the miners’ strike in Tbilisi, OC Media identified at least five people affiliated with the far-right extremist group Alt Info hanging around the protest. On several occasions, we overheard them attempting to discredit the young people present, often using homophobic language.

One was Giorgi Odzelashvili, who marched with the miners from parliament to the offices of the mining firm, Georgian Manganese.

Odzelashvili participated in the attack on the Tbilisi Pride office during the 5 July 2021 homophobic riots. He is active on Facebook, especially on a page called ‘Conscience Boys’, which advocates for the release of the handful of people arrested over the 5 July violence.

Giorgi Odzelashvili at the miners’ strike in Tbilisi on 20 June (left, photo: Mariam Nikuradze/OC Media) and attacking the offices of Tbilisi Pride on 5 July 2021
 (Photo: Euronews Georgia).

Another is Irakli Khomasuridze, a familiar face at violent far-right demonstrations.

In June 2022 Khomasuridze was convicted of attacking liberal politicians Khatuna Samnidze and Davit Berdzenishvili. He also threatened OC Media’s director and journalist, Mariam Nikuradze, at a protest outside Tbilisi City Court where some of those arrested over the 5 July violence were on trial.

Irakli Khomasuridze at the miners’ protest on 20 June 2023 (left) and outside the Tbilisi City Court in April 2022, protesting the conviction of people arrested for 5 July violence. Photos: Mariam Nikuradze/OC Media.

Zaza Mchedlidze, who was convicted of attacking journalists on 5 July, was also spotted at the miners’ protest.

Zaza Mchedlidze at miners’ protest (left) and during the 5 July pogroms.
 Photos: Natia Amiranashvili/Publika, Tabula.

Gocha Surameli and Ramin Abesadze, both affiliated with Alt Info, were also present at the miners’ protest. Both were broadcasting live coverage and interviewing some of the miners.Gocha Surameli at the miners’ strike in Tbilisi (left, photo: Mariam Nikuradze/OC Media) and posing with the ‘Conscience Boys’ advocating the release of people arrested for the 5 July riots (image via Facebook).

Ramin Abesadze at the miners’ protest (left) and campaigning for the far-right Georgian Idea Party. Photos via Facebook.

Prominent far-right campaigner Guram Palavandishvili was also spotted by others at the miners’ demonstration.

Guram Palavandishvili at the miners’ protest and on 6 July 2021 at a homophobic protest. 
Photos: Lucas Ablotia and Mariam Nikuradze/OC Media.

Do the miners support the far right?

OC Media collected photos of the far-right figures at the Tbilisi protest and showed them to some of the miners outside parliament to ask if they knew any of these people.

The miners recognised all of them but said they did not know them, and tried to distance themselves from the men.

Indeed, on 20 June, OC Media witnessed far-right campaigner Irakli Khomasuridze telling the miners to distance themselves from friends of Lazare Grigoriadis, the 21-year-old on trial for his role in the March protests. Khomasuridze was heard telling the miners that they were ‘faggots’ and ‘foreign agents’. In response, the miners told Khomasuridze to leave.

We also asked the miners what they thought of Konstantine Morgoshia, one of the leaders of Alt Info, who wrote on Facebook expressing support for the strike.

‘He is also one of those swine businessmen, yes’, one of them responded.

‘He is the leader of [Alt Info] and we are calling everyone to do business in the correct way. But a person like him, how can he stand next to us when he is doing the same [as the mining company]?’

‘We try not to get such people close to us’, he added.

Salome Shubladze is the director of social policy at a local rights group, the Social Justice Centre. The centre has long advocated for the miners in Chiatura and elsewhere in the country, and provides legal aid to them.

Shubladze told OC Media that she also noticed members of Alt Info at the miners’ protests, recalling one instance in which they criticised young people for their appearance.

‘They told them: “why are you wearing an earring, believe in Christ”. They responded that they came to express solidarity, but this man told them to believe in Christ first’, she recalled.

She said that the young people then asked the miners if they knew who this person was, which they said they didn’t.

The incident was one of those recounted by Lucas Ablotia that deterred him and his friends from continuing to attend the miners’ strike.

