It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
Saturday, November 11, 2023
‘It was a case study for what not to do’: the regeneration project that became a £100m luxury ghost town
Simon Usborne
Sat, 11 November 2023
LONG READ
When Alvin Owusu-Fordwuo was growing up in central Hackney in east London, the small businesses that operated under the arches on Morning Lane blended into the background. As a kid he had little need for discount office furniture or the free “crypton tune” that came with a service at one of the car garages tucked under the railway line.
“I knew those businesses had a function,” says Owusu-Fordwuo, 26. Rain begins to fleck his glasses as we stand on a wedge of land where the busy road bends close to the train tracks. “But it’s like you didn’t know they were there until they weren’t.”
Owusu-Fordwuo grew up round the corner and went to the Urswick school, one of the most disadvantaged secondaries in the country. It stands on the other side of a big housing estate, close to the border between the E8 and E9 postcodes; there is also a history of gang violence here. “This strip was … if you were younger and not from this area, well, it was complicated,” he says.
Hackney, which shares borders with Islington and the City of London to the south and west, as well as Tower Hamlets and Newham to the east, has for the past two decades been a hotspot of gentrification, not least in areas such as Shoreditch and Dalston. Yet it also still contains some of London’s most deprived wards, including parts of Hackney Central.
In 2011, the London riots started up the road in Tottenham after the killing by police of Mark Duggan, before sweeping through other boroughs and cities across England. Violence flared on streets not far from the arches. Owusu-Fordwuo, who is the son of a postman and a school worker, was still at school at the time, but he didn’t need all the subsequent official and academic reports to tell him what had happened: he saw the unrest as a response to decades of social deprivation and growing inequality tied up with mistrust of the police.
Soon after the riots, the Greater London Authority, then led by mayor Boris Johnson, announced a £70m fund “to invest in the long-term regeneration of some of the worst affected boroughs”. Money was put into various schemes, including an employment centre in Haringey and reductions in business rates in Croydon. In Hackney, the council would invest £1.5m in “a visitor attraction and an enhanced retail circuit” – part of an ambitious project that would soon raise eyebrows.
Hackney Walk was a luxury fashion hub that would occupy 12 of the old arches on Morning Lane after the existing businesses had been kicked out. The £100m scheme was conceived by a developer and funded largely by his backers. It also included £3.7m from Network Rail, which owned almost 4,500 arches across Britain, investing their rental income into the ailing railways. Architect David Adjaye was brought in to reimagine a slice of the capital’s Victorian transport infrastructure – traditionally where small businesses could survive on affordable rents – as a monument to luxury retail with a striking new gold-and-glass facade.
The development also included several surrounding shopfronts and was to expand into a bigger neighbouring site, further along Morning Lane, occupied by a Tesco. The master plan was sold as east London’s answer to Bicester Village, the Oxfordshire designer outlet that is one of the country’s biggest tourist attractions. And it had the full support of the council. Jules Pipe, then mayor of Hackney, gave a speech at a launch party in March 2016, alongside the developer, a man called Jack Basrawy who has not commented for this article, as a street artist in a flat cap went to work behind them. Street-food vans doled out ramen and craft beer while a DJ played.
Pipe, who left Hackney later in 2016 to become one of London’s deputy mayors, acknowledged some of the scepticism in a speech at the event. He was anxious to “celebrate the beginnings of Hackney Walk – a project which had its roots in the riots”, insisting it was about regeneration rather than gentrification. As well as attracting big spenders to its luxury stores, he said it would create vital jobs and opportunities for locals, and ultimately “be judged by the people of Hackney”.
Owusu-Fordwuo, who studied for an economics degree, now co-runs Tag agency, which helps companies engage meaningfully with local youth projects, and works for community charity Hackney Quest. He says the idea that a luxury fashion hub could transform Hackney Central – or that the community needed it – is delusional. “After the riots, there was this opportunity to invest in our young people’s futures,” he says. “Almost half of Hackney’s children grow up in poverty and instead of pushing money into that, they made this.”
* * *
Google Street View offers a compelling picture of what happened next. The earliest imagery, in 2008, shows weeds tumbling from the railway down towards the arches. Behind a billboard advertising the iPhone 3G, there is a hand car wash, several garages, a carpet wholesaler and a furniture store called Steptoe & Son.
By April 2012, the arches have been shelled out and the weeds are gone. Two summers later, a steel framework has gone up in front of the arches. In October 2015 a wall of glass has been hung from it and shimmering security shutters are poised to protect it. Two large new buildings are rising at either end of the arches, in the triangles left by the road as it bends back away from the railway.
