Monday, July 22, 2024

More than 500 arrested in Bangladesh capital over violence: police

More than 500 people, including some opposition leaders, have been arrested over days of clashes in the Bangladesh capital Dhaka sparked by protests against job quotas, police said Monday.

“At least 532 people have been arrested over the violence,” Dhaka Metropolitan Police spokesman Faruk Hossain told AFP. 

“They include some BNP leaders,” he added, referring to the opposition Bangladesh National Party.

The detainees included the BNP’s third-most senior leader Amir Khosru Mahmud Chowdhury and its spokesman Ruhul Kabir Rizvi Ahmed, he said.

A former national football captain turned senior BNP figure, Aminul Huq, was also held, he added. 

Mia Golam Parwar, the general secretary of the country’s largest Islamist party, Jamaat-e-Islami, was also arrested, Hossain said.

He said at least three policemen had been killed during the unrest in the capital and about 1,000 injured, at least 60 of them critically.

BNP spokesman A.K.M Wahiduzzaman told AFP that nationwide, “several hundred BNP leaders and activists were arrested in the past few days”.

Diplomats confront Bangladesh FM over violence

 JULY 22, 2024

Diplomats in Dhaka questioned Bangladeshi authorities’ deadly response to widespread student protests following a presentation by the foreign minister that laid the blame for recent violence at demonstrators’ feet, diplomatic officials said Monday.

What began as a movement against politicised admission quotas for sought-after government jobs has snowballed into some of the worst unrest of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s tenure, with at least 163 people killed in clashes so far, according to an AFP count of victims reported by police and hospitals.

Foreign Minister Hasan Mahmud summoned ambassadors for a briefing Sunday and showed them a 15-minute video that sources said focused on damage caused by protesters.

But a senior diplomatic official in Dhaka, speaking on condition of anonymity, told AFP on Monday that US ambassador Peter Haas said Mahmud was presenting a one-sided version of events. 

“I am surprised you did not show the footage of police firing at unarmed protesters,” the source quoted Haas as telling the minister.

The source added that Mahmud also did not respond to a question from a United Nations representative about the alleged use of UN-marked armoured personnel carriers and helicopters — which the country has in its military inventories — to suppress the protests.

The meeting came after Bangladesh’s top court pared back the hiring quotas for highly desirable government jobs that have been at the centre of the protests.

The decision curtailed the number of reserved jobs from 56 percent of all positions to seven percent, most of which will still be set aside for the children and grandchildren of “freedom fighters” from Bangladesh’s 1971 liberation war against Pakistan.

While the decision represented a substantial reduction to the contentious “freedom fighter” category, it fell short of protesters’ demands to scrap it altogether.

Critics say the quota has been used to stack public jobs with loyalists to Hasina’s ruling Awami League.

A spokesman for Students Against Discrimination, the main group organising the demonstrations, told AFP: “We won’t call off our protests until the government issues an order reflecting our demands.”

Hasina, 76, has ruled the country since 2009 and won her fourth consecutive election in January after a vote without genuine opposition.

Since the crackdown on protests began, some demonstrators have said they will not be satisfied until Hasina’s government steps down.

Bangladesh protests still on despite top court’s rollback of job quotas

Published July 22, 2024 
Troops stand guard at the Supreme Court building, on Sunday.—AFP

DHAKA: Bangladesh’s Supreme Court on Sunday scrapped most quotas on government jobs after nationwide action led by students spiralled into clashes that killed at least 139 people, but some organisers said the protests would continue.

Dismissing a lower court order, the Supreme Court’s appellate division directed that 93pc of government jobs should be open to candidates on merit, Attorney General A.M. Amin Uddin said.

A Bangladeshi student group whose demonstrations against civil service hiring rules precipitated serious nationwide unrest said on Sunday it would not abandon protests despite the SC ruling partially meeting their demands.

“We won’t call off our protests until the government issues an order reflecting our demands,” a spokesman for Students Against Discrimination told AFP, on condition of anonymity.

Student groups say ruling is unclear; Dhaka remains under ‘indefinite’ curfew

There was no immediate reaction from groups affected by reduced quotas following Sunday’s verdict.

The recent clashes followed similar violent protests ahead of January’s national elections by Sheikh Hasina’s opponents in response to what they called her authoritarian rule, and by garment workers demanding better pay amid high inflation.

The AG insisted that students had clearly said they were in “no way part of the violence and arson”. “I am hoping normalcy will return after today’s ruling and people with ulterior motives will stop instigating people,” he added.

Internet and text message services in Bangladesh have been suspended since Thursday, as security forces cracked down on protesters who defied a ban on public gatherings.

On Sunday, India said over 4,500 students returned home over the past few days. It said 500 Nepalese students and 38 from Bhutan also had arrived in the country.

Protests to continue

At least four protest coordinators told BBC Bangla that they planned to continue their action until they secured the release of some detained student leaders and the restoration of internet and other cellular services.

“The judgement of the Supreme Court seems unclear to us. There is no clear-cut solution for all types of quotas,” said Abdul Quader, one of the coordinators.

Soldiers have been patrolling the streets of Dhaka since the government ordered a curfew late on Friday. A tank was stationed outside the SC gates at the time of the hearing as Dhaka remains under ‘indefinite’ curfew .

At least 139 people have been killed so far, according to data from hospitals. Universities and colleges have been closed since Wednesday.

Published in Dawn, July 22nd, 2024

Bangladesh Supreme Court reduces controversial job quota as violent protests lead to over 130 deaths
Bangladesh Supreme Court reduces controversial job quota as violent protests lead to over 130 deaths
Former US Secretary of State John Kerry meets Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wazed in Dhaka during less stressful times for the Bangladeshi PM / US State DepartmentFacebook
By Ananta Shesha July 22, 2024

After nearly a week of violent student protests against government job-quotas for former freedom fighters and their descendents across Bangladesh, more than 130 people have been killed. The Bangladeshi government has cracked down harshly on the protests with police and other security forces including the country’s military being deployed to quell unruly mobs in urban areas of Bangladesh.

The action by the security forces included enforcing a curfew, suspending internet and other communication services and deployment of special forces against protestors blocking government buildings, including the state owned TV station Bangladesh TV.

According to a July 20 Bangladesh Police statement, 150 policemen were wounded while quelling the protests and were hospitalised. The military was also deployed in numbers to assist in combatting the protests as widespread violence devolved into anarchy, looting and riots across the country.

Likely in an attempt to assuage the public outcry, the appellate division of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh has now nullified a judgement by the High Court which restored a controversial measure for affirmative action in the country’s public sector. The measure to reserve over 30% of government jobs for relatives of freedom fighters who fought in Bangladesh’s 1971 liberation war that separated it from Pakistan has now been lowered to only 5%.

Under the Supreme Court’s July 21 judgement, a further 2% of the jobs will also be reserved for ethnic and religious minorities but the remaining 93% will be recruited based simply on merit.

The protestors in their slogans during the protests have singled out the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina, and are characterising her as an autocrat. The protestors have also endorsed Islamist extremist ideas in their slogans and rhetoric.

Hasina is the daughter of Bangladesh’s first Prime Minister and liberation war leader Mujibur Rehman and has inherited her father’s anti-Islamist and extremist political legacy. While Bangladesh’s neighbours and security partners India and China have not intervened militarily they both have stakes in the preservation of the Sheikh Hasina government as she has opened avenues of cooperation with both countries.

In doing so, she has been successful in balancing relations with both despite the rivalry between India and China, which has in turn led to investment by both New Delhi and Beijing in Dhaka’s economy and infrastructure.

Earlier in May 2024, Hasina had alleged that a foreign country was conspiring to carve out a new Christian state from parts of Bangladesh, Myanmar and other nearby countries. She also alleged that she was offered a path to reelection without opposition in future elections if she cooperated with the plot.


Supreme Court quota succour for Sheikh Hasina but no clarity on whether the calm would last

Amid the good news, the Hasina government received a jolt from Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee, who rued the deaths of students in Bangladesh and offered shelter to those in distress

Devadeep Purohit 
Calcutta 
Published 22.07.24

Sheikh Hasina.File Photo.

The Supreme Court of Bangladesh on Sunday cut the job reservation for muktijodhhas’ kin to 5 per cent from 30, gladdening the embattled Sheikh Hasina government after days of tumultuous anti-quota protests that witnessed at least 127 deaths.

The appellate division of the court made merit the sole consideration for recruitment to 93 per cent of government jobs, while setting aside 2 per cent for ethnic minorities, transgenders and the disabled.

The government had appealed against a June 5 high court order that reinstated the 30 per cent quota for the relatives of 1971 war heroes after the Hasina government had scrapped it in 2018.

The high court verdict had triggered protests by students — who wanted the quota abolished or heavily truncated — which quickly snowballed into nationwide unrest with the Opposition Jamaat-e-Islami and the BNP wading in.

Shaken by the violence, which pushed the country to the brink of a political crisis, the government had moved the appeal on July 10.

“The Supreme Court said the high court verdict was illegal,” attorney-general Aminuddin Manik told the media on a day of relative calm.

Till late evening, there were no reports of any more deaths in clashes.