‘There was aggression towards others too’, he said, ‘including one person with earrings; they said they wouldn’t allow men with earrings close, that they’d beat them. There were threats like this towards people who looked different, who had dyed hair or colourful accessories. They kicked out many people very aggressively.’

Shubladze added that this was not the first time far-right groups had attached themselves to such protests, recalling the Namakhvani HPP dam protests.

‘Alt Info were chasing after young people who were not necessarily dressed in a conventional way. We see the same thing here’, she said.

And unlike the young people, who did not express any motivation other than solidarity for joining with the miners, ‘chasing after young people’ certainly seems to have been a primary motivation for the far right.

Giorgi Odzelashvili, one of the far-right campaigners spotted at the protest, posted a photo on Facebook on 19 June of a young man with a rainbow bag. It is unclear if the photo was even taken during the miners’ protest, but Odzelashvili claimed it was, stating that there were ‘a lot of faggots’ gathered there.

He urged supporters to join him while hinting at his violent intentions, telling his followers they should not be surprised if he were arrested.

Disappointment

The conflicts has left many of the miners distrustful of everyone and anyone without a personal connection to Chiatura.

Time and again, the miners who spoke to OC Media said their goal was simply to realise their right to just and dignified employment.

Thousands of miners are on strike in Chiatura over their work conditions, with a handful having gone on hunger strike. 
Photo: Mariam Nikuradze/OC Media.
The striking workers have organised daily marches through Chiatura. 
Photo: Mariam Nikuradze/OC Media.

They said that many people had come to them, sometimes with pictures, sometimes with stories about specific people, telling them that they should avoid them. As a result, they no longer knew who to believe.

‘In the end, we decided not to let anyone close to our tribune. No one will be able to stand at the microphone except us’, one of them said.

Despite the confusion, they said they still wanted support.

‘We want many people to come and we want to let these people understand our problems as clearly as possible’, they said.

But the far-right presence has had an impact, with Ablotia and others saying they no longer felt safe attending.

The Social Justice Centre’s Salome Shubladze echoed suspicions among some that this may have been the point all along.

‘Obviously, when there are violent groups at a protest, some people will avoid going.’

While she said there was not enough evidence to link these groups directly to the government, it was visible that Alt Info’s goals were often in unison with those of the government.

‘This is why we do not rule out that this group is being used to weaken and divide the protest, and to fragment and remove the support which this protest still has.’

For now, as their strike continues unabated, many of the miners have been left disillusioned with their journey to the capital.

Giorgi Kupatadze, who had sewed his eyes shut as part of the strike because he ‘doesn’t want to watch this injustice anymore’, arrived in Tbilisi to join the protest on 20 June. He left the next day, stating that he had hoped to gain more attention to their plight.

‘I am leaving this place very heartbroken’, Publika cited him as saying.



By Mariam Nikuradze
Mariam is a veteran journalist with over 10 years experience under her belt. She is passionate about gender equality and workers’ rights. Despite now being shackled behind a desk for most of the time, she can never sit still when something is happening and always goes to report from the ground. Mari lives with her cat Willie, who she is training to be a dog.



The Unfortunate Irony of Meta’s EU Troubles and the Case of TikTok

By Ania Zolyniak 
LAWFARE
Monday, June 26, 2023

A cell phone on a table. (https://unsplash.com/photos/Xh3k8-vfl8s)

On Jan. 4, Meta was fined 390 million euros (approximately $414 million) for illegally forcing European Union users to accept personalized ads on Facebook and Instagram. The fine was issued by the Irish Data Protection Commission (DPC), which serves as Meta’s main regulator in Europe (the company’s European operations are headquartered out of Ireland for tax purposes). The commission gave Meta three months to comply with EU data privacy protection under the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) after finding that it could not use the law’s contractual necessity clause as a workaround for collecting and processing user digital activity for targeted advertising. Essentially, Meta couldn’t rely on its notoriously opaque terms of service agreements to justify targeted ads for EU users. Rather, Facebook and Instagram had to provide users with a way to opt out of having their digital activity collected and used to tailor the advertisements they saw on the apps. This will likely have significant financial implications for the company: In 2022, Meta made $113.64 billion in advertising revenue, almost a quarter of which came from Europe. At the time the decision was issued, the New York Times reported that it jeopardized 5 to 7 percent of Meta’s overall advertising revenue.