Soon, in 2016, shop names are appearing: Savile Row tailor Gieves & Hawkes, Joseph, designer label stockist Matches Fashion. One of the new buildings has become a large Nike store. The old arch forecourts have been landscaped in slate to create a new thoroughfare with plants and seating; across the road, several shops have been bought up and painted black. An Anya Hindmarch store occupies what used to be a florist and cafe. The Edwardian Duke of Wellington pub is now Pringle; a former dance shoe factory is an Aquascutum outlet.
The picture in 2023, as I meet Owusu-Fordwuo by the arches, is very different. Hackney Walk is a ghost town. Shutters are broken, the slate is crumbling and graffitied chipboard covers the smashed-in former entrance to Gieves & Hawkes. Brackets that until last December held up a giant Nike Swoosh still hang from one of the new buildings. Its sister store, at the eastern end of the development, has never been occupied. Only one shop remains open at the time of writing: Present, which sells Stone Island streetwear. One of its giant glass doors has also been smashed. “The shutters stopped working years ago, then we got ram-raided,” an assistant says.
Owusu-Fordwuo often walks past the arches. “I ran some workshops recently on how young people would redesign their neighbourhoods for creativity and this place came up a lot,” he says as another freight train rolls over the abandoned arches. “They talked about creative workspaces and studios. They walk past here now and they have visions of what it could have been. There is a collective anger and distrust, and people just want to know how something like this happens.”
* * *
The rapid expansion of the railways through and above Victorian Britain’s cities left thousands of brick arches that were noisy, damp and awkwardly shaped, so rents were low. “They were cheap, messy spaces that came right into the heart of the city,” says Francesca Froy, a lecturer in sustainable urban development at the University of Oxford and co-author of a 2017 study of 165 London arches. “They preserved economic activities that couldn’t otherwise afford to be there.”
Arches also became sanctuaries for working-class and immigrant businesses. In 1988, Chuong Chu, who had arrived as a refugee from Vietnam in 1980, set up Chu’s Garage in a vacant arch in nearby London Fields. “In those days Railtrack, which owned the arches, was begging people to look after them as opposed to making money from them,” says Derec Hickman whose wife, Nhi Chu, is part of the family business.
These arches, Froy’s report said, functioned as “a bulwark against gentrification”, their imperfections acting as a kind of rent control. But their locations – close to urban centres and train stations – have latterly given many of these “messy” spaces a new aesthetic and cultural appeal. You could set up a craft brewery in an arch and people would happily stick around to drink there. “Arches became hip because they have that industrial atmosphere,” says Hickman who, with Nhi, runs Guardians of the Arches, a collective and campaign group that supports immigrant-run businesses.
Network Rail, which took on the ownership of almost 4,500 arches across the country (more than 60% of them are in London) when it replaced Railtrack in 2002, began to realise the value sitting under its lines and the possibility of raising more money from rent to invest in the railways. As often neglected former industrial quarters in cities including Manchester and Glasgow became destinations, rents started to rise, doubling overnight at their garage, the Chu family say. Meanwhile some arches were targeted for redevelopment.
Planning notices first appeared on Morning Lane in 2009. Two years later, Mehmet Erkant remembers the pain his father felt when the family’s MOT centre and secondhand car business were forced out, later to make way for Gieves & Hawkes. Emir Erkant, who died in 2021, had moved to London from Cyprus in the 70s and set up shop in the arches in the 80s. “It was more lively in the old days, even if it was a poor place,” says Mehmet, 41. “We’d do a barbecue every Friday, invite people over and have fun … He put so much into that place.”
The London riots coincided with the evictions, and the search by Jack Basrawy for a site on which to develop an urban fashion outlet. Basrawy, who is 60 and has had a string of tourism and retail businesses in London, heard that Hackney had riots funding to contribute to something new on Morning Lane. He saw great potential in Hackney Central where, he would later say, “People come because it’s human, a little bit gritty and cool, and very much part of the London experience.” (When I reach him by phone, he declines to talk to me about Hackney Walk or respond to any questions.)
If there was a kernel of logic in Basrawy’s master plan, it was that Hackney Central’s industrial history included textile factories, such as the one operated by Burberry on Chatham Place, which joins Morning Lane opposite the arches. The luxury brand has had a successful retail outlet there since the 90s, which now sits next to the site of the old factory. The glossy, cavernous store became a destination for tourists, who still swoop in by taxi or tour bus to peruse £230 pairs of trainers (down from £670) and similarly discounted coats for £800.