“Except for some parts in Dhaka, Narayanganj, Narsingdi and Gazipur, the situation is approaching normality in most places in the country. We expect things to be much better from tomorrow,” a source in Bangladesh said.

Amid the good news, the Hasina government received a jolt from Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee, who rued the deaths of students in Bangladesh and offered shelter to those in distress. The comment did not go down well with the Bangladesh government, multiple sources in Dhaka said.

Law minister Anisul Huq told the Bangladeshi media that the government welcomed the “prudent verdict” and would issue a notification on this “immediately”.

There was, however, no clarity on whether the apparent calm would last. Reports said the BNP and Jamaat were planning a bigger offensive.

In a Facebook post, BNP acting chairperson Tareq Rahman, exiled in London, urged people to unite for a “bigger movement” to bring down the Hasina government.

What the students would do next too remained shrouded in confusion amid reports of a divide among them.

BBC Bangla said some student leaders wanted the protests to continue till the government had met the other demands, such as an apology from the Prime Minister, resignation of certain senior ministers, restoration of phone lines and Internet services, and the resumption of classes on the campuses.

“The genuine students should be happy with the verdict as their demand has been met.... They have some other demands like the withdrawal of cases against students and compensation for the families of the dead,” a highly placed source in the Hasina administration said.

The source said the discussions on these demands would begin on Sunday evening or Monday morning.

“The time has come to differentiate the students from the troublemakers who want to destabilise the country. Those still pursuing violence will be dealt with strongly,” the source said.

The source skirted a question about the death toll — Bangladeshi and foreign media outlets have suggested a conservative figure of 127 — saying the numbers are yet to be collated by the government.

A senior journalist with a leading English-language newspaper, however, told this correspondent that the death count could be “between 300 and 400” as the scale of the violence was “unprecedented”.

Referring to the last few days’ violence, the journalist criticised the high-handed approach of the armed forces and the ruling Awami League’s student wing.

But the journalist, often critical of the Hasina government in the past, endorsed the government narrative and blamed the Opposition, especially Jamaat, for the crisis.

“Jamaat and its student wing had not been so active in any movement in recent memory.... They spent a lot of money, too. I’m clueless about the source of their funding,” the journalist said.

The government swung into action to counter the “misinformation campaign” that had tarnished the country’s image and brought Hasina’s role in the alleged carnage under the scanner.

In the afternoon, the government circulated a detailed list of “subversive activities”, such as vandal attacks on Mujibur Rahman’s mural in Chittagong, and arson at Bangladesh Television, Metro stations in Dhaka and scores of government offices across the country.

“Irreparable damage has been done to public properties. Do you think the students would have done such a thing?” a source in Hasina’s office said.

“After the first few days, the BNP and the Jamaat hijacked the movement. As they engaged in arson, vandalised public properties and killed innocent people, the students distanced themselves from these activities, even issuing statements to this effect.”

Bangladesh foreign minister Hasan Mahmud held a briefing for foreign mission heads in Dhaka to explain the government’s stand on the protesters’ demands and its deployment of the armed forces.

“Our PM had been sympathetic towards the student’s main demand from Day One.... The BGB (Border Guard Bangladesh) and the police were told specifically to use non-lethal means to contain the student movement till the vandals began attacking the law enforces,” another source said.

“The deployment of the army was only to help the civil administration save lives, and was made only in vulnerable areas.”

The source insisted that the forces didn’t fire a single bullet at the students.

Amid reports that a section of the armed forces was unhappy at the decision to deploy them against the students, the government released pictures of Hasina meeting top officers of the army, navy and the air force and other senior security establishment officials.

“Everything is under control. She also met senior ministers and party leaders today,” a source in the PMO said.


Bangladesh chaos

DAWN
Editorial
Published July 20, 2024

CHAOS has engulfed Dhaka, as well as other parts of Bangladesh, over the past few days. Anti-government protests had been gaining momentum for several weeks, yet popular outrage exploded after several demonstrators were killed in confrontations with security forces and government supporters. Educational institutions have been shut, many media outlets are off air, while a widespread internet blackout has been reported from the country. According to one count, around 40 people have died in the violence, while hundreds are injured.

Students have been at the forefront of the protests. Many young people took to the streets after a court reinstated quotas for the children and grandchildren of ‘freedom fighters’ — those who participated in the creation of Bangladesh in 1971 — in government jobs. Public sector employment is a popular option for many in Bangladesh, yet nearly half the jobs are reserved under various quotas. With the economy stagnating and millions of Bangladeshis out of work, the court decision has unleashed much pent-up anger. The situation remained tense on Friday, with sporadic protests reported from the country.

The demonstrations over job quotas cannot be seen in isolation, as an economic slowdown, as well as a sense of political disenfranchisement, has created an explosive situation in Bangladesh. Prime Minister Shaikh Hasina Wajed secured a record fourth term in elections held earlier this year. Boycotted by the opposition, they had raised questions of legitimacy. Earlier, Shaikh Hasina had overseen a crackdown against opposition forces, including the Bangladesh Nationalist Party.

In such a politically polarised atmosphere, with economic growth not meeting the expectations of many Bangladeshis, such mass protests were only a matter of time. Thousands of garment workers had also taken to the streets last year demanding higher wages. The Bangladesh government should deal with the situation carefully lest the protests spiral out of control. The demonstrators’ legitimate demands should be met, while the deaths of protesters should be investigated in a transparent manner.

Moreover, the unfortunate events playing out in Bangladesh should serve as a warning sign for other South Asian states. Political victimisation coupled with economic stagnation and heavy-handed state reaction is a recipe for disaster. All political forces should be allowed to freely operate as per democratic norms, while the state needs to act with compassion and transparency in times of economic distress.

Published in Dawn, July 20th, 2024


Bangladesh remains cut off from the world with internet and phone lines suspended

Overseas telephone calls mostly failed to connect while websites of Bangladesh-based media organisations did not update and their social media handles remained inactive

Reuters 
Dhaka 
Published 20.07.24

Police fire teargas during a clash between anti-quota supporters, police and Awami League supporters at the Rampura area in Dhaka, Bangladesh, July 18, 2024.Reuters

Bangladesh soldiers patrolled the deserted streets of the capital Dhaka on Saturday during a curfew meant to quell deadly students-led protests against government job quotas that have killed at least 105 people this week.

A suspension on internet and text message services has remained in place since Thursday, cutting off Bangladesh from the world as police cracked down on protests that have continued despite a ban on public gatherings.

Overseas telephone calls mostly failed to connect while websites of Bangladesh-based media organisations did not update and their social media handles remained inactive.

In addition to the deaths, the clashes have injured thousands, according to data from hospitals across Bangladesh. The Dhaka Medical College Hospital received 27 dead bodies between 5 p.m. and 7 p.m. (1100-1200 GMT) on Friday.

For five days police have fired tear gas and hurled sound grenades to scatter protesters as demonstrators clashed with security personnel, throwing bricks and igniting vehicles.

The demonstrations - the biggest since Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was re-elected for a fourth successive term this year - have also been fuelled by high unemployment among young people, who make up nearly a fifth of the South Asian nation's 170 million people.

With the death toll climbing and police unable to contain the protests, Hasina's government imposed the national curfew and deployed the military.

The curfew was eased for two hours from noon on Saturday to allow people to shop for supplies and complete other chores, television channels reported. It will last until 10 a.m. (0400 GMT) on Sunday, when the government will assess the situation and decide the next course of action, the reports added.

Those venturing out on the streets had their identification cards inspected by army personnel at different check points, TV footage showed.

The nationwide unrest broke out over student anger against the controversial quotas for government jobs, including 30% for the families of those who fought for independence from Pakistan.

Hasina's government had scrapped the quota system in 2018, but a court reinstated it last month. The state appealed against the reinstatement and the Supreme Court suspended it for a month, pending a hearing on Aug. 7.

In the central Dhaka district of Narsingdi, protesters stormed a jail on Friday and freed over 850 inmates before setting fire to the facility, TV channels reported, citing police. Scattered incidents of arson were also reported on Saturday.

Hasina dropped plans to leave on Sunday for visits to Spain and Brazil due to the protests, the AFP news agency reported citing her press secretary.

Many opposition party leaders, activists and student protesters had been arrested, said Tarique Rahman, the exiled acting chairman of the main opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party. Police arrested Nahid Islam, a leading coordinator of the students' agitation, at 2 a.m. on Saturday, the protesters said in a text message.

Reuters could not independently confirm the arrests.

International rights groups have criticised the internet suspension and actions of security forces. The European Union said it is deeply concerned by the violence and loss of life.



Why is the Bangladeshi government facing so much anger?


Anbarasan Ethirajan
BBC South Asia Regional Editor
 July 20th, 2024

Bangladeshi students set fire to the country's state broadcaster on Thursday

Bangladesh is in turmoil.

Street protests are not new to this South Asian nation of 170 million people – but the intensity of the demonstrations of the past week has been described as the worst in living memory.

More than 100 people have died in the violence, with more than 50 people killed on Friday alone.

The government has imposed an unprecedented communications blackout, shutting down the internet and restricting phone services.