On May 22, the DPC fined Meta again, this time for breaking EU privacy laws when transferring EU user data from Europe to the United States. In addition to the record $1.3 billion fine, the commission ordered Meta to suspend all transfers of personal data belonging to EU users and users within the European Economic Area to the United States. In this case, the DPC’s main concern was whether Facebook specifically provided enough “appropriate safeguards” when transferring EU user data to the United States, which is a much more relaxed data privacy regulatory environment, particularly when it comes to U.S. foreign intelligence collection programs. The case stems from a 2020 decision issued by the European Court of Justice that struck down the Privacy Shield—a 2016 U.S.-EU agreement that allowed businesses in both jurisdictions to more easily transfer data across the Atlantic—and is the latest development in a decade-old campaign to protect European citizens’ data from U.S. surveillance. Indeed, the commission explicitly noted that its decision “exposes a situation whereby any internet platforms falling within the definition of an electronic communications service provider subject to the U.S. Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act 702 PRISM program may equally fall foul” of GDPR safeguards for data transfers.

Fear of a foreign government gathering intelligence on citizens through a social media platform is surely familiar to the United States. Indeed, the concerns regarding foreign surveillance inherent in the commission’s May 22 decision against Meta seem to echo those of U.S. lawmakers’ vis-a-vis the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and TikTok. Despite causing some inconveniences for multinational companies handling data across international borders, Europe’s response to these concerns through instruments like the GDPR offers U.S. officials a more practical model than pervious nonce bans for realistically and effectively addressing related fears involving U.S. citizens and national security.

The Case of TikTok

In calling to order the House of Representatives’s Energy and Commerce Committee hearing on March 23, Rep. Cathy McMorris Rodgers (R-Wash.) told TikTok CEO Shou Chew that he had been invited to testify before the committee “because the American people need the truth about the threat TikTok poses to [their] national and personal security.” According to Congress, Chew was there because “TikTok surveils us all,” pointing to alleged “internal records reveal[ing] … a backdoor for China to access user data.”

In his written testimony, Chew claimed that ByteDance, TikTok’s parent company, “is not an agent of China” and that “there is no way for the Chinese government to access [U.S. user data] or compel access to it.” However, an ex-ByteDance executive, who had filed a wrongful dismissal suit in February against the company, alleged that the CCP was able to access U.S. TikTok user data through a “backdoor channel in the code.” The concern regarding CCP access to U.S. user data stems from two Chinese national security laws. The first, the 2014 Counter-Espionage Law, states that “when the state security organ investigates and understands the situation of espionage and collects relevant evidence, the relevant organizations and individuals shall provide it truthfully and may not refuse.” Under the second, the 2017 National Intelligence Law, “any organization or citizen shall support, assist and cooperate with the state intelligence work in accordance with the law.”

In response to concerns for EU citizens’ privacy and the security of their information, which largely came to the fore after Edward Snowden’s 2013 leaks, EU lawmakers drafted comprehensive legislation that erected safeguards for Europeans’ data in the EU and beyond. Rather than seeking a similar path toward thorough privacy protections for Americans, the U.S. government has instead zeroed in on a designated “boogeyman” for all digital data collection and security concerns: a proposed national ban on a single application used by over 150 million Americans.

In December 2020, then-President Trump attempted to ban TikTok via executive order—he was unsuccessful. In May, Montana banned TikTok from operating in the state in the interest of protecting “Montanans’ personal, private, and sensitive data and information from intelligence gathering by the Chinese Communist Party.” It appears, however, that Montana’s ban may not work out as the state intended. Ironically, if TikTok attempts to comply with the ban, it would have to start collecting precise user location data to determine in which state they are using the app. According to the Council on Foreign Relations’s Tarah Wheeler, doing so would create “a surveillance state that includes fine-grained location data and the ability to monitor and read people’s phones—the exact mirror of the Chinese surveillance state they’re afraid of to begin with.”

