Tuesday, September 03, 2024

On Our Climate-Challenged Planet, Only Some Deaths Seem to Matter


 
 September 3, 2024
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Sam Pizzigati writes on inequality for the Institute for Policy Studies. His latest book: The Case for a Maximum Wage (Polity). Among his other books on maldistributed income and wealth: The Rich Don’t Always Win: The Forgotten Triumph over Plutocracy that Created the American Middle Class, 1900-1970  (Seven Stories Press). 

 

The War on Food and the War on Humanity: Platforms of Control and the Unbreakable Spirit

Max Weber (1864-1920) was a prominent German sociologist who developed influential theories on rationality and authority. He examined different types of rationality that underpinned systems of authority. He argued that modern Western societies were based on legal-rational authority and had moved away from systems that were based on traditional authority and charismatic authority.

Traditional authority derives its power from long-standing customs and traditions, while charismatic authority is based on the exceptional personal qualities or charisma of a leader.

According to Weber, the legal-rational authority that characterises Western capitalist industrial society is based on instrumental rationality that focuses on the most efficient means to achieve given ends. This type of rationality manifest in bureaucratic power. Weber contrasted this with another form of rationality: value rationality that is based on conscious beliefs in the inherent value of certain behaviour.

While Weber saw the benefits of instrumental rationality in terms of increased efficiency, he feared that this could lead to a stifling “iron cage” of a rule-based order and rule following (instrumental rationality) as an end in itself. The result would be humanity’s “polar night of icy darkness.”

Today, technological change is sweeping across the planet and presents many challenges. The danger is of a technological iron cage in the hands of an elite that uses technology for malevolent purposes.

Lewis Coyne of Exeter University says:

We do not — or should not — want to become a society in which things of deeper significance are appreciated only for any instrumental value. The challenge, therefore, is to delimit instrumental rationality and the technologies that embody it by protecting that which we value intrinsically, above and beyond mere utility.

He adds that we must decide which technologies we are for, to what ends, and how they can be democratically managed, with a view to the kind of society we wish to be.

A major change that we have seen in recent years is the increasing dominance of cloud-based services and platforms. In the food and agriculture sector, we are seeing the rollout of these phenomena tied to a techno solutionist ‘data-driven’ or ‘precision’ agriculture legitimised by ‘humanitarian’ notions of ‘helping farmers’, ‘saving the planet’ and ‘feeding the world’ in the face of some kind of impending Malthusian catastrophe.

A part-fear mongering, part-self-aggrandisement narrative promoted by those who have fuelled ecological devastation, corporate dependency, land dispossession, food insecurity and farmer indebtedness as a result of the global food regime that they helped to create and profited from. Now, with a highly profitable but flawed carbon credit trading scheme and a greenwashed technology-driven eco-modernism, they are going to save humanity from itself.

The world according to Bayer

In the agrifood sector, we are seeing the rollout of data-driven or precision approaches to agriculture by the likes of MicrosoftSyngenta, Bayer and Amazon centred on cloud-based data information services. Data-driven agriculture mines data to be exploited by the agribusiness/big tech giants to instruct farmers what and how much to produce and what type of proprietary inputs they must purchase and from whom.

Data owners (Microsoft, Amazon, Alphabet etc.), input suppliers (Bayer, Corteva, Syngenta, Cargill etc.) and retail concerns (Amazon, Walmart etc) aim to secure the commanding heights of the global agrifood economy through their monopolistic platforms.

But what does this model of agriculture look like in practice?

Let us use Bayer’s digital platform Climate FieldView as an example. It collects data from satellites and sensors in fields and on tractors and then uses algorithms to advise farmers on their farming practices: when and what to plant, how much pesticide to spray, how much fertiliser to apply etc.

To be part of Bayer’s Carbon Program, farmers have to be enrolled in FieldView. Bayer then uses the FieldView app to instruct farmers on the implementation of just two practices that are said to sequester carbon in the soils: reduced tillage or no-till farming and the planting of cover crops.

Through the app, the company monitors these two practices and estimates the amount of carbon that the participating farmers have sequestered. Farmers are then supposed to be paid according to Bayer’s calculations, and Bayer uses that information to claim carbon credits and sell these in carbon markets.

Bayer also has a programme in the US called ForGround. Upstream companies can use the platform to advertise and offer discounts for equipment, seeds and other inputs.

For example, getting more farmers to use reduced tillage or no-till is of huge benefit to Bayer (sold on the basis of it being ‘climate friendly’). The kind of reduced tillage or no-till promoted by Bayer requires dousing fields with its RoundUp (toxic glyphosate) herbicide and planting seeds of its genetically engineered Roundup resistant soybeans or hybrid maize.

And what of the cover crops referred to above? Bayer also intends to profit from the promotion of cover crops. It has taken majority ownership of a seed company developing a gene-edited cover crop, called CoverCress. Seeds of CoverCress will be sold to farmers who are enrolled in ForGround and the crop will be sold as a biofuel.