What started as peaceful protests on university campuses has now transformed into nationwide unrest.

Thousands of university students have been agitating for weeks against a quota system for government jobs.

A third of public sector jobs are reserved for the relatives of veterans from the country’s war for independence from Pakistan in 1971.

The students are arguing that the system is discriminatory, and are asking for recruitment based on merit.

Protest coordinators say police and the student wing of the governing Awami League – known as the Bangladesh Chhatra League – have been using brutal force against peaceful demonstrators, triggering widespread anger.

The government denies these allegations.


Bangladesh issues high security alert as deadly protests escalate


Bangladesh students defy ban to continue protests



“It’s not students anymore, it seems that people from all walks of life have joined the protest movement,” Dr Samina Luthfa, assistant professor of sociology in the University of Dhaka, tells the BBC.

The protests have been a long time coming. Though Bangladesh is one of the fastest growing economies in the world, experts point out that growth has not translated into jobs for university graduates.

Estimates suggest that around 18 million young Bangladeshis are looking for jobs. University graduates face higher rates of unemployment than their less-educated peers.

Bangladesh has become a powerhouse of ready-to-wear clothing exports. The country exports around $40 billion worth of clothes to the global market.

The sector employs more than four million people, many of them women. But factory jobs are not sufficient for the aspiring younger generation.


Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has been in power for 15 years


Under Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s 15-year rule, Bangladesh has transformed itself by building new roads, bridges, factories and even a metro rail in the capital Dhaka.

Its per-capita income has tripled in the last decade and the World Bank estimates that more than 25 million people have been lifted out of poverty in the last 20 years.

But many say that some of that growth is only helping those close to Ms Hasina’s Awami League.

Dr Luthfa says: “We are witnessing so much corruption. Especially among those close to the ruling party. Corruption has been continuing for a long time without being punished.”

Social media in Bangladesh in recent months has been dominated by discussions about corruption allegations against some of Ms Hasina’s former top officials – including a former army chief, ex-police chief, senior tax officers and state recruitment officials.

Ms Hasina last week said she was taking action against corruption, and that it was a long-standing problem.

During the same press conference in Dhaka, she said she had taken action against a household assistant – or peon - after he allegedly amassed $34 million.

"He can't move without a helicopter. How has he earned so much money? I took action immediately after knowing this,"

She did not identify the individual.

The reaction of the Bangladeshi media was that this much money could only have been accumulated through lobbying for government contracts, corruption, or bribery.

The anti-corruption commission in Bangladesh has launched an investigation into former police chief Benazir Ahmed – once seen as a close ally of Ms Hasina – for amassing millions of dollars, allegedly through illegal means. He denies the allegations.

This news didn’t escape ordinary people in the country, who are struggling with the escalating cost of living.

In addition to corruption allegations, many rights activists point out that space for democratic activity has shrunk over the past 15 years.

“For three consecutive elections, there has been no credible free and fair polling process,” Meenakshi Ganguly, South Asia director at Human Rights Watch, told the BBC.

“[Ms Hasina] has perhaps underestimated the level of dissatisfaction people had about being denied the most basic democratic right to choose their own leader,” Ms Ganguly said.

MONIRUL ALAM/EPA
An injured woman gets help on Thursday


The main opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) boycotted elections in 2014 and 2024 saying free and fair elections were not possible under Ms Hasina and that they wanted the polls to be held under a neutral caretaker administration.

Ms Hasina has always rejected this demand.

Rights groups also say more than 80 people, many of them government critics, have disappeared in the past 15 years, and that their families have no information on them.

The government is accused of stifling dissent and the media, amid wider concerns that Sheikh Hasina has grown increasingly autocratic over the years. But ministers deny the charges.

“The anger against the government and the ruling party have been accumulating for a long time,” says Dr Luthfa.

“People are showing their anger now. People resort to protest if they don’t have any recourse left.”

Ms Hasina’s ministers say the government has shown extreme restraint despite what they describe as provocative actions by protesters.

They say demonstrations have been infiltrated by their political opposition and by Islamist parties, who they say initiated the violence.

Law Minister Anisul Huq said the government was open to discussing the issues.

“The government has been reaching out to the student protesters. When there is a reasonable argument, we are willing to listen,” Mr Huq told the BBC earlier this week.

The student protests are probably the biggest challenge that has faced Ms Hasina since January 2009.

How they are resolved will depend on how she handles the unrest and, most importantly, how she addresses the public's growing anger.

Europe doubles down on protracted war in Ukraine

The European Parliament re-elected Ursula von der Leyen as president of the Commission, cementing the EU's maximalist aims


ELDAR MAMEDOV
JUL 22, 2024


On July 18, the European Parliament elected German conservative Ursula von der Leyen to a second five-year term as president of the European Commission.

The only candidate running, she managed to cobble together a heterogeneous ad hoc coalition consisting of her fellow center-right Christian Democrats, center-left socialists, liberals and Greens. Despite the important gains made by the right-wing national-conservative forces in the EP elections in June largely at the expense of the liberals and the Greens, the parliamentary majority chose continuity in von der Leyen.

In terms of foreign policy, this means doubling down on the “centrist” (read neoconservative-liberal) consensus on the war in Ukraine while isolating the war skeptics on the right and the far left. The first session of the newly elected Parliament has drawn clear lines and established what appears to be a clear-cut division for the next five years.

First, the majority rejected a request by the far-right Patriots for Europe, led by France’s National Rally and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s Fidesz party to place on the plenary agenda a debate on last weekend’s assassination attempt on former U.S. President Donald Trump, currently running to regain the office as the Republican nominee in the November election.

The Patriotsare the main national-conservative group in the chamber and the third largest faction overall, behind only von der Leyen’s center-right European People’s Party (EPP) and the socialists. When the request was, predictably, rejected by the centrist parties (119 votes in favor, 337 against), the Patriots accused them of violating democratic norms and laying the groundwork for politically motivated violence against opponents.

To highlight the Patriots’ isolation, the main center-right group, the EPP, counterattacked by introducing a resolution on Ukraine. They were joined by other centrists — socialists, liberals, Greens — and the pro-Ukraine right from the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group, the assembly’s fourth largest. The five political groups tabled a conventionally hardline joint text, demanding, among other things, the removal of any restrictions on the use of Western weapons systems delivered to Ukraine against military targets on Russian territory.

The lawmakers also “reiterated their belief that Ukraine is on an irreversible path to NATO” even though the European Parliament has no say over NATO and a number of the EU members (Austria, Ireland, Malta and Cyprus) are not members of NATO and have not shown, to date, any inclination to join it.

Reflecting the Brussels meltdown over Viktor Orban’s diplomacy that took him in recent weeks to Kyiv, Moscow, Beijing, Washington, and Trump’s Mar-a-Lago in what he called a “peace mission,” the resolution made a point of condemning him for “violating common EU positions” and failing to coordinate with other member states and EU institutions.

Lawmakers demanded “repercussions for Hungary.” While these repercussions are already being set in motion by attempts to boycott Hungary’s rotating EU presidency, no interest has been shown in engaging with the substance of Orban’s comments which he articulated in a letter to the president of the EU Council Charles Michel.

Given the degree to which Orban chose to highlight what, to be meaningful, should have been a highly sensitive and discreet diplomatic initiative, there may be reasonable doubts about its effectiveness. The problem, however, is that he is the only EU leader left who enjoys open channels of communications with the Kremlin, while the mainstream, “respectable” European leaders mostly trade in maximalist rhetoric about Ukrainian victory and Russian defeat without defining those terms, much less offering credible paths to their achievement.

The Patriots for Europe tabled an alternative motion on Ukraine that was substantially different from the majority’s resolution. While they condemned Russia’s aggression and expressed support for Ukraine’s independence and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders (i.e. including Donbass and Crimea), they also recalled that every member state “is sovereign regarding its decisions on providing financial, military and diplomatic support to third countries.”

They also stressed their conviction that there is no military solution to the conflict and that peace is the only viable and sustainable solution. Accordingly, they urged that the parties “open diplomatic channels, with the aim of concluding a lasting peace agreement.”

The two motions exposed the unbridgeable differences in the two sides’ approach to the war in Ukraine; thus, negotiations to find a compromise proved neither possible nor desired. Rather, political points were to be scored: the majority sought to portray the Patriots as Russian President Vladimir Putin’s stooges, while the Patriots accused the majority of escalating the conflict in pursuit of unachievable goals and weakening European economies in the process.

As anticipated, the majority text was adopted overwhelmingly: 495 votes to 137. Amendments tabled by the Left group, designed to open the way for a diplomatic solution to the hostilities, were all rejected. This is telling: while it may have been politically unpalatable for the centrists to vote for the Patriots’ proposals, no such unofficial restrictions exist regarding the far left; thus, the rejection of diplomacy seems to be a matter of choice, not just political convenience.

The “centrist” majority also rejected the Left’s (relatively moderate) amendment that deplored the apparent double standards applied by the EU to violations of international law by Russia in Ukraine and by Israel in Gaza.