If people were prepared to travel from central London all the way out to Morning Lane for one brand, why not others? Yet Basrawy was determined not only to attract tourists but, as he put it in 2016, locals and Londoners who “want to be able to see and touch – and hopefully afford to buy” designer clothing.
* * *
Guy Nicholson, Hackney council’s deputy mayor, with a brief for regeneration, was one of the most vocal cheerleaders for the project. The success of Burberry, the area’s fashion heritage and Basrawy’s promise of jobs and opportunity had convinced the council that his vision was worth investing in. As well as the £1.5m of riots funding from the London mayor’s office, it added £135,000 from its own coffers to be used for community engagement and “public realm improvements”.
I meet Nicholson, 62, in a drab meeting room in the handsome art deco Hackney town hall, a short walk from the Morning Lane arches. He worked in theatre design before a friend suggested his energy and problem-solving skills might make him suited to politics. He won election as a councillor in Hackney, where he lived, in 1998. “We all wanted to be the Tony Blairs of tomorrow,” he says. But before long “that ambition had been washed away and we were confronted with a pretty grim reality”.
Hackney had become bankrupt – and a national embarrassment for the new Labour government – after years of unchecked spending and political instability, and Nicholson was part of the team tasked with reversing the rot. “It was a time when burnt-out cars littered the place, street lights didn’t work and people felt unsafe at night,” he says. “If you could move out, you moved out.”
Nicholson remembers lamenting not only the terrible state of schools and services, but the poor choice for consumers: “There were cafes where you could get a bacon sandwich, and the street markets were functioning, but it wasn’t a place where commerce and enterprise really thrived.”
Yet pockets of Hackney were rapidly gentrifying, thanks to the borough’s proximity to the city centre, handsome housing stock and the creative energy of young artists who were finding cheap digs in areas such as Hoxton Square in the 90s. Nicholson had moved to Homerton, the ward in which the Morning Lane arches sit, in the late 80s. “We were probably yuppies, you know, in the day,” he says.
Private investment washed in as developers sought to capitalise on Hackney’s growing cachet. Shoreditch House, an outpost for the Soho House private members’ club, opened in 2007 in a 1930s building once occupied by the Lipton tea company. A year earlier, Hackney had taken Nike to court after it used the council’s logo in a range of football clothing (Nike settled the case and gave Hackney £300,000). “Suddenly this Hackney brand started to gain strength,” Nicholson says.
In 2010 the prime minister, David Cameron, came to Shoreditch to announce plans to turn part of Hackney into a tech hub for startups to rival Silicon Valley. “Placemaking” – creating destinations – had become a buzzword among local authorities and developers, and Nicholson was receptive to Basrawy’s big idea. He remembers the arches on Morning Lane as “marginal businesses operating in a marginal economy” and saw potential in a largely privately funded bid to boost opportunities for young people in a neglected part of the borough. “If people are concerned about gentrification, rather than just complaining about it, use it,” he says. The private sector “brings with it a deal of resource and investment, and that isn’t necessarily about cash but investment into people’s lives. That underpins our public sector principles.” He hesitates before adding, “But it’s difficult to translate that into the commercial sector.”
* * *
In October 2013, Hackney council granted permission for the new development on Morning Lane. The application, which followed a separate bid to transform the arches, was more ambitious than what would be built. It included an eight-storey glass-walled building on the corner of Chatham Place and Morning Lane (which would have meant demolishing the Duke of Wellington pub) and a five-storey building opposite.
Basrawy headed up Chatham Works Limited, one of two companies initially behind the plans. The other was the Manhattan Loft Corporation, headed by Harry Handelsman, a pioneer of 90s London loft living and developer of the A-list favourite Chiltern Firehouse restaurant, the restored former Midland Grand hotel at St Pancras station and a £300m skyscraper in Stratford.
Jobs and opportunities would be central to their plans, they said, and to the council’s support for them. As well as high-end outlets, there would be a “stitch academy” with apprenticeships and equipment for use, as well as support for local designers, including Hackney Shop, a rent-free sales space that had already opened in an old discounted bed store. The council said at least half of the planned 400 jobs would go to local residents.