But Bayer’s big target is the downstream food companies which can use the platform to claim emissions reductions in their supply chains.

Agribusiness corporations and the big tech companies are jointly developing carbon farming platforms to influence farmers on their choice of inputs and farming practices (big tech companies, like Microsoft and IBM, are major buyers of carbon credits).

The non-profit GRAIN says (see the article The corporate agenda behind carbon farming) that Bayer is gaining increasing control over farmers in various countries, dictating exactly how they farm and what inputs they use through its ‘Carbon Program’.

GRAIN argues that, for corporations, carbon farming is all about increasing their control within the food system and is certainly not about sequestering carbon.

Digital platforms are intended to be one-stop shops for carbon credits, seeds, pesticides and fertilisers and agronomic advice, all supplied by the company, which gets the added benefit of control over the data harvested from the participating farms.

Technofeudalism

Yanis Varoufakis, former finance minister of Greece, argues that what we are seeing is a shift from capitalism to technofeudalism. He argues that tech giants like Apple, Meta and Amazon act as modern-day feudal lords. Users of digital platforms (such as companies or farmers) essentially become ‘cloud serfs’, and ‘rent’ (fees, data etc) is extracted from them for being on a platform.

In feudalism (land) rent drives the system. In capitalism, profits drive the system. Varoufakis says that markets are being replaced by algorithmic ‘digital fiefdoms’.

Although digital platforms require some form of capitalist production, as companies like Amazon need manufacturers to produce goods for their platforms, the new system represents a significant shift in power dynamics, favouring those who own and control the platforms.

Whether this system is technofeudalism, hypercapitalism or something else is open to debate. But we should at least be able to agree on one thing: the changes we are seeing are having profound impacts on economies and populations that are increasingly surveilled as they are compelled to shift their lives online.

The very corporations that are responsible for the problems of the prevailing food system merely offer more of the same, this time packaged in a  genetically engineered, ecomodernist, fake-green wrapping (see the online article From net zero to glyphosate: agritech’s greenwashed corporate power grab).

Elected officials are facilitating this by putting the needs of monopolistic global interests ahead of ordinary people’s personal freedoms and workers’ rights, as well as the needs of independent local producers, enterprises and markets.

For instance, the Indian government has in recent times signed memoranda of understanding (MoU) with Amazon, Bayer, Microsoft and Syngenta to rollout data-driven, precision agriculture. A ‘one world agriculture’ under their control based on genetically engineered seeds, laboratory created products that resemble food and farming without farmers, with the entire agrifood chain, from field (or lab) to retail in their hands.

This is part of a broader strategy to shift hundreds of millions out of agriculture, ensure India’s food dependence on foreign corporations and eradicate any semblance of food democracy (or national sovereignty).

In response, a ‘citizen letter’ (July 2024) was sent to the government. It stated that it is not clear what the Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR) will learn from Bayer that the well-paid public sector scientists of the institution cannot develop themselves. The letter says entities that have been responsible for causing an economic and environmental crisis in Indian agriculture are being partnered by ICAR for so-called solutions when these entities are only interested in their profits and not sustainability (or any other nomenclature they use).

The letter raises some key concerns. Where is the democratic debate on carbon credit markets. Is the ICAR ensuring that the farmers get the best rather than biased advice that boosts the further rollout of proprietary products? Is there a system in place for the ICAR to develop research and education agendas from the farmers it is supposed to serve as opposed to being led by the whims and business ideas of corporations?

The authors of the letter note that copies of the MoUs are not being shared proactively in the public domain by the ICAR. The letter asks that the ICAR suspends the signed MoUs, shares all details in the public domain and desists from signing any more such MoUs without necessary public debate.

Valuing humanity

Genuine approaches to addressing the challenges humanity faces are being ignored by policymakers or cynically attacked by corporate lobbyists. These solutions involve systemic shifts in agricultural, food and economic systems with a focus on low consumption (energy) lifestyles, localisation and an ecologically sustainable agroecology.

As activist John Wilson says, this is based on creative solutions, a connection to nature and the land, nurturing people, peaceful transformation and solidarity.

This is something discussed in the recent article From Agrarianism to Transhumanism: The Long March to Dystopia in which it is argued that co-operative labour, fellowship and our long-standing spiritual connection to the land should inform how as a society we should live. This stands in stark contrast to the values and impacts of capitalism and technology based on instrumental rationality and too often fuelled by revenue streams and the goal to control populations.

When we hear talk of a ‘spiritual connection’, what is meant by ‘spiritual’? In a broad sense it can be regarded as a concept that refers to thoughts, beliefs and feelings about the meaning of life, rather than just physical existence. A sense of connection to something greater than ourselves. Something akin to Weber’s concept of value rationality. The spiritual, the diverse and the local are juxtaposed with the selfishness of modern urban society, the increasing homogeneity of thought and practice and an instrumental rationality which becomes an end in itself.