While the leaders of the majority factions congratulated themselves on sending another “strong message” to Orban, not all of the lawmakers appear convinced. Michael von Schulenberg, a parliamentarian from Sahra Vagenknecht’s left leaning party in Germany and a veteran U.N. diplomat, deplored that the majority’s draft was based on “continuing and intensifying the war up to a military victory over Russia, which is now completely unrealistic.” The rejection of attempts at finding a peaceful solution, in his view, will continue inflicting “immeasurable suffering on the Ukrainian people.”

As a recent survey from the European Council on Foreign Relations showed, such views are fairly widespread among Europeans, including the voters of the mainstream political parties. However, as the initial session of the new European Parliament has demonstrated, they are destined to remain isolated in an assembly that is supposed to represent them.

Roughly the same coalition (except the majority of the ECR and some defections on the center-right, like the French Gaullists) that voted for the resolution on Ukraine also elected von der Leyen, a Russia hawk, for a second term. Add to this the designation of the former Estonian prime-minister Kaja Kallas, who once advocated for dismembering Russia, as the EU’s high representative for foreign policy, and the alignment of EU institutions in favor of continuity on Ukraine becomes complete.

These dynamics in the EU, however, can change if a possible Trump-Vance administration brings about a dreaded (or hoped for, depending on one’s perspective) American retrenchment from Europe. In that case, the Europeans will either have to fight Russia in Ukraine with substantially less U.S. support or seriously consider how a negotiated end to the war can be achieved.

Eldar Mamedov
Eldar Mamedov is a Brussels-based foreign policy expert

The views expressed by authors on Responsible Statecraft do not necessarily reflect those of the Quincy Institute or its associates.

Philippines eyes defence pacts with France, Canada and New Zealand, minister says


Philippines Defence Secretary Gilberto Teodoro hopes the agreements could be signed in 2025. PHOTO: EPA-EFE

JUL 22, 2024

MANILA - The Philippines is looking to forge reciprocal troops access agreements with Canada, France, New Zealand, and other countries, the defence minister said on July 22.

Defence Secretary Gilberto Teodoro told ANC news channel he hoped the agreements could be signed in 2025.

The agreements would allow greater interoperability, as armed forces of these countries can operate within the Philippine territory and vice versa, Mr Teodoro said.

“It is close to the apex of a defensive alliance,” he said.

The Philippines and Japan signed a landmark military pact earlier in July that allows the deployment of forces on each other’s soil in the face of China’s increasingly assertive stance in the region.

Canada, France and New Zealand have expressed support for the Philippines’ claims within its 200-nautical mile exclusive economic zone.


China claims almost the entire South China Sea and rejects a 2016 ruling by the Permanent Court of Arbitration in the Hague that its expansive claims had no basis under international law. The case was brought to the court by the Philippines. REUTERS

 

Assessing the Flames of Protest

Reprinted from TomDispatch.

From Gaza to the West Bank to the Israeli-Lebanese borderlands, it’s been a genuine nightmare. The devastation in Gaza remains surreal and almost impossible to take in. Housing, hospitalsschoolsreligious institutions, you name it – they’re all now a “maze of rubble” while the fighting just goes on (and on and on) with Palestinians (and far smaller numbers of Israelis) still dying daily. The normally cited death toll of Gazans now sits at 38,000 (with untold thousands more buried under the rubble or in mass graves); the death toll of Israeli soldiers is far more modest. It’s been nine months of intense war on a stretch of land that, unimaginably enough, is just 25 miles long with – despite some negotiations now underway – no end yet in sight. Having fought their way in a devastating fashion from the northern reaches of Gaza to its southern border, Israeli forces are now returning to areas they’ve already largely destroyed to do yet more damage, even as the possibility of another war on Israel’s northern border with Lebanon seems to be revving up, and conditions on the West Bank are growing far worse.

It’s all hard to take in. Had you been told that such a set of events would happen before they began, my guess is that you wouldn’t have believed it possible. Yet here we are while, in our world, the very idea of supporting a “cease fire” in Gaza, once a major focus of attention at the United Nations, seems to have more or less disappeared. And this was the world in which, as TomDispatch regular Nan Levinson explains today, U.S. Air Force Senior Airman Aaron Bushnell set himself afire in protest (having made out a will leaving what money he had to the Palestinian Children’s Relief Fund). It’s hard to imagine a more extreme act – the decision to quite literally obliterate yourself to make a point, destroy your own life to emphasize the nightmarish acts of others while trying to end a horror beyond compare.

Let Levinson take you into just such a world (which also happens to be ours) and make some sense of it. Sigh. ~ Tom Engelhardt


Assessing the Flames of Protest

by Nan Levinson

It began with Aaron Bushnell and a visceral response of mine: Why would anyone do such a thing?

Bushnell was the 25-year-old active-duty airman who set himself ablaze on February 25th in front of the Israeli embassy in Washington, D.C., to protest that country’s brutal war in Gaza. The first question was tough enough, but his dramatic and deadly action also brought to mind other questions that have occupied my thinking, research, and writing in these last several years: What spurs someone to such an unyielding, ultimate commitment to a cause? What kind of political action is actually effective?

When the campus protests over the bloodbath in Gaza exploded shortly after Bushnell’s act, those questions came to seem even more pressing to me.

And not only was I not alone in my interest in Bushnell’s act, he wasn’t even the first American to self-immolate over the fate of the Palestinians. Last December, an unidentified woman set herself on fire outside the Israeli consulate in Atlanta, apparently in a similar protest. She survived, just barely. (In April, a man who self-immolated across from the courthouse in Manhattan where Donald Trump was on trial for illegally trying to influence the 2016 election seemed aggrieved about other things.)

Three incidents, of course, do not an epidemic make, but they do attract attention. So, the phenomenon of self-immolation stayed in the news for a while.

Bushnell live-streamed his action, which was quickly posted on the social media platform Twitch (though that video was soon taken down there). As of this writing, however, it’s still up at Reddit. It opens on the early afternoon of a clear February day, with Bushnell in combat fatigues walking resolutely toward the Israeli embassy. He had emailed some independent news outlets about his protest and, as he walks, he says, “I am an active-duty member of the U.S. Air Force, and I will no longer be complicit in genocide. I’m about to engage in an extreme act of protest but compared to what people have been experiencing in Palestine at the hands of their colonizers, it’s not extreme at all.”

He then props up his cell phone on the pavement, pours some flammable liquid over his head, pulls his cap down, and flicks a lighter on around his ankles. When his uniform doesn’t ignite, he lights the pool of liquid surrounding him. It erupts into flames, which climb his body. Yelling “Free Palestine,” he bucks and moans in what must be unbearable pain before collapsing on the ground. Police and Secret Service agents rush over with fire extinguishers. One points a gun at the crumpled, still-flaming body and yells at him to get on the ground. Off-camera, another responds, “I don’t need guns, I need fire extinguishers!” After the video ends, Bushnell will be loaded into an ambulance and taken to a hospital, where he will soon die.  In its only response, it seems, the Israeli embassy will report that none of its staff were injured.

In the following weeks, third-party presidential candidates Cornel West and Jill Stein will express solidarity with Bushnell; vigils honoring him will be held in several American cities, including Portland, Oregon, where members of the antiwar veterans group About Face will burn their uniforms in his memory; the Palestinian town of Jericho will name a street after him; another active-duty airman will be inspired to stage a hunger strike in front of the White House and, when he’s ordered back to his base in Spain, two fellow members of Veterans For Peace will begin a hunger strike in his stead.

Admirable? Unhinged?

The initial media coverage of Bushnell’s action was straightforward enough, though often giving as much space to the history of self-immolation as to the politics of his protest. A notable exception was a Washington Post column by Shadi Hamid, who considered Bushnell’s position on the U.S. government’s support for Israel and concluded that while his act might have been unreasonable, his sense of powerlessness was not.

It didn’t take long, however, for the focus to shift to the psychology of self-immolation, then to Bushnell’s background and the implication that he was distinctly damaged. About six weeks after the event, the Boston Globe ran a feature on the Community of Jesus, a monastic community on Cape Cod, where the young Bushnell was raised and home-schooled. The story relied heavily on disgruntled former members – one characterized it as a cult – who recalled harsh, group-enforced discipline, practices meant to undermine family bonds, humiliations, and verbal assaults. The article did include a disclaimer toward the end – “It’s unclear what, if any, connection Bushnell’s upbringing had on his final protest.” – but all too clear was a striking skepticism about his psychological stability.

The need to understand and explain (or explain away) such an extreme, self-abnegating act is anything but unusual, nor is the linking of self-immolation to mental disturbance. Bushnell was explicit about his distress over the situation in Gaza and it sounded as if he was also dealing with a sense of moral injury, a malady of the heart as much as the head, but none of that was proof of derangement. Setting yourself on fire for whatever reason is inarguably an act of suicide, yet the mental state of someone at that moment is ultimately unknowable since such suicides almost invariably take their secrets to the grave. When it comes to self-immolation, I’m inclined to take people at their word. Apparently, that puts me in the minority.