President Biden, for his part, issued his own executive order in October of last year concerning data privacy and protection: Executive Order 14086. The order provides a new framework for safeguarding personal data … transferred from Europe to the United States. The order primarily addresses European concerns regarding improperly obtained data through U.S. signals intelligence activities (from which U.S. citizens are, at least in principle, supposed to already be protected) rather than the commercial activities. Nevertheless, it lays out a clearer structure for review, requirements, and redress that could be recycled and tailored into legislation that could better secure the data privacy of American citizens than chasing after problem apps with bans.

Why a Ban Just Won’t Cut It

If protecting user data is indeed a critical matter of national security, then lawmakers should treat it as such. Rather than seeking legal justifications (and technological conjurations) to try to ban a single platform used by millions of Americans, U.S. policymakers could pursue comprehensive legislation that provides internet users explicit rights over the collection, processing, use, and movement of their data, as well as legal recourse for abuses. And they wouldn’t have to start from scratch: Multiple countries—be it Australia, Canada, South Africa, or the members of the EU—and even some U.S. states offer convenient case studies for discerning which and what kind of provisions would be most desirable for protecting U.S. citizens’ data in the U.S. context across multiple platforms and applications. TikTok data is not and should not be Americans’ only security concern regarding social media: The very nature of the internet, which is diffuse and open by design; the sheer amount of information generated and collected across digital platforms; and the lack of comprehensive federal data regulation put all U.S. digital data at risk.

With or without a TikTok ban, Americans’ digital data is still up for sale. The Biden administration’s warning to TikTok earlier this year that it may face a national ban if ByteDance fails to sell its stake in the U.S. version of the app is reminiscent of the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States’s 2019 decision to mandate the Chinese owners of Grindr, a dating app, to sell it back to a U.S. firm. As Justin Sherman argued in a 2022 Lawfare piece, although the owners conceded and sold the application to San Vicente Acquisition, a low-profile investment group, doing so did nothing to prevent Grindr from legally selling its data to governments through data brokers or from sharing user data with third parties, including through a Chinese software development kit. Thus, even if TikTok acquiesces to the administration’s demands and sells its stake, such divestment wouldn’t necessarily prevent the Chinese or another foreign government from obtaining U.S. user data through the open market.

In addition to the data up for sale, there is the potluck of U.S. citizens’ information available for free. In April 2015, Facebook’s Mark Zuckerburg told Congress that the company would end its policy of granting applications created on the platform unrestricted access to user data in May of that year. In 2018, however, Facebook (now Meta) revealed that it allowed apps developed by Mail.ru Group, a Russian technology conglomerate with ties to the Kremlin, to operate under the more permissive pre-May 2015 rules for two weeks beyond the designated cut-off date. Doing so allowed the apps to collect data by delving deep into profiles and tracking activity unbeknownst to Facebook users, who were ultimately left exposed to and unprotected from such abuse due to the lack of U.S. privacy regulations. Facebook declined to comment on its determinations regarding what Mail.ru may have done with the data. Its reason? Confidentiality and privacy concerns between the company and app developers.

Foreign adversaries are not the only ones accessing U.S. data: In 2017, engineers working for the athletic social networking app Strava created and published a heat map of anonymized user training data. After reviewing the map, an Australian grad student posted his revelations about the data on Twitter in 2018: His data visualization revealed—and mapped—the locations of forward-deployed U.S. bases (as well as military forces of other countries) and an undisclosed CIA site in Djibouti.

In her comparative assessment of data risks in the United States, Canada, and Germany, Susan Ariel Aaronson, a senior fellow at the Centre for International Governance Innovation, examined the case of FaceApp, which took the United States by storm after its release in 2017. At the time of the report’s writing (April 2020), about 80 million users had downloaded FaceApp, an image editing application developed by the Russian company Wireless Lab that went viral for its “old” face filter. Upon downloading the app, users granted FaceApp “a fully paid, royalty-free, perpetual, irrevocable, worldwide, non-exclusive, and fully sublicensable right and license to use, reproduce, perform, display, distribute, adapt, modify, re-format, create derivative works of, and otherwise commercially or non-commercially exploit in any manner, any and all Feedback, and to sublicense the foregoing rights, in connection with the operation and maintenance of the Services and/or FaceApp’s business.” In non-term-and-conditions legalese: They essentially signed away their rights to their data and allowed FaceApp to do whatever it wanted with it.