There was a lot of scepticism. The Hackney Society, which campaigns to preserve the borough’s heritage, doubted the scheme could attract enough people to a relatively isolated area cut through by a busy road. In 2013 it wrote: “The Fashion Hub is ultimately a grand, exciting and innovative idea, but rapidly implanted in the wrong place and without major infrastructure changes needed to support it.”
There were problems with the development right up to the opening in 2016. Work had not started on the two larger buildings that were central to the project, making the gold-shuttered arches its focus. Handelsman says the buildings were jettisoned when the Manhattan Loft Corporation sold its stake after receiving “an acceptable offer”. He declined to say why he had pulled out, and did not respond to other criticisms of the scheme.
Someone close to the project at its launch, who prefers not to be named, describes it as “just amateurish … The shutters never worked properly, the arches leaked, you couldn’t tell where the shops were because there was no signage and the windows were so dark, you couldn’t see the clothes.” A marketing agency was due to plaster the nearby Hackney Central station with advertising. “They called it ‘station domination’,” the insider says, “but it turned out to be basically one of those signs you hang on railings when you’re promoting a funfair.” The finances didn’t seem to add up – “They were giving a lot away to get people in there” – and opening day was chaotic. With hours to go, one retailer pointed out there was no wifi or phone lines to make it possible to operate the tills. “There were design issues, the leasing structure was a disaster – it was a case study for what not to do.”
Owusu-Fordwuo saw a strange symbolism in the arches’ design. Here was a £100m scheme, built and partly funded as a result of social unrest that involved smashing shops, imposed on a deprived community, with gilded shutters designed to protect windows and the luxury goods behind them. “It’s like: ‘You can’t smash these windows!’” Owusu-Fordwuo says. “It feels like the design of it was always meant to be exclusive.”
* * *
In early 2017, Hackney council put even more faith in Basrawy by agreeing to a deal by which it would buy the larger Tesco site for £55m and give Hackney Walk a five-year option to put in an application for its redevelopment. The alternative, the council tells me, would have been to leave the site, which Tesco intended to sell anyway, to the free market. The council included the five-year limit because it was aware of the situation next door at the fashion hub. But no planning application for the Tesco site would materialise. And in July 2017, Basrawy – the passionate founder and chairman of Hackney Walk – sold his stake in the arches to LabTech, a property company that owns Camden Market in north London and is owned by Israeli billionaire Teddy Sagi. (LabTech says it left the scheme in 2020.)
Basrawy, who still owned other properties that were part of the master plan, later insisted that almost all the arches had been occupied when he left them. “It was a success,” he said, adding, “I believe Hackney Central has great potential and the scheme will evolve over time.”
To think you could just repurpose the arches and it would all work was a misunderstanding of how cities operate
It did not evolve. By October 2019, all but four retailers had abandoned their arches as the promised footfall failed to materialise. Hackney Walk’s official Instagram feed’s last post, in March 2019, had been a promotion for the Matches Fashion store, with a photo of designer handbags and hashtags including #grittyprettylondon and #london4all. One by one, stores continued to leave until the pandemic prompted an exodus. When they were permitted to reopen after lockdown restrictions were lifted, only Present and Nike did so.
The empty arches and shops were left to decline. The weeds grew back. Since Basrawy’s option to redevelop the Tesco supermarket expired in 2022, the store has remained well used and is the subject of a campaign to preserve a community function for the site. Nike abandoned its store in late 2022. Pelin Gok, who works opposite at Gabba, a furniture store that replaced Pringle in the old pub, says Nike’s exit killed what little footfall remained. “Now it really is a ghost town,” she says.
The Basrawy family’s only visible presence appears to be The Box, a space down an alleyway off Chatham Place where luxury brands host sample sales. It is run by Basrawy’s daughter, Natalie Yaffe, who also declined to talk to me. The dream of a fashion hub in Hackney is dead and the fate of Morning Lane and its abandoned arches is uncertain as a complex web of landlords and lenders to the scheme work out what to do.
Someone with knowledge of one of the financing deals behind the scheme tells me it failed because nobody could afford, or was willing to fund, the vast marketing and advertising budget that would have been required to draw sufficient crowds to a relatively isolated corner of London. As Francesca Froy, the urban development academic, says, the “build it and they will come” approach to 21st-century placemaking is flawed.
“People often think you can plan where economic activity is going to succeed, whereas actually it’s businesses that find the places that are going to work for them. And those that had found the arches in the past were car-repair firms and other light industry. To think you could just repurpose the arches and it would all work was a misunderstanding of how cities operate.”