“I won’t speculate on the dead man’s mental health,” wrote Graeme Wood in a snotty op-ed for The Atlantic. “He grew up in a cult, described himself as an anarchist, and generally eschewed what Buddhists might call ‘the middle way,’ a life of mindful moderation, in favor of extreme spiritual and political practice.” Fanaticism, he suggested, was Bushnell’s “default setting.”

It wasn’t just those who were unsympathetic to Bushnell’s act for whom the state of his psyche took precedence over the purpose of the protest. It may, in fact, be a particular genius of American democracy that it can absorb dissent and, in that way, blunt revolt, but that seemingly benign tolerance can push activists to ever more radical acts in a bid to focus attention on their cause. Sadly enough, though, when a dissident’s striking (even, in Bushnell’s case, ultimate) political act is reduced to a set of personal maladies, his or her message can be all too easily massaged away.

Probably More Than You Want to Know About Self-Immolation

Self-immolation is a low-cost, low-tech, readily documentable act that’s easy to do without significant planning, assistance, or much forethought. Of course, “easy” might be the wrong word for it, and self-immolation is an exceedingly rare, singular, and extreme form of political protest. Unlike marches or strikes, it involves only one person. Unlike suicide missions, the harm is intended to be inflicted only on yourself. Unlike the slow, wasting away of a hunger strike, it’s seldom reversible and usually fatal. Unlike most public protest, it doesn’t rely on an authority’s response to have an effect. And while most people wouldn’t consider it an option, to those who would set themselves aflame, sooner or later it becomes the only option.

Self-immolation is also heart-stoppingly dramatic, capturing the public’s attention, emotions, and imagination despite, or maybe because of its inherent contradictions. It is at once an act of despair and of defiance, of purity and of bravado. Above all, it defies any idea of acceptable risk. Moreover, as a form of nonviolent protest, it’s shockingly violent, and though our normal urge as humans is to look away from such suffering, the image remains irrepressible.

As it happens, self-immolation as protest has an ancient history. It appears in Hindu tales, Greco-Roman myths, the early Christian era, fourth-century China, and seventeenth-century Russia. It’s happened in protests against America’s war in Vietnam; against the Soviet, Indian, and Sri Lankan governments, as well as Chinese policies in Tibet; and recently in the U.S. over climate change.

According to Michael Biggs, a sociologist who conducted an extensive study of the subject, the motivations and rationales of self-immolators range from the selfless and strategic to the psychological and egocentric. Such an array of reasons is on display in The Self-Immolators, testimony compiled from protesters around the world who set themselves on fire between 1963 and 2013. It makes for sad reading: so many lives, so much anguish, so little effect.

Historically, the effectiveness of such awe-inspiring protest is, at best, unclear. There were certainly cases that did gain widespread attention and so influenced events and policies. As a threesome, consider Thich Quang Duc, the Vietnamese monk in the iconic photograph, who self-immolated to protest his government’s mistreatment of Buddhists;  Norman Morrison, the American Quaker who self-immolated under then-Defense Secretary Robert McNamara’s Pentagon window to protest America’s war in Vietnam (McNamara was reportedly “horrified,” while President John F. Kennedy exclaimed, “Jesus Christ!”); and Mohamed Bouazizi, the street vendor in Tunisia, whose self-immolation protesting corruption was considered a catalyst for the Arab Spring uprising.

Sadly, however, Bushnell’s action, far more typically, didn’t make a dent in Israel’s belligerence or limit the weaponry and intelligence his country still sends Israel. And the shock of the act, of the image of him burning to death seemed, if anything, to blot out the purpose. Maybe witnessing someone dying in flames, even online, is simply too disturbing to let witnesses easily absorb its intended message. Or maybe the intensity of Bushnell’s moral obligation shamed those who agreed with him and did nothing for those who didn’t.

Too Bad for Words

While it’s hardly burning yourself to death, all those students who camped out last spring, erecting tents on university lawns, defying administrators, and dominating the news narrative for weeks, also faced risks. Though no student protestors died, by demanding institutional responses to Israel’s war in Gaza, some were barred from graduatingdenied job offers, summarily kicked out of their housing, physically attacked, and arrested.

And then, as with Aaron Bushnell, we changed the subject. The issue wasn’t this country’s, or any individual university’s role in the war in Gaza – so insisted school authorities, opportunistic politicians, and an obliging media – but free speech and the function of higher education.

In contrast to self-immolation, which is always about the image, language was all-important in those campus protests and became a minefield. The hotly debated meaning of terms and slogans, the name-calling that stopped discussion, the debate over who controlled the debate, the mutual misunderstandings, and the alarming tolerance of intolerance were all exacerbated in the self-enclosed, pressure-cooker communities that college campuses generally are.

Quickly, the “sides” were slotted into pro-Israeli and pro-Palestinian categories, flattening any nuance among the protesters, even though a range of sentiments, perspectives, demands, and goals were apparent. That reduction also undermined the prospect for critical analysis, any true exchange of views, or the possibility of minds being changed – everything, in other words, that’s supposed to underpin a liberal education. And whatever happened to the idea of being pro-peace? I don’t remember that label ever being applied to the protests, although the one area most protestors agreed on was the need for a ceasefire in Gaza.

In his keynote speech at MIT’s graduation, entrepreneur Noubar Afeyan acknowledged the  students’ pain over the tragic Israeli-Palestinian conflict and rued his own lack of answers on the subject, concluding, “But I do know this: having conviction should not be confused with having all the answers.”

I have a certain sympathy for that sentiment, though I doubt I did when I was a student with my own set of demands over a different tragic conflict, which leaves me sympathetic to the student activists, too. After all, you don’t need answers to pinpoint a problem accurately or to believe peace is a precondition for finding such answers. Protest isn’t supposed to be nice. Dissent courts the heterodox. The point of a political action is to get in people’s faces, disturb complacency, and command a response. Protest that doesn’t challenge our norms, or at least get people to think about other possibilities, is just spectacle.

Of course, dissent also threatens authority, and the kneejerk reaction of authorities fearing that they’re losing control is to try to take ever more control. Insisting that the students and their organizations were being punished not for their speech but for breaking the rules, university administrators suspended anti-Zionist groups, breached principles of academic freedom, opened the way for violence by ushering the police onto campus, and caved to financial pressure from donors and alumni. And what to make of the suggestion of a Harvard dean, who, “look[ing] forward to calmer times on campus,” argued that the solution was for faculty members to just shut up?

You’d think such beleaguered university administrators would learn. Clampdowns usually backfire and severe punishments hardly make for calmer campuses. The repression, in fact, succeeded mainly in turning the conversation from core issues like war and human rights to an assessment of free speech and the very nature of academia – not to mention good old American anti-intellectualism. Educational leaders were called before Congress to confess; university presidents were fired; hate speech codes, mostly moribund in this century, got renewed attention; and the crisis became focused on campuses riven by incivility and bad words.

Dissension at educational institutions over what kinds of expression are acceptable, no less desirable, has a long history and merits periodic revisiting. I suspect, though, that there’s another reason what we say has bested what we do as the issue du jour: that is, a lot of Americans find it easier to champion the idea of free speech than to demand that Israel get out of Gaza or that the Biden administration rethink its military aid policies.

About 20 years ago, when I wrote a book about free expression controversies, I saw repeatedly how words make convenient scapegoats. Arguments over language are often a way to avoid arguments we’d prefer not to have, even if working through those very arguments could produce the resolutions we want to reach. As paramount as free speech is to me in the pantheon of human rights, I wish in this case – and in Aaron Bushnell’s memory – we hadn’t relegated war to just a background hum but had assessed the validity of the protesters’ demands and dealt with them, as fraught and frightening, involved and painful as that process would inevitably have been.

Follow TomDispatch on Twitter and join us on Facebook. Check out the newest Dispatch Books, John Feffer’s new dystopian novel, Songlands (the final one in his Splinterlands series), Beverly Gologorsky’s novel Every Body Has a Story, and Tom Engelhardt’s A Nation Unmade by War, as well as Alfred McCoy’s In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of U.S. Global Power, John Dower’s The Violent American Century: War and Terror Since World War IIand Ann Jones’s They Were Soldiers: How the Wounded Return from America’s Wars: The Untold Story.

Nan Levinson’s most recent book is War Is Not a Game: The New Antiwar Soldiers and the Movement They Built. A TomDispatch regular, she taught journalism and fiction writing at Tufts University.

Copyright 2024 Nan Levinson

The rise of disaster nationalism

The modern far-right is not a return to fascism, but a new and original threat.

By Richard Seymour
22 July 2024
THE NEW STATESMAN
Photo by Thierry Chesnot/Getty Images

The far-right is on the march; the left has rallied to defeat it. In a month which has seen the Trump-Vance presidential ticket power into life and National Rally fail to gain power in France, two simultaneous and contradictory readings of the contemporary political crisis have emerged. One sees an unstoppable wave, heralding the return of fascism across the West. Another, witnessing the joyous singing of antifascists on the streets of Paris and Perpignan after Le Pen’s defeat, proclaims the emptiness of the threat. Which is correct? Is the far right already the beast at the door or, despite media warnings of a populist rising for over a decade, the dog that fails to bark?