In 2019, the FBI reviewed the app as part of a larger national security investigation into Russian-made software, concluding that the app was “a potential counterintelligence threat based on the data [it] collects, its privacy and terms of use [policies], and the legal mechanism available to the Government of Russia that permit access to data within Russia’s borders.” It remains unclear whether the app is indeed an arm of the Russian government; however, Aaronson points out that the company’s terms of service “give it great power to control the information it collects” and that it plans to continue selling it. She also points to U.S. companies such as Clearview AI that are “scraping the web and selling personal profiles to police authorities in both democratic and repressive states.” According to Aaronson, “America’s failure to enact clear personal data protection rules has enabled firms to obtain and monetize personal data for a wide range of current and future purposes.”

Yes, the United States could try to force the sale of FaceApp or threaten to ban it. But waiting to take formidable action after a new app pops up in stores, becomes wildly popular across the country, collects and stores vast quantities of user data, and is assessed by the FBI to be a national security risk is not a national data security strategy: It is a Sisyphean game of whack-a-mole.

If personal and national security concerns are not enough to cajole congressional support and action, it is also worth mentioning that a clearly articulated national framework of data regulation in the United States also has advantages for business interests by providing countries with a more consistent standard. As Robert D. Williams of the Brookings Institution and Yale Law School notes, such a standard would reduce compliance costs and mitigate inefficiencies arising from the adoption of different regulatory schemes by individual U.S. states. It would also promote the harmonization of the U.S. operational data environment “with those of other major economies, easing trade concerns and promoting American technology in Europe and beyond.”

A Reality Check

While the GDPR may fuel Meta’s ire, it should be the object of envy for the American social media consumer. Even China has its own version of the GDPR, the 2021 Personal Information Protection Law (PIPL), with data collection consent requirements and protections for data transfers similar to those at issue in the aforementioned cases involving Meta’s European operations. Of course, the differences in political realities in China versus those in the EU cannot and should not be ignored. Despite its similarities on paper to the GDPR, the PIPL’s de facto execution will depend wholly on how the CCP elects to implement its provisions in furtherance of the party’s interests, including its increasing desire to exert expanded surveillance and control over its populations’ digital activities. Still, the larger point remains that as comprehensive national data protection laws are becoming the norm, the United States’ lack of an overarching, nationwide legal architecture for protecting U.S. internet user data that regulates private companies rather than banning problematic platforms retroactively—and only after a critical threat is detected—sticks out like a sore thumb. The United States’ lateness to the game, however, offers U.S. policymakers a vast repository of models from which they could pick and choose in crafting harmonizing legislation that protects U.S. netizens and reduces aforementioned private-sector costs of doing business in a fractured global data policy landscape. Many countries that have followed the way of the EU in enacting data privacy laws have borrowed from the GDPR, but there are serious concerns that ought to be deliberated and debated regarding challenges to its implementation and lacunae that continue to threaten user privacy despite the legal regime’s stringency. U.S. policymakers thus have the advantage of accessing the successes and failures of the GDPR and other countries’ policies. Importantly, however, that doesn’t mean that U.S. legislatures can simply continue to kick the can down the road, relying on ineffective and perforated bans while making zero progress on comprehensive legislation.

To comply with the January ruling from the EU Commission, Meta changed its model to permit users to opt out of targeted ads—but only in Europe. European Instagram and Facebook users now have a mechanism, as cumbersome as it may be, to reclaim greater control over their digital information. As an American Facebook user, all I can say is that it must be nice. But at least now the CCP might not be able to get Montana Gov. Greg Gianforte’s data—at least not for free.
Experts: El Nino (and Food Industry Upheaval) is Coming

KELLY BEATON AND BRITTANY BORER | JUNE 16, 2023


Everyone knows “El Nino” by now – hot weather. Big winds. And once again in 2023, much of the world will gain a better grasp of this unpredictable meteorological phenomenon.