Having a direct link with nature/the land is fundamental to developing an appreciation of a type of ‘being’ and an ‘understanding’ that results in a reality worth living in.

However, what we are seeing is an agenda based on a different set of values rooted in a lust for power and money and the total subjugation of ordinary people being rammed through under the false promise of techno solutionism (transhumanism, vaccines in food, neural laces to detect moods implanted in the skull, programmable digital money, track and trace technology etc.) and some distant notion of a techno utopia that leave malevolent power relations intact and unchallenged.

Is this then to be humanity’s never-ending “polar night of icy darkness”? Hopefully not. This vision is being imposed from above. Ordinary people (whether, for example, farmers in India or those being beaten down through austerity policies) find themselves on the receiving end of a class war being waged against them by a mega rich elite.

Indeed, in 1941, Herbert Marcuse stated that technology could be used as an instrument for control and domination. Precisely the agenda of the likes of Bayer, the Gates Foundation, BlackRock and the World Bank, which are trying to eradicate genuine diversity and impose a one-size-fits-all model of thinking and behaviour.

A final thought courtesy of civil rights campaigner  Frederick Douglass in a speech from 1857:

Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will. Find out just what any people will quietly submit to and you have found out the exact measure of injustice and wrong which will be imposed upon them, and these will continue till they are resisted with either words or blows, or with both. The limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppress.

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Colin Todhunter is an independent writer specialising in development, food and agriculture. You can read his new e-book Food, Dependency and Dispossession: Resisting the New World Order for free hereRead other articles by Colin.

 

Venezuela: Where Next?

We must speak the truth: therein lies our strength, and the masses, the people, the multitude will decide in actual practice, after the struggle, whether we have strength.

— VI Lenin, 1905

Hugo Chavez will live on as one of the most outstanding foes of US imperialism in our time. His defiance of successive US governments was truly remarkable. Situated in the US backyard, Venezuela — under Chavez’s leadership — brought joy and admiration to millions throughout the world and inspired others in Central and South America to mount their own response to US domination. Faced with foreign intervention, coup attempts, and a vicious domestic opposition, Chavismo will be honored for rebelling against US arrogance and aggression long after his death.

However, Chavismo was not socialism, nor did it construct a path to socialism. Chavez brought a Christian love and respect to the poor and disadvantaged and offered a dash of utopian “socialism” gleaned from Western leftist “advisors.” The movement was multiclass, with the working class playing no special role. The transformation of the state into a peoples’ democracy was never projected. In short, a radical transformation was not and is not secured against the maneuvers of the domestic bourgeoisie and foreign intervention.

Consequently, Venezuela’s path is very susceptible to detours, reversals, and backsliding, especially in the face of potent domestic reaction and foreign intervention. History has shown that mobilization and empowering of the working class is the most important barrier that a government can erect against the machinations of hostile class forces. The ready cooperation of the parties of the most militant workers– the Communists– is essential to this effort.

Yet, the Maduro government not only rejected the collaboration of the Communist Party of Venezuela (PCV), but effectively banned the PCV and obstructed its electoral participation. This unprincipled attack on the PCV is well documented; no one among the international solidarity community has disputed its veracity.

Yet those who know of the complicity of the Venezuelan Supreme Court in enforcing the ban choose to ignore the Court’s failure. They choose to look away from the denial of any hint of due process or transparency in the Court’s slavish toadying to the Maduro government.

It speaks poorly of a left that indignantly rallies against comparable politically tainted decisions of the highest courts in their own lands.

The recent Venezuelan election is the object of intense contention. Ultimately, the Venezuelan people will resolve the question of its legitimacy, as they, and they alone, must do.

Does it help Venezuelans find the truth for some to pretend that the most recent electoral process measured up to the past practices applauded by a number of recognized international observers? One prominent left commentator appealed to the Venezuelan Constitution to sheepishly note that the Constitution did not mandate that the electoral council respect those past practices — hardly, a ringing defense of the results that he, and many others, stoutly maintain.

Of course, it is scandalous that the Maduro government marked “Paid” on the election results through the same compromised Supreme Court that attempted to arbitrarily shape the outcome beforehand by denying ballot status to some parties, including to the Communist Party.

To be sure, the Venezuelan people will overcome this blemish on the legacy of Hugo Chavez and return to a political process that will welcome the most ardent champions of working people, the Communists.FacebookTwitter

Greg Godels writes on current events, political economy, and the Communist movement from a Marxist-Leninist perspective. Read other articles by Greg, or visit Greg's website.

 

Killing Bazaars: The Land Forces Expo Down Under



Between September 11 and 13, the Melbourne Convention and Exhibition Centre (MCEC) will play host to a bazaar of networking and deal making as part of a show that really ought to be called The Merchants of Death Down Under.  And the times for these merchants are positively bullish, given that total global military expenditure exceeded US$2.4 trillion in 2023, an increase of 6.8% in real terms from 2022.