The French case is far from unique. For over a decade, Le Pen’s party has consistently increased its share of the vote. At the same time, the global momentum of hard-right campaigns has barely relented, propelling Viktor Orbán, Narendra Modi, Rodrigo Duterte, Donald Trump, Jair Bolsonaro and Javier Milei to power. The Israeli far-right has also assumed an increasingly dominant role in Benjamin Netanyahu-led governments. In Germany, the Allianz für Deutschland (AfD) beat Olaf Scholz’s Social Democrats into second place in the European elections and polls second-place for the federal elections. And yet, Trump lost in 2020, Bolsonaro was out two years later, the Polish far-right has been kicked out of government. Narendra Modi failed to win a majority, and Le Pen’s coronation, the culmination of over a decade of “dédiabolisation”, was stolen from her at the last minute. It’s no wonder the movement has proven difficult to parse.

But to see where it’s going, you must first know what it is. Unfortunately, the conversation is skewed before it begins. As Aaron Winter and Aurelien Mondon have documented in Reactionary Democracy, the media and political class systematically talk up the far-right, its concerns and their supposedly proletarian roots. This results in comical yet dangerous efforts by centre-left politicians to “speak worker” by appropriating some of the far-right’s language. Far-right candidates are also relentlessly puffed by journalists and broadcasters who can’t resist the whiff of scandalised excitement, voyeurist fascination and nostalgie de la boue. And liberal politicians like waggling the threat of fascism at us as a goose farmer wields a stick, to keep us in line: wasn’t Macron’s election gambit precisely intended to force another dismal run off between the centre and the far-right? Isn’t that threat that was used for weeks to keep Democrats loyal to a visibly desiccating Biden?


As for the left, our conversation is often garbled by inadequate abstractions, be it the academic discourse of “populism” or the uninformative, parochial American pseudo-debate about whether Trump is really a “fascist”. As Marx would have said, the correct method is not to start with the abstraction but to “appropriate the material in detail, to analyse its different forms of development and to track down their inner connection”.

What is distinctive about this new far-right and its growth? Notwithstanding wannabe “insurrections” in the United States, Brazil, Germany and even Russia, it remains largely parliamentarist for now. The new far-right provides an advantageous milieu in which neo-fascists can thrive but its immediate objective is not the overthrow of electoral democracy but a constitutional rupture breaking with all humane and “woke” constraints on the exercise of power. In most cases it starts out poorly organised, with meagre civil society roots, achieving what it does with an assemblage of online networks, media connections, sporadic street mobilisations, dark money, electoral campaigns and random violence. The one salient exception is India, where the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) gives Modi paramilitary heft. Otherwise this movement thrives less on its own inherent dynamism than on the decomposition of the old parliamentary centre, and on lurid apocalyptic fantasies: “white genocide”, “the great replacement”, “the great reset”. It is not yet fascism, but something else, which we might term “disaster nationalism”.

Disaster nationalism evinces not the least trace of the utopianism of historical fascism, with its colonial fantasies of living space and a “new man” equipped for global domination by race science. Rather, apart from the Israeli far-right’s expansionist vision for Gaza and the West Bank, it offers a meagre, defensive nationalism scaled to an age of deflationary politics. It doesn’t feign anticapitalism or proffer what Michael Mann calls “class transcendence”, as fascists did in both Italy and Germany. To the contrary, it defends a more muscular capitalism freed from “woke” constraints, albeit with ethnic protections. There is no sense of the futurist Aufbruch (departure)that Roger Griffin says characterised interwar fascism, apart from the pathetic, suicidal romance of the lone-wolf manifesto[RS1] . Tomorrow doesn’t belong to them; they don’t want tomorrow. On the flipside of their obsession with disaster scenarios is nostalgia for a version of normality that is slipping away.

Even so, despite its clear limitations, disaster nationalism has mounted a spectacular critique of political orthodoxy. “It’s the economy, stupid,” said the old governing liberals, with their visions of mankind driven prevailingly by enlightened self-interest. People vote with their wallets. And then they had to watch as, serially, voters repudiated self-interest and flocked to projects and candidates, from Brexit to Trump, that experts said would wreck the economy. In truth, people scarcely ever vote for their interests, if that is interpreted as personal economic well-being. And incumbency has in most cases been kind to far-right administrations, notwithstanding declining living standards under Modi, Orbán and Bolsonaro, mass killings under Duterte, and paralysis segueing into chaos under Trump. Even where they have lost, it has been in circumstances where their vote was far bigger than expected: for example, Trump added 10 million votes to his base in 2020, racking up many of them in supposed Democrat strongholds in Florida and Michigan.

What the new far-right offers is, as Trump often puts it, “winning”. When people are victimised by remote, abstract forces like capitalism or climate change, they often feel impotent to do anything about it. For example, a 2022 study by the University of Glasgow found that austerity in the UK had caused 300,000 excess deaths. Many of us whose relatives died early would not have seen the social cause, only proximate causes like heart disease or drug overdose. We are aware of things gradually getting worse without seeing how. Even if we dimly sense that the system is to blame, we can’t take capitalism to court or have it shot. And where is the alternative? This is part of the general depression that is abroad. But disaster nationalism offers, instead, a politics of revenge. It identifies a series of phobic objects who can be punished and killed: migrants, “Antifa”, “cultural Marxists”, Muslims, “globalists”, Jews and “terrorists”. It offers an addictive cycle of threat and release, in which self-respect is transiently secured by the destruction of a neighbour.

Even the basic self-interest in living takes second-place to the adventure of revenge. During the Oregon wildfires in 2020, many who were warned to evacuate stayed put in the hope of killing imaginary Antifa arsonists blamed for the fires. The armed culture wars over Covid-19 interventions saw harassment and death threats against health professionals in the United States, while in Germany a petrol station attendant was murdered for denying service to a customer not wearing a mask and Querdenken-linked Telegram users plotted the assassination of a Saxony state leader over restrictions on the unvaccinated. The psychoanalyst Tad Delay remarks, about Americans who resist socialised medicine despite their own health needs, that we love a win even if we shall surely die.

Against all this, official liberalism has one move, which is to supplement its growth discourse by triangulating the far-right. Just as Biden had sought to neutralise Trump by appropriating parts of his border agenda, Macron’s government has tried to outflank Le Pen by, for example, calling her soft on Islam and fulminating about “Islamo-gauchisme”. This is a weird symbiosis, in which both the hard-centre and the far-right thrive on cultivating hopelessness and punitive desires: sado-pessimism[RS2] . It legitimises the far-right, who take the win and demand more. Far-right voters aren’t placated because they’re addicted to the animating sense of threat. Meanwhile, liberal critique is neutralised, a fatalistic attitude to racism is engrained, and society is inured to the latest erosion of civilised norms. This is, after all, the pattern on which the far-right has thrived: the steady and accelerating involution of liberal civilization. There is no reason to assume this process has peaked, or that democracy will stabilise given the stresses the climate crisis will place on the system.

What may halt this process is not cynical appeal to self-interest or pandering to vengeful passions, but an equal and opposite force that eschews the pseudo-rebellion of the far-right for a real rebellion. Notably, the New Popular Front’s success in France was achieved with a programme that addresses people’s immediate needs through higher wages and price controls while attending to more collective, long-term desires. It defended migrants, for example, and opposed Islamophobia. It supported climate measures, a ceasefire in Gaza and recognition of Palestine. The programme will be hard to realise, and the Left will be resisted by those in power – but it cut through the hopeless synergy of hard-centre and far-right and showed that punitive nationalism does not enjoy anything like a monopoly on public desires.

There is an inchoate, global fascism in formation. It has expanded at an accelerating rate since the credit crunch, metabolising pervasive social misery, and its growth shows no sign of slowing. But there is a way out. As Will Davies argues in The Happiness Industry, unhappiness today often manifests “as a generalized deflation of desire and capability”. Neoliberal politics, telling us there was no alternative, left us nothing to wish for. Destroying our collective power, it left us nothing to about it. We have been blackpilled into submission. Disaster nationalism has its remedy which, though it ultimately solves nothing, is more potent than CBT and happy pills. A radical programme, though necessary to reignite political desire, isn’t enough to cut through this. Desire has to be organised. People need to experience their collective power, and not only because it is the only way to enjoy some real victories.
SINGAPORE
New $90 million programme to fund more research into hydrogen use, sustainable chemicals

It is important for Singapore to source new, low-carbon energy alternatives as it looks to get to net-zero emission by 2050. 

JUL 22, 2024


SINGAPORE – To help decarbonise Singapore’s energy and industrial sectors, a $90 million programme has been launched to further national research into areas such as hydrogen utilisation and the production of greener chemicals and fuels, like sustainable aviation fuel.

The Create Thematic Programme in Decarbonisation is a “large-scale but ambitious and synergistic” initiative, said Professor Tan Chorh Chuan, the permanent secretary for national research and development, at the launch on July 22.

He stressed the importance of positioning Singapore for new, low-carbon energy alternatives as it looks to get to net-zero emissions by 2050.


While Singapore relies on predominantly natural gas for its electricity generation, it is looking to green its economy by importing green electricity from its neighbours, and pursuing other clean energy alternatives, including hydrogen, geothermal energy, nuclear technology, as well as carbon capture and utilisation, Prof Tan noted.