El Nino generally refers to a warming of the ocean surface, or above-average surface sea temperatures, in the central and eastern Pacific Ocean– but the phenomenon could have a widespread impact soon, especially on the food industry.

“The opinion of several experts suggests that this El Nino will be stronger than before due to global warming, resulting in higher temperatures than those previously experienced with this phenomenon,” Sara Galeano, director of sustainability at GoodSAM Foods, told The Food Institute.

“Unfortunately, El Nino is a phenomenon that can last for months.”

The arrival of the first El Nino in almost four years foreshadows new damage to an already fragile global economy. The shift to a warming phase from the cooler La Niña can generate chaos, especially in fast-growing emerging economies, as the world struggles to recover from Covid-19 and Russia’s war in Ukraine grinds on, as Bloomberg recently reported.

“Vulnerable regions heavily reliant on rain-fed agriculture are particularly susceptible to the negative impacts of El Nino,” Alison Friel, director of consulting at NSF, told The Food Institute. “In particular, winter crops in Asia and palm oil and rice in the Far East. American growers are hoping for heavier rainfall to alleviate the effects of the previous drought.”

AT-RISK F&B ITEMS


The heralded El Nino event is cause for concern, especially for some coffee farmers. While it remains unclear exactly how El Nino will unfold, it could bring unusually hot and dry conditions to coffee regions, which threatens coffee bean yields, The Washington Post reported. Arabica coffee beans are hypersensitive to temperature changes.

Meanwhile, the world’s rice glut will be put to the test with El Nino’s return. The world is awash in rice with global stockpiles at close to record levels, but El Nino-related weather usually brings hotter and drier conditions to Asia, which produces and consumes 90% of the global rice supply, Bloomberg noted.

Fisheries are also at risk. El Nino patterns often disrupt marine ecosystems, affecting the migration of fish, which can result in reduced catches that can throw the fishing industry into disarray.

“El Nino disrupts catch volumes,” Galeano noted. “Coastal regions may experience anomalies in sea levels and salinity, impacting aquaculture.”

AN UPTICK IN STORMS?


El Nino weather typically supports the warm, Pacific jet stream dipping further south than normal. This can lead to rounds of storms, flooding in parts of the southern U.S., as well as abnormally warm and dry conditions in the Pacific Northwest.

Weather patterns have been changing rapidly in recent years, which leaves the world navigating new territory when it comes to climate patterns.

These weather extremes are arriving fast and furious and last longer than ever before.

Wildfires, floods, tropical cyclones, and extreme temperature fluctuations will impact the food industry – from farming, to production, to shipping – as El Nino is expected to strengthen into this winter. Colombia’s Institute of Hydrology, Meteorology, and Environmental Studies said its forecasts indicate that the first quarter of 2024 could be the peak period of El Nino’s intensity.

BUSINESSES BRACE FOR IMPACT

Food companies, including manufacturers and grocery chains, can take several steps to protect their businesses from the negative impacts of El Nino.

“Companies should implement water conservation strategies and prioritize the efficient use of this resource,” Galeano said. “This can include recovering water sources, (and) implementing irrigation systems that minimize water waste…”

And, as with any potential disruption to the food supply chain maintaining dialogue with a suppliers is key to adapt to changes in supply.

For example, Friel noted, “if sourcing organic wheat, can you source an alternative that’s also organic? … Ensure business departments such as procurement are looking ahead and planning for the possibility that traditional supply chains could be disrupted. Ensure your development teams look to change their formulations to reduce or remove at-risk ingredients.”

Kelly Beaton serves as The Food Institute’s chief content officer. Brittany Borer is FI’s digital content producer/reporter and has a Bachelor of Science degree in meteorology.
The Food Institute Podcast


Food price inflation has been a constant thorn over the past few years, but are we about to turn the corner toward greener pastures? Wells Fargo Chief Agricultural Economist Dr. Michael Swanson returned to The Food Institute Podcast to discuss emerging trends in food inflation and the changing dynamics between eating at home and eating out. Dr. Swanson also discusses agricultural impacts stemming from both drought and increased rainfall in different parts of the country.