The introductory note to the event is, typically in the lingo of the industry, mildly innocuous, even dull.  “The Land Forces 2024 International Land Defence Exposition is the premier platform for interaction between defence, industry and government of all levels, to meet, to do business and discuss the opportunities and challenges facing the global land defence markets.”

In greater detail, the website goes on to describe the Land Defence Exposition as “the premier gateway to the land defence markets of Australia and the region, and a platform for interaction with major prime contractors from the United States and Europe.”  When it was held in 2022 at the Brisbane Convention and Exhibition Centre, the event attracted 20,000 attendees, 810 “exhibitor organisations” from 25 countries, and ran 40 conferences, symposia and presentations.  From 30 nations came 159 defence, government, industry and scientific delegations.

Land Forces 2024 is instructive into how the military-industrial complex manifests.  Featured background reading for the event involves, for instance, news about cultivating budding militarists and numb any disturbing tendencies towards peacemaking.  And where better to start than in school, where things have yet to even bud?  From August 6, much approval is shown for the A$5.1 million Federation Funding Agreement between the Australian government and the state governments of South Australian and West Australia to deliver “the Schools Pathways Program (SPP)” as part of the Australian government’s Defence Industry Development Strategy.  The program offers school children a chance to taste the pungent trimmings of industrial militarism: visits to military facilities, “project-based learning”, and attend presentations.

Rather cynically, the SPP co-opts the Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) aspect of government policy, carving up a direct link between school study and the defence industry.  “We need more young Australians studying STEM subjects in schools and develop skills for our future workforce,” insists the Australian Minister for Education, Jason Clare.  Hard to disagree with the proposition, but why make things so blatantly easy for the Merchants of Death?

Mutterings of discontent have registered against the Land Forces exposition.  Ellen Sandell, a Victorian member of parliament and leader of the Victorian Greens, and Adam Bandt, the federal member for Melbourne and leader of the Australian Greens, have written to the state Premier Jacinta Allan to call off the arms event.  The party notes that such companies as Elbit Systems “and others that are currently fuelling … Israel’s genocide in Palestine, where 40,000 people have now been killed – will showcase and sell their products there.”  Like most state premiers in Australia, Allan sees dollars before principles, icily dismissing such demands.

The protest outfit Disrupt Land Forces, one that so far boasts 50 different activist collectives, has been gathering some steam.  As early as June 4, the publishing outlet Defence Connect reported movement on the activist front, with groups such as Wage Peace – Disrupt War and Whistleblowers, Activists & Communities Alliance planning to rally against the Land Force exposition.

On its website the group writes that it “hassled Land Forces out of Magandjin (Brisbane)” in 2022.  The prospects look even better now for a re-run.  “Imagine what we can do now, in Narrm (Melbourne).”  Various activities are anticipated stretching over a week, a usual mix of carnival, activism, harrying – especially the arms dealers – with the goal of gathering 25,000 people who will ultimately encircle the MCEC and cause a halt to proceedings.

Ahead of the event, the Victorian Labor government, the event’s satisfied sponsor, is already anticipating trouble, seeing the threat to peace from protestors as far more profound than boardroom arms dealers making deals in the shadow of death.  A further 1,800 police officers are being mobilised, drawn from the regional areas of the state.

The Victorian Minister for Police, Anthony Carbines, did his best to set the mood.  “If you are not going to abide by the law, if you’re not going to protest peacefully, if you’re not going to show respect and decency, then you’ll be met with the full force of the law.”  Let’s hope the police observe those same standards.

Warmongering press outlets, The Herald Sun being a perennial stalwart, warn of the “risks” that “Australia’s protest capital” will again be “held hostage to disruption and confrontation” given the diversion of police.  Its editorial of August 15 gives the protestors a flatteringly demon tinge, treating the projected number of 25,000 attendees quite literally, swallowing whole the optimistic incitements on the website of Disrupt Land Force group.

The editorial also notes the concerns of unnamed senior members of the police force who fret about “the potential chaos outside MCEC at South Wharf and across central Melbourne”, one that compelled the forces to mount “one of the biggest security operations since the anti-vaccine/anti-lockdown protests at the height of Covid in 2021-21 or the World Economic Forum chaos in 2000.”

Were it up to the editors, protesting activists would do far better to stay at home and let the Victorian economy, arms and all, hum along.  The merchants of death could go about negotiating the mechanics of murder in broad daylight; the Victorian government would get its blood fill; and Melbournians could turn a blind eye to what oils the mechanics of global conflict.  The forthcoming protests will, hopefully, shock the city into recognition that the arms trade is global, nefarious and indifferent to the casualty count.Facebook


Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne. Email: bkampmark@gmail.comRead other articles by Binoy.
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Biden administration weighs price support for US critical minerals amid Chinese pressure

The effort comes in response to delays and cancellations of many U.S. minerals processing projects.