“I’m particularly excited that the Create programme will be yet another prominent large-scale research effort that would help us to develop solutions that will be pertinent to this area,” he said during the launch at a symposium at NUS.

The new programme by the National Research Foundation (NRF) consists of nine research projects, each with a duration of between three and five years.

It will involve leading investigators from NUS, NTU, Create partners such as the University of Cambridge and Shanghai Jiao Tong University, as well as top international experts like Germany’s Max Planck Institute and Japan’s Tohoku University.

Prof Tan said that the research work will cover four main domains: from hydrogen utilisation to hydrogen combustion technologies; green chemistry, such as the sustainable conversion of biomass to chemicals and biofuels; synthetic biology, such as by engineering microbes to convert carbon dioxide into chemicals and biofuels; and chemical transformation, which involves developing net-zero pathways of producing top molecules for pharmaceutical applications.

NRF said the programme will contribute towards building Singapore’s capacity in hydrogen utilisation, developing new insights on the combustion behaviours of zero-carbon fuel blends, and building ammonia-ready fuel cells for power generation.

This comes as Singapore has launched a National Hydrogen Strategy, which puts the spotlight on the potential use of low-carbon hydrogen to account for around 50 per cent of Singapore’s electricity mix by 2050. By 2030, there will be at least four hydrogen-ready power plants that can run on a blend of natural gas and hydrogen.

Aside from decarbonising Singapore’s electricity mix – which accounts for around 40 per cent of total emissions – a key prong of the Republic’s endeavour to get to its net-zero target is greening Jurong Island, Singapore’s industrial and chemicals hub. Industrial emissions currently account for around 44 per cent of total greenhouse gas emissions.

As part of the Sustainable Jurong Island plan, there are goals to increase the output of sustainable products there by four times from 2019 levels, and achieve more than six million tonnes of carbon dioxide reduction per annum, through the use of low-carbon solutions.

Institutes of higher learning have also been coalescing their research efforts into these similar areas.

In April, a new $60 million corporate lab was launched by NTU, the Agency for Science, Technology and Research and ExxonMobil, to further research into biofuels, carbon capture and storage, and hydrogen.
CRYPTOZOOLOGY

21 species once presumed lost to science, including a giant millipede last seen more than a century ago, rediscovered in Madagascar

July 22, 2024
By Fred Mugira

Up to 21 species presumed lost to science, have been rediscovered in Madagascar, an island nation in eastern Africa.

The list includes three translucent fish species and a millipede unseen for 126 years, though known locally in Madagascar.

The expedition to Makira, Madagascar’s largest and most pristine forest, was part of Re:wild’s Search for Lost Species. It brought together teams from Antananarivo University, the American Bird Conservancy, The Peregrine Fund, the Wildlife Conservation Society, the Biodiversity Inventory for Conservation (BINCO) and local guides.

It marked the first multi-taxa effort by the initiative, targeting mammals, fish, birds, reptiles, amphibians, and invertebrates missing from scientific records for over a decade but are not assessed as extinct by the IUCN Red List of Threatened Species. The team of over 30 scientists explored Makira for weeks in September 2023, followed by months of analysis.

Setting up a light trap in Makira to survey invertebrates at night during a lost species expedition in September 2023. (Photo by Merlijn Jocque)

“In the past, the Search for Lost Species has primarily looked for one or two species on each expedition, but there are now 4,300 species that we know of around the world that have not been documented in a decade or more,” said Christina Biggs, Lost Species officer for Re:wild, whose eDNA work during the expedition detected 37 additional vertebrate species that the taxonomic experts didn’t sight.

“Madagascar is a biodiversity hotspot and Makira is an underexplored area within the country, so we decided to pilot a new model for lost species searches there. We convened a group of scientists to search for as many species as possible, and it proved successful.”

The expedition team initially had a list of 30 lost species they hoped to find in Makira. The species on the list included three mammals, three fish, seven reptiles, 12 insects and five spiders. With the help of local guides and fishers, the team found the three fish species on the list: the Makira rainbow fish (Bedotia alveyi), lost since 2003, Rheocles sp., lost since 2006, and Ptychochromis makira, lost since 2003. It proved to be much more difficult than biologists anticipated to find the lost fishes.

Rheocles sp., lost since 2006
Ptychochromis makira, lost since 2003

“When we didn’t find anything during the first five days of the expedition it was very frustrating,” said Tsilavina Ravelomanana, a fish biologist at Antananarivo University, who had been to Makira 20 years earlier to survey freshwater fish. “We sampled a small tributary of the Antainambalana River, then the main river, then upstream and then downstream, but we still didn’t find any fish. We changed our strategy and sent our local guides on a two-to-three-day hike away from our base camp to interview local fishermen.”
How it happened

Two of the expedition’s local guides, Melixon and Edmé, hiked around a steep waterfall and over mountains to villages that were within a few days’ walk of the expedition’s base camp along the Antainambalana River. After several days, the guides were able to find a Makira rainbow fish, a common fish to local communities, and brought it back to the camp in a bucket of water.
Makira rainbow fish

They returned to the same villages a few days later with photos of the Rheocles sp., which only measures a few inches long and has iridescent scales and red highlights on its body at the tips of its fins. Again, working with local fishermen, Melixon and Edmé were able to find the fish.

“We had already gotten two species, but we still needed to find one more,” said Fetra Andriambelomanana, a fish biologist at Antananarivo University. “The guides told us that they thought the best place to find it would be in an area on our hike back out of the forest. They left ahead of us and we made plans to meet them when we left Makira.”

The guides were able to find Ptychoromis makira, which biologists think may only live in one small area near Andaparaty, and is a rare species—even to local communities.

Makira proved to be home to several lost species of insects including bugs and some that were not even on the initial list of lost species for the area. Entomologists found two different species of ant-like flower beetles that had been lost to science since 1958. However, the most unexpected rediscovered lost species was a giant, dark brown millipede.

“I personally was most surprised and pleased by the fact that the giant millipede Spirostreptus sculptus, not uncommon in Makira Forest, appeared to be another lost species known only from the type specimen described in 1897,” said Dmitry Telnov, an entomologist with BINCO on the expedition team. “The longest specimen of this species we observed in Makira was a really gigantic female measuring 27.5 centimeters [10.8 inches] long.”

The giant millipede not uncommon in Makira Forest

The expedition team also found a variety of spider species in Makira, including five jumping spiders that were lost to science and 17 spiders that are new to science. The longest-lost spider was the jumping spider Tomocyrba decollata, which had not had a documented sighting since 1900 when it was first described by science.

The most unexpected discovery was a new species of zebra spider. Zebra spiders were not thought to live in the rainforests of Madagascar before the expedition to Makira. One evening a hanging egg sac in the entrance of a small cave caught the eye of one of the team members.

“I immediately recognized them as something special,” said Brogan Pett, director of the SpiDiverse working group at BINCO and doctoral candidate at the University of Exeter. “Pendulous egg sacs is one of the characteristics of the family of zebra spiders this new species belongs to. I crawled a short way inside the cave and saw a few adult spiders guarding egg sacs—they were quite large spiders and it was remarkable that they had gone unrecognized for so long.”
New species of spider Madagascarchaea sp. discovered during Makira expedition (Photo by John C. Mittermeier/American Bird Conservancy)

Although the expedition found nearly two dozen lost species, there were several that the expedition team was unable to find including the Masoala fork-marked lemur; a large chameleon, Calumma vatososa, named after Malagasy ‘vato’ or stone and ‘soa’ or beautiful; and the recently rediscovered dusky tetraka. The lemur has not had a documented sighting since 2004 and the chameleon since 2006.

As a result of this expedition, local scientists were able to clarify the uncertain taxonomic status of the Ellerman’s tuft-tailed rat and the Malagasy slit-faced bat, allowing them to be removed from the list of more than 4,300 lost species maintained by Re:wild and the IUCN Species Survival Commission.

The dusky tetraka was rediscovered by the Search for Lost Birds in Madagascar in December 2022 and January 2023 in two different locations in Andapa and Masoala. Makira is between Andapa and Masoala and ornithologists were hoping to determine if the species also lives in Makira. They were unable to find any of the cryptic olive and yellow birds during the expedition, but they are not ready to rule out the forest as a habitat for the species yet.

“The Makira Forest has the potential for two rare bird species, the dusky tetraka and the Madagascar serpent eagle, but we were not able to find them this time,” said Lily Arison Rene de Roland, Madagascar program director for the Peregrine Fund. “I was surprised by the abundance of white-browed owls. In general, this species is very localized and not very abundant, but it was very common in Makira.”
White-browed owl


Scientists reflect on the expedition’s impact

Jeconius Musingwire, an environmental scientist and former scientist with Uganda’s national environmental watchdog NEMA, described the rediscovery of these species as “significant to the whole world.” He urged African governments to investigate how these species were able to thrive in Madagascar, so they can apply “similar conservation techniques” in their own countries.