At Hackney town hall, Guy Nicholson says he genuinely believed Hackney Walk could work. He says he despairs at the council’s powerlessness in the face of its failure. “It’s very disappointing because nothing’s happened – it’s just empty. And the council has been frustrated in trying to change that. Civil servants can’t talk to anybody or broker anything, and there’s still no conversation about what is going to happen next.”
These aren’t the only arches facing challenges. In 2015, not long before the grand opening on Morning Lane, a Network Rail report included a proposal to sell off assets not essential for the running of the railways to help plug a huge funding gap. Many tenants accused Network Rail of increasing rents in this sale period to boost the valuation – something it has always denied. A spokesperson says Network Rail only charges market value rents for its commercial property and has always worked with tenants to negotiate stepped increases or find alternative space. “Any uplift in rent achieved was revenue directly reinvested back into the railway.”
Either way, tenants reported rent hike demands in some arches by up to 500%. In London and other big former industrial cities such as Manchester, railway arches were becoming a gentrification battleground. Nhi Chu and Hickman launched Guardians of the Arches in 2017 to campaign against the sale and extreme rent hikes. In February 2019 Network Rail completed the sale of its arches as part of a £1.46bn deal with a joint venture made up of Telereal Trillium, part of the London-based William Pears property empire, and Blackstone, the largest commercial landlord in history.
These corporate giants created the Arch Company, known as ArchCo, to let and manage thousands of arches, including the dozen on Morning Lane, which were by then being vacated. Want an empty 327 sq metre arch under a railway line in Southwark in south London? That’ll be £113,400 a year including VAT.
Whereas Network Rail, a public sector body without shareholders, had been motivated to maximise the value of its commercial properties to help keep the crumbling railways going, ArchCo was beholden to corporate interests. Guardians of the Arches has criticised the company for continuing to increase rents and for giving new businesses less secure tenancy agreements. “We’ve had so many people move out, they can’t keep doubling the rents any more,” Hickman says.
ArchCo tells me it only charges market rents and offers support to tenants dealing with rent inflation, including discounts and help with relocation. According to its tenants’ charter, it was a condition of its purchase of the arches that new leases exclude “security of tenancy” to ensure Network Rail retains access to the railways for major works. ArchCo advises any tenant changing to a new lease to seek professional advice.
The challenge on Morning Lane will be encouraging people to move in. ArchCo has now submitted an application to Hackney council to bin the broken gold shutters and remove restrictions that required stores to be in the fashion trade. The company tells me it is planning to invest £1.2m in the arches to return them to use, but won’t predict what rents are likely to be.
* * *
On another visit to Morning Lane, I meet Luke Billingham, who grew up in Hackney and is now an academic researcher specialising in youth violence while also working at Hackney Quest alongside Owusu-Fordwuo. He looks back on the rise and fall of Hackney Walk with despair. In its early stages, he was struck by some of the language used by the developers. As well as describing Hackney as “gritty and cool”, Basrawy also later said his strategy was “based on our belief that the changing demographics of east London mean there is a big market for luxury in this part of the city”. “Presumably he felt Hackney had just enough social problems to make it seem thrillingly risky, but enough social cleansing to make it ready for some luxury shops,” Billingham wrote in 2021. He compares Hackney Walk with the 2012 Olympics site just a mile to the east, where, after the games, the promised level of affordable housing failed to materialise.
Related: Rent-free revival: ‘dead’ Poole shopping street brought back to life
“There are people who’ve made their life here, experienced all the wonderful things in Hackney, but a lot of difficulties, too,” he says. “And then developers basically look down on it as their little plaything.”
One of Owusu-Fordwuo’s gripes has been the lack of meaningful engagement with locals, including groups as central to the community as Hackney Quest. “I don’t know anyone who has been consulted,” he says. “I’ve spent my whole life in this part of Hackney and I feel like this was built in opposition to me.” Experience would make him hesitate even if an email were to land in his inbox, he adds. “It’s dangerous territory. People like me get used as pawns. ‘Community consultation’ and ‘co-create’ are becoming increasingly popular, but they’re just buzzwords. They just stick some poor people in a room, get someone to facilitate it, then forget about them later. It’s extractive and paternalistic.”
No one I speak to believes this section of Morning Lane, as it was in 2009, could not have benefited from investment. Even Mehmet Erkant, whose family garage got kicked out, recognises that many of the other arches were in poor condition. But he wasn’t alone in thinking a luxury fashion hub might not be the answer.