President Joe Biden's efforts to boost domestic production of minerals have been challenged by China's stranglehold on the industry. | Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images

By James Bikales
POLITICO
08/29/2024 

The Biden administration is considering using federal dollars to prop up U.S. critical minerals projects being hammered by an influx of cheaper Chinese materials, an Energy Department official familiar with the potential move told POLITICO.

Under the policy, the department would set a price floor and agree to pay the difference when market prices fall below that threshold for critical minerals produced by certain U.S. projects. The effort comes in response to delays and cancellations of many U.S. minerals processing projects, including those that were set to receive a collective $1 billion in grants from the Biden administration.

Such a federal backstop would help meet a major goal of the Biden administration’s climate and manufacturing agenda — boosting the domestic production of minerals for clean energy technologies such as electric vehicles, a global supply chain that China now dominates. It would add to a growing trend of bipartisan support for government intervention in the economy, including former President Donald Trump’s call for widespread tariffs and Vice President Kamala Harris’ push for tougher penalties on price gouging.

The official, who works in the department’s Manufacturing and Energy Supply Chains Office, was granted anonymity to discuss a policy that is still under consideration.

Chinese oversupply has crashed the price of lithium, nickel and other minerals key to the clean energy transition, making it harder for owners of U.S. minerals projects to secure financing despite grants and other support they’re receiving from President Joe Biden’s administration. Those struggles have led some in the industry and the administration to believe the government must do more than provide an initial capital investment.

The goal of the policy under consideration would be to help reassure investors and customers that domestic suppliers can overcome China’s efforts to maintain its stranglehold on the critical minerals industry.

It’s unclear how much the policy would cost. The details are still being discussed, but the backstop would likely be available for a limited time and apply only to projects that the department has determined are close to being competitive in pricing but are being challenged by foreign market manipulation.

“If we move forward on anything like this, the intent would be to give the nudge that is needed to set off the flywheel, versus create a permanent subsidy or cushion for a particular sector or company going forward,” the Energy Department official said.



Such a federal backstop would help meet the Biden administration's goal of boosting the domestic production of minerals for clean energy technologies such as electric vehicles. | Mandel Ngan/AFP via Getty Images

Even if minerals prices stay high enough that the government never needs to disburse the funds, the promise to do so can help projects secure purchase agreements from customers that are crucial to financing their construction.

The official said most of what the MESC office has done revolves around investing in the construction side. “But it feels warranted, given what we’re hearing from the market, to think through, are there more creative ways where we can support projects so that they can … have the financial certainty to actually scale up?” the official said.

Companies and industry groups have launched a quiet push for a backstop in recent months, though some in the sector remain skeptical of the government wading into complex commodities markets. There’s also the question of whether DOE can set up — and fund — such an effort without explicit authorization from Congress, especially after the Supreme Court limited federal agencies’ discretion earlier this year by overturning a decades-old legal doctrine.

The DOE official said the agency is looking at what it can do within its existing authorities, which could include repurposing some grant funding intended for minerals projects, such as leftover funds from struggling projects that dropped out of grant negotiations.

The industry laid out its predicament to DOE in response to a request for information that the MESC office published this spring, seeking feedback on the dynamics of the critical minerals market. Companies expressed “strong support” for the department to implement “demand-side tools,” such as a price floor or contract for differences, to address the market concerns, according to a summary of the responses the agency released on Friday.

To secure financing, minerals project owners typically need to sign agreements with potential buyers such as automakers or battery cell manufacturers that show they will generate enough revenue to pay back investors.

But those customers have been loath to sign long-term purchase agreements with U.S. suppliers given the possibility that mineral prices will keep falling, and the fact that American-made minerals are more expensive than Chinese ones to begin with, companies say. One estimate last year put the price of North American graphite at more than double that of imported material, for example.

“You can’t have the facility built or the money to buy the equipment without having commitments from customers because you can’t get the financing without it,” said Chip Dunn, chair of Anovion Technologies, which is developing a $1 billion synthetic graphite plant in Georgia. “This is where the government needs to play a role.”

U.S. producers and government officials have accused China of subsidizing its producers to flood the global market with cheap minerals produced with lower social and environmental standards. A top State Department official, Jose Fernandez, told POLITICO this month that China is engaged in “predatory pricing” to frustrate U.S. efforts to develop its own high-standard sources of minerals.

American projects also face significantly longer timelines to get to market due to permitting delays. And some U.S. minerals suppliers argue that the Biden administration’s rules implementing Inflation Reduction Act tax credits for electric vehicles and clean energy manufacturing have left too much leeway for upstream customers to continue purchasing minerals from China.

The Biden administration has already spent billions trying to kick-start a domestic critical minerals industry, particularly in the processing sector that is overwhelmingly dominated by Beijing.

In late 2022, when minerals prices were near their peak, DOE selected 21 processing and recycling projects to receive a collective $2.8 billion from the bipartisan infrastructure law. But in 2023, as the projects were negotiating terms of the grants, the price of lithium fell by 75 percent, and the price of cobalt, nickel and graphite each dropped by between 30 and 45 percent, according to the International Energy Agency.