Cosmo LeBreton from the University of Oxford, The RIDGES Foundation, described the Makira expedition as a pivotal moment in biodiversity research, emphasizing its profound impact in global hotspots such as Madagascar. He believes, “this expedition is an extremely important example of the impact that output-driven research expeditions can generate in global hotspots for biodiversity.”

Similarly, Julie Linchant of WCS Madagascar underscores the expedition’s crucial role in uncovering Makira’s rich biodiversity. She notes that “it’s important to continue researching the biodiversity of Makira because although it is one of the largest rainforests in the country, we still have relatively little idea which species occur.”

A waterfall in Makira Natural Park. Steep waterfalls in Makira made searching for freshwater fish species more difficult. (Photo by Tahiry Langrand)

Dr. Abbas Mugisha, a lecturer at Kabale University in Uganda, suggested that more lost species “could still be living in various forests across Africa.” He cited the example of the Congo rainforest and advocated for additional expeditions to rediscover more lost species in Africa.

Reflecting on the survey, James Rafanoharana from WCS Madagascar says “It was the first time a herpetology survey was done at that low altitude and it was surprisingly diverse—although we mostly found common species.”

Armannd Benjara, who oversees the Complexe Tsimembo Manabolomaty Protected Area for The Peregrine Fund, expressed optimism about discovering the dusky tetraka in Makira’s varied habitats, stating that, “given the forest microhabitats we observed in Sahamatreha, I hope we can find the dusky tetraka in the Makira Forest.”

Angelinah Rene de Roland, a herpetologist also from The Peregrine Fund, marvelled at Makira’s lush forests and diverse ecosystems and said, “The expedition in general was amazing; the Makira Forest is very humid even during the dry season.”

Discussing the dusky tetraka, John C. Mittermeier, who leads the search for lost birds at the American Bird Conservancy, emphasizes its mystery, stating that, “the dusky tetraka is a really enigmatic species.”

Detailed list of rediscovered species

Since they came back, the expedition team has unveiled a collection of rediscovered species, each with its own story of disappearing and coming back again.

Among these finds are the Spirostreptus sculptus, (a giant millipede) last documented in 1897, and the Tomocyrba decollata Simon, (a jumping spider) not seen since 1900. Adding to the roster are the Echinussa vibrabunda (spider), absent from records since 1901, and the Tetragonoderus tomasinae (beetle), which vanished in 1931. Also rediscovered were the Sapintus acuminatus and Sapintus mediodilatatus (ant-like flower beetles), both unseen since 1958.

The expedition further uncovered the Pandisus sp. (spider), missing since 1968, and the Myrmarachne eumenes (jumping spider), last observed in 1978. Others include the Makira rainbow fish (Bedotia alveyi), Ptychochromis makira, and Rheocles sp., all absent from scientific records for over a decade. Additional notable finds include the (Kaliella crandalli) snail, last recorded in 2010, the Oxypristis conspicuous (leaf-footed bug), missing since 1996, and the Zetophloeus pugionatus (straight-snouted weevil), last seen in 2010. Rounding out the list are the Cenoscelis cistelina (darkling beetle), missing since 2011, and the Tamatasida tuberculosa tuberculosa (darkling beetle), last documented in 1949.

This story was produced by InfoNile
FREE PAUL WATSON!
Anti-whaling campaigner arrested in Greenland and police say he may be extradited to Japan


THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
July 22, 2024 
Paul Watson, then founder and President of the animal rights and environmental Sea Shepherd Conservation, attends a demonstration against the Costa Rican government near Germany's President residence during a visit of Costa Rica's president in Berlin, Germany, May 23, 2012. (AP Photo)

BERLIN--Greenland police said they arrested a veteran environmental activist and anti-whaling campaigner on Sunday on an international arrest warrant issued by Japan.

Paul Watson was arrested when his ship docked in Nuuk, Greenland’s capital, a police statement said. He will be brought before a district court with a request to detain him pending a decision on his possible extradition to Japan, the statement said.

The Captain Paul Watson Foundation said that more than a dozen police boarded the vessel and led Watson away in handcuffs when it stopped to refuel. The foundation said the ship, along with 25 volunteer crew members, was en route to the North Pacific on a mission to intercept a new Japanese whaling ship.

“The arrest is believed to be related to a former Red Notice issued for Captain Watson’s previous anti-whaling interventions in the Antarctic region,” the foundation said in an emailed statement.

“We implore the Danish government to release Captain Watson and not entertain this politically motivated request,” Locky MacLean, a foundation director, said in the statement.

Greenland is an autonomous territory of Denmark.

Watson, a 73-year-old Canadian-American citizen, is a former head of the Sea Shepherd Conservation Society whose direct action tactics, including high-seas confrontations with whaling vessels, has drawn support from A-list celebrities and featured in the reality television series “Whale Wars.”

However, it has also brought him into confrontation with authorities. He was detained in Germany in 2012 on a Costa Rican extradition warrant, but skipped bail after learning that he was also sought for extradition by Japan, which has accused him of endangering whalers’ lives during operations in the Antarctic Ocean. He has since lived in countries including France and the United States.

Watson, who left Sea Shepherd in 2022 to establish his own organization, was also a leading member of Greenpeace, but left in 1977 amid disagreements over his aggressive tactics.

According to his foundation, Watson’s current ship, the M/Y John Paul DeJoria, was due to sail through the Northwest Passage to the North Pacific to confront a newly built Japanese factory whaling ship, “a murderous enemy devoid of compassion and empathy hell bent on destroying the most intelligent self-aware sentient beings in the sea.”


Greenland Police Arrest Sea Shepherd Founder Paul Watson

Paul Watson arrested
Courtesy Capt. Paul Watson Foundation

PUBLISHED JUL 22, 2024 10:37 PM BY THE MARITIME EXECUTIVE

 

 

Paul Watson, founder of the activist group Sea Shepherd, has been arrested in Greenland in connection with an Interpol "Red" warrant filed by the government of Japan. 

Watson's vessel John Paul DeJoria arrived at the port of Nuuk, Greenland on Sunday for a refueling stop. The DeJoria is operated by Watson's recently-formed Capt. Paul Watson Foundation, and it was under way for the North Pacific to intercept the new Japanese whaling ship, Kangei Maru. The crew intended to take the Northwest Passage en route to the Kangei Maru's operating area. Kangei Maru has drawn scrutiny from conservationists for its large size and extended range, spurring speculation that its true mission could be to restart Japan's long-dormant Antarctic whaling program. 

However, Watson will not be joining the DeJoria's mission, at least not immediately. Denmark's federal police met the vessel at the pier, boarded it and placed the 73-year-old activist under arrest. The agency has confirmed that he was detained in connection with a Japanese request for his extradition. 

"It appears that Japan had made the notice confidential to facilitate Paul’s travel for the purpose of making an arrest," the foundation claimed. 

The Red Notice is believed to be in connection with Watson's activities with his former group Sea Shepherd in 2010, when the group interdicted Japanese whaling operations in the Southern Ocean. That notice - which Watson and his foundation had believed to be withdrawn - was originally issued for alleged acts of "Breaking into the Vessel, Damage to Property, Forcible Obstruction of Business, and Injury," according to Interpol.

Denmark's Ministry of Justice will rule on whether there are grounds to grant Japan's request for extradition. In the meantime, Watson has been held without bail until August 15. 

In its decision, the local court in Nuuk noted the circumstances of Watson's last arrest, which occurred in Germany in 2012. He was detained by German authorities on request of the government of Costa Rica, which wanted his extradition in connection with a past run-in with a shark-finning operation. Watson fled house arrest before he could be extradited from Germany. Given his history, the court ruled that Watson is a flight risk. 

"We implore the Danish government to release Captain Watson and not entertain this politically-motivated request," said Locky MacLean, Ship Operation’s Director for the foundation. 



Prominent anti-whaling activist Watson arrested in Greenland

Prominent anti-whaling environmentalist Paul Watson was arrested in Greenland on Sunday under an international arrest warrant issued by Japan, police and his foundation said.

In a statement, Greenland police said Watson had been arrested after arriving in Nuuk on the ship John Paul DeJoria.

He will be brought before a district court where police will request his detention “before a decision is made on whether he should be extradited to Japan”, they added.

Watson, who featured in the reality tv series “Whale Wars,” founded the Sea Shepherd and the Captain Paul Watson Foundation (CPWF) organisations, and has drawn attention for direct action tactics, including confrontations with whaling ships out at sea.

CPWF said in a statement that it believed his arrest was related to a so-called Red Notice issued over “Watson’s previous anti-whaling interventions in the Antarctic region.”

CPWF said in a statement that his ship had made port to refuel as part of its “Operation Kangei Maru, a mission to intercept Japan’s newly-built factory whaling ship Kangei Maru in the North Pacific.” 

The 9,300-tonne whaler, which set off from Japan in May, butchers and processes whales caught by smaller vessels.

Activists aggressively pursued the Kangei Maru’s predecessor when, prior to 2019, Japan hunted whales in the Antarctic and North Pacific for “scientific” purposes.

That year Japan quit the International Whaling Commission and nowadays conducts commercial whaling, but only in its own waters, and on what it calls a sustainable scale.