A third of the projects, which were set to receive a collective $1 billion, failed to make it through the negotiations to receive the awards, according to the Energy Department’s website.

The projects faced a “perfect storm” of pricing pressures, said Ben Steinberg, who represents several of the grant recipients as executive vice president at Venn Strategies and spokesperson for the Battery Materials and Technology Coalition.

“High interest rates, inflationary pressures and oversupply of minerals from China put a lot of additional burden on these companies, who have the monumental task of raising or finding private capital for three quarters of these investments,” Steinberg said.

Several of the companies in the grant round have instead sought loans from DOE’s Loan Programs Office, which has more than $200 billion in estimated loan authority and can provide a greater share of a project’s financing. That office announced in May that critical minerals mining and extraction projects are now eligible for loans, and it also indicated to companies in a memo and webinar that month that it may allow projects to receive both a grant and a loan on a “project specific” basis.

But some companies say the Energy Department needs to go beyond supporting capital construction by implementing a backstop mechanism, which would guarantee that specific producers can receive a minimum price for their minerals even if market prices slip.



Chinese oversupply has crashed the price of lithium, nickel and other minerals key to the clean energy transition and electric vehicle production. | STR/AFP via Getty Images

“Offtake backstops help derisk project development and enable developers to access project financing,” the think tank Federation of American Scientists, which researches science-based policy solutions, wrote in a recent report calling on DOE to create such a mechanism.

The idea may be able to find some traction on both sides of the aisle in Congress and in Europe, which is also seeking to wean itself off Chinese minerals.

In its bipartisan policy report last year, the House Select Committee on the Chinese Communist Party said the U.S. is “dangerously dependent” on Chinese minerals and recommended creating a national mineral strategic reserve. That would go a step further than a backstop by physically purchasing and selling the minerals to stabilize prices, as the U.S. does with oil in the Strategic Petroleum Reserve. The committee has convened several workshops with companies to discuss the issue this summer.

The Paris-based International Energy Agency also announced plans in February for a critical minerals security program, similar to a program it operates for oil that requires member countries to stockpile at least 90 days’ supply to stabilize prices in the event of a market disruption.

Still, some industry watchers remain skeptical about whether a government backstop is the right strategy to support the industry.

Abigail Hunter, executive director of the Center for Critical Minerals Strategy at the think tank SAFE, said she has reservations about the government “getting their hands into commodity market pricing, which is very cyclical and complex.”

“Policies need to be carefully calibrated to the specific commodity price dynamics, potentially peter off after projects reach economies of scale in production, and [be] coupled with other government support, all so taxpayers don’t end up supporting projects — especially unviable ones — indefinitely,” Hunter said in an email.

Alex Fitzsimmons, head of government affairs at Sila Nanotechnologies — which is building a plant in Washington state to produce silicon anode material for EV batteries — said a government backstop should be “on the table as part of a suite of market signals,” but that companies also need to improve their products to stay competitive.

“Especially in this funding environment, companies have to find ways to separate themselves from a technology standpoint and a performance standpoint if they’re expecting to have customers pay a premium,” Fitzsimmons said.
REST IN POWER

Betty Jean Hall, lawyer who championed female miners, dies at 78

As a young lawyer in the 1970s, she helped open the coal industry to women and fought on their behalf for workplace equality and safety.

By Emily Langer
WASHINGTON POST
August 28, 2024

Betty Jean Hall grew up in the coal country of eastern Kentucky, a place where thousands of men braved the heavy darkness of the mines, the gruesome injuries that often befell them deep inside the earth and the agony of one of their occupation’s most infamous hazards, black lung disease. The men emerged from the mines at the end of a shift dirty and exhausted but proud, having provided for their families with another day’s work.

Never, Ms. Hall later reflected, did she ever encounter a woman who worked in the mines or even entertained such a possibility. Mining was a man’s job. The mere presence of a women in a mine, as on a ship at sea, was reputed to bring bad luck. Even the vast majority of clerks and secretaries employed by coal companies were men.

Only a few years out of law school in the 1970s, Ms. Hall — who died Aug. 16 at 78 — helped change the mining industry in ways that coal country scarcely could have imagined when she was a girl.

As the founder of the Coal Employment Project (CEP) based in Oak Ridge, Tenn., Ms. Hall filed a federal complaint in 1978 against 153 coal companies, alleging that together they embodied “one of the most blatantly discriminatory” industries in the United States and demanding that the companies open their ranks to women.

In the years that followed, Ms. Hall and her fellow organizers won legal settlements providing back pay for women who had been denied mining jobs — as well as future hiring commitments from mining companies. For essentially the first time, women in Appalachia and other coal-producing regions could pursue the jobs that in many cases offered their only hope of supporting themselves and their families.

Ms. Hall, who later helped female miners organize a national network of advocacy groups and chaired a U.S. Labor Department review board that handled compensation claims related to black lung disease, died at a hospital in Cary, N.C. Her daughter, Tiffany Olsen, confirmed her death and said she did not know the cause.

Women have ventured into mines in small numbers for generations, posing as men by necessity to earn a paycheck. During World War II, they took on jobs previously held by men who were away at war. But not until 1973 or 1974 — accounts vary — was a woman officially hired as a mine worker in the United States.

In the early years of her legal practice, Ms. Hall was drawn to both public-interest law and the feminist movement, and she combined her interests in a campaign on behalf of female miners.

She confessed that she at first doubted many women would be interested in mining, which was one of the country’s most dangerous professions. But, as she learned, in many places mining offered the only path to gainful employment.

“Sure, coal mining is hard work,” Ms. Hall told the New York Times in 1979, “but so is housework and so is working in sewing factories for minimum wages. Just about all the women I’ve talked to agree that if they have to choose between making $6,000 a year in a factory and mining coal for $60 or more a day, they’ll go into the mines.”

Mine worker Charlene Griggs operates a roof bolter in Alabama in 1983. (Marat Moore)

She recalled one person in particular, a woman named Mavis from eastern Kentucky, who convinced her, as Ms. Hall later wrote, that “we were really on to something.” Mavis was a single mother of four who had been turned down for a mining job on the grounds that the work was too hard for a woman.

“I thought back to when my two youngest were still in diapers and we lived on top of a hill with no running water,” Ms. Hall recalled Mavis saying. “Every morning, even in the dead of winter, I had to bundle up those two babies and all their dirty diapers and carry them down the hill to wash out the diapers in the creek. And I had to carry those two babies, and all those wet diapers, back up the hill. I figured if I could do that, there wasn’t any job in the mines I couldn’t do.”

The federal complaint accused coal companies of violating an executive order signed by President Lyndon B. Johnson in 1965 that prohibited federal contractors from discriminating in employment on the basis of sex, among other factors. Most of the country’s largest coal companies had federal contracts.

Statistics on the numbers of female miners vary. But by Ms. Hall’s count, within five years of the complaint’s filing there were 3,370 women working in mines. That figure, which represented less than 2 percent of all miners, was still a momentous gain.

“She really spearheaded the most massive influx [of women] into underground coal mining historically,” said Suzanne Tallichet, a professor of sociology at Morehead State University in Kentucky and the author of the book “Daughters of the Mountain: Women Coal Miners in Central Appalachia.”

In addition to helping women obtain mining work, Ms. Hall cultivated a national movement to demand equal treatment on the job, where women were often assigned the most taxing duties, such as shoveling coal onto a conveyor belt, and were frequently passed over for promotions.

At first, many coal companies failed to provide for even the most basic needs of their female employees. Steel-toed boots were not made in women’s sizes, forcing female miners to stuff their shoes and putting them at risk of falls, said Marat Moore, who worked in a West Virginia coal mine and later wrote the book “Women in the Mines.” Rubber gloves, oversized because they were made for men, sometimes got caught in machinery, causing the women who wore them to lose a finger or an arm.

Sexual harassment was rampant, with lewd graffiti often scrawled on the walls of mines. Ms. Hall documented cases of male workers drilling peepholes into the showers of their female colleagues. In the most extreme cases, women were sexually assaulted underground, where they had no way to escape.

The National Conference of Women Miners, which Ms. Hall helped grow, addressed risks posed to pregnant women working underground as well as the health hazards borne by all miners, male and female. The group also was credited with rallying support for the Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993, a measure that protected employees who previously might have risked losing their jobs by missing work to care for a sick family member.

By the end of the 1980s, many female mine workers had been laid off as demand for coal decreased and technological advances made some of their jobs obsolete. Under the “last hired, first fired” union principle, the women, who had less seniority than their male co-workers, were often the first to go.

Among the thousands of miners who benefited from Ms. Hall’s work is Libby Lindsay, who worked for 21 years for a Bethlehem Steel coal mine in Boone County, W.Va. Lindsay, the daughter of a coal miner, grew up listening to her father speak about the camaraderie he found in his union and among the men who went down into the mines together. She begged to go with him to union meetings, only to be told that girls weren’t allowed.

By founding the CEP and by encouraging the women to organize on behalf of one another, Lindsay said in an interview, Ms. Hall “helped to forge a sisterhood that continues today.”

Betty Jean Hall was born on July 12, 1946, in Richmond, Ky., and grew up farther to the state’s east in Buckhorn. Her father, a woodworker, became a professor of industrial arts at Berea College in Berea, Ky., and her mother managed the home.

Ms. Hall received a bachelor’s degree in history from Berea College in 1968. She worked at the Appalachian Regional Commission before enrolling at the Antioch School of Law in Washington, a predecessor to the University of the District of Columbia’s law school, where she graduated in 1976.

She was running a law practice in Washington when she was contacted by a public-interest group that had asked to tour a Tennessee mine and was told that only men would be permitted to go because they “can’t have no woman going underground.”

“That one incident really started us thinking,” Ms. Hall told the Times. “If men won’t even let a woman tour a mine, how does she go about finding a job in one?”

One of the CEP’s first grants came from the Ms. Foundation for Women, the fledging organization co-founded by feminist activist Gloria Steinem.

Ms. Hall’s legal strategies were applied to highway construction and other professions that, like the coal industry, had traditionally excluded women, said Barbara Ellen Smith, who worked with Ms. Hall at the Southeast Women’s Employment Coalition and later became a professor of women’s and gender studies at Virginia Tech.

Ms. Hall served for years on the Labor Department’s Benefits Review Board, including 10 years as chair and chief administrative appeals judge, before retiring in 2019.

She was separated from her husband, Thomas Burke, when he died in 2022. Her twin children — her daughter, of Cary, and her son, Timothy Burke, of Carrboro, N.C. — survive her, as do a sister and two grandchildren.

Although mines remain largely the domain of male workers, the success of Ms. Hall’s campaign was captured in a remark that labor leader Richard Trumka, then president of the United Mine Workers of America and later the president of the AFL-CIO, made to a gathering of the National Conference of Women Miners in 1983.


“Male miners believed that for a woman to go in a mine was bad luck,” he said. “I think most men in the mines today would agree it’s been our good luck, not our bad luck, that you joined our ranks in the mines.”




By Emily LangerEmily Langer is a reporter on The Washington Post’s obituaries desk. She writes about extraordinary lives in national and international affairs, science and the arts, sports, culture, and beyond. She previously worked for the Outlook and Local Living sections. Twitter
ERG Africa’s Frontier SA gifts 30 solar boreholes to local communities in the DRC

Staff Writer | August 31, 2024 | 

Madame Nathalie-Aziza Munana, Minister of Social Affairs, DRC; Jacques Leclerc, Head of SHS, ERG Africa; Patient Kabela, Senior Social Manager, ERG Africa’s Frontier; Emmanuel Henry, Deputy CEO, ERG Africa.
 Image: ERG.

ERG Africa’s subsidiary, Frontier SA, participated in a ceremony at the Sakania General Referral Hospital this week to mark the handover of 30 solar-powered boreholes, which offer a long-term solution to water scarcity, to six local communities in the Sakania territory in the Haut-Katanga province of the DRC.


Frontier SA has a mission to improve living conditions in neighbouring communities through funding various pivotal community development projects.

In compliance with the social obligations outlined in the DRC mining code and regulations, Frontier SA allocates 0.3% of its annual turnover to DOT-Frontier, a fund designated for community development projects as part of its corporate social responsibility.

As of 2023, Frontier SA has disbursed over $5.8 million to DOT-Frontier out of a total provision of over $9.2 million earmarked for the cumulative period spanning 2018 to 2023.

“Supporting this initiative for improved access to drinking water aligns perfectly with ERG Africa’s mission to develop impactful projects that sustainably benefit local populations,” ERG Africa CEO Nicolas Treand said in a news release.

Through DOT-Frontier, 10 community development projects are currently underway in Sakania for 2024, primarily focusing on health, education, agriculture, and infrastructure sectors.

The DOT-Frontier management mechanism is designed to foster community involvement and ensure transparent governance. It is administered by a specialized body comprising 12 members representing local communities, grassroots organizations, government entities and Frontier SA.
Investigation of Eagle gold mine incident underway, says Yukon gov’t

Staff Writer | September 1, 2024 | 


The Eagle mine’s leaching pad is at left centre in this photo shot from a plane on Saturday. Credit: Blair McBride

An investigation into the cause of the the heap leach incident at Victoria Gold’s (TSXV: VGCX) eagle mine in Canada’s Yukon Territory is now underway, the CBC reported on Friday afternoon.


The mine had been suspended since the heap leach pad failure on June 24 that caused a massive landslide and unleashed 280,000-300,000 cubic metres of cyanide-containing solution into the environment, according to government estimates.

The investigation is led by a three-person independent review board appointed by the Yukon government, consisting of a geotechnical expert who has consulted on permafrost engineering and dam construction, a senior civil engineer with experience in mine development and reclamation, and an engineer with experience in gold heap leaching.

The review is being funded through the receivership of Victoria, which was announced in mid-August after the Yukon government requested to take greater control over cleanup and impact mitigation efforts after the Eagle mine incident.

The review is part of the government’s response to what it calls a “catastrophic failure and its impact on the environment and human health and safety.” Among the items under review are the design, construction, operation, maintenance and monitoring of the heap leach facility.

“Understanding the causes of the failure will help inform remediation of the failure, possible options for a future restart of mine operations at Eagle Gold, as well as other future operations in the Yukon,” the Yukon government stated in a news release Friday.

The First Nation of Na-Cho Nyäk Dun, which had previously expressed concerns about being left out of the review given that the mine is situated within its traditional territory, also has an “open invitation” to join the independent review board at any time, it added.

The review is expected to take six to eight months and the results will be made public.