As Owusu-Fordwuo surveys what remains of that grand vision – the broken shutters and empty stores – he tells me these spaces have been abandoned but not forgotten. “In this cost of living crisis, when space is at a premium, people are still angry,” he says as a train rolls past. “They’re not going to let this happen again.”
Josh Taylor
Thu, 9 November 2023
Photograph: David Gray/AFP/Getty Images
Optus has lost a bid in the federal court to keep secret a report on the cause of the 2022 cyber-attack – which resulted in the personal information of about 10 million customers being exposed – after a judge rejected the telco’s legal privilege claim.
After the hack, the company announced in October last year that it had recruited consultancy firm Deloitte to conduct a forensic assessment of what had led to the cyber-attack.
Since then, the company has also faced an investigation by the Office of the Australian Information Commissioner (OAIC), and a class action case in the federal court.
Related: Optus outage: company’s offer of free data as compensation criticised as ‘hollow gesture’
As part of the class action case, law firm Slater and Gordon, acting for the applicants, had sought access to the Deloitte report that was never made public.
Optus had argued in court that the dominant purpose of the report was to assess the legal risk to the company. It claimed Deloitte’s report would assist the company’s internal and external lawyers on how to advise the company about the risks associated with the hack.
But Justice Jonathan Beach found that the company citing the Deloitte report in an October 2022 media release presented “a real problem” for Optus’s case it was for legal advice, because the release did not say the report was recommended by a lawyer or that it was for the purpose of legal advice.
He pointed to comments in the statement from Optus’s chief executive, Kelly Bayer Rosmarin, who the release said recommended the review to the board, that it would “help ensure we understand how it occurred and how we can prevent it from occurring again”.
“It will help inform the response to the incident for Optus,” Rosmarin was quoted as saying in the statement.
“This may also help others in the private and public sector where sensitive data is held and risk of cyberattack exists.”
Related: Telcos could be forced to let customers roam rival networks during outages under plan Optus opposed
Beach said he would hear further orders on discovery, and indicated that while he had found the whole report not to be subject to legal privilege, that did not mean parts of the report might not be subject to legal privilege.
Orders will be made at a later date.
The report will not be made public unless it is used as evidence in the case – should it proceed – and Optus does not seek to prevent its public release.
It came as the embattled CEO faces pressure over the company’s handling of a 14-hour outage on Wednesday, that took phone and internet services offline for 10 million customers, delayed trains, disconnected call centres and hospital phone lines.
The company has not announced any independent report into the incident, but it is now subject to two government investigations and a Senate inquiry.
Judge wrong to allow Met to seize journalist’s material, high court rules
Dan Sabbagh
Sat, 11 November 2023
Photograph: Kirsty O’Connor/PA
A freelance journalist has defeated an attempt by the Metropolitan police to seize protected source material, after the high court quashed an order obtained by the force as part of an Official Secrets Act investigation into alleged defence and intelligence leaks.
The high court ruled on Friday that Judge Mark Lucraft, the recorder of London, was wrong to have allowed police to obtain source material last year on the premise that information may have been stolen from the government.
Lady Justice Macur said the lower judge had made “a bold finding” that “flies in the face of binding authorities” that aim to strike a balance between the police’s right to investigate and public interest protections for sources and leakers.
Police were investigating LXP, the freelance journalist, and two crown servants, known only as X and Y. X and Y are accused of passing on sensitive national security information to LXP, who in turn sold the stories based on the material to newspapers.
Certain ministers and officials are believed to have been irritated by a stream of leaks about the government’s failure to prosecute individuals allegedly spying for China and defence procurement, although there is no proof they came from the individuals concerned. None of the three have been arrested or charged.
Dozens of officers from the police’s SO15 counter-terror unit raided the freelance journalist’s property in July 2022, seizing electronic devices and documents, and asserting that none of it enjoyed the normal legal protection for media materials.
The Met now has to decide whether to appeal against the ruling or to proceed as directed by the high court and conduct key word searches of LXP’s phone, laptop and other electronic devices in a complex process supervised by an independent counsel.
Home Office insiders said they hoped the Met would carefully consider how to proceed, suggesting they would rather see the inquiry dropped. “Press freedom should always be at the front and centre of our considerations. This looks like a concerning case and careful thought should be given to any next steps,” a government source said.
Journalist’s correspondence, notes and related material are protected in England and Wales from automatic police seizure under the 1984 Police and Criminal Evidence Act. Officers have to apply to a judge to determine whether the material should be disclosed to investigators, according to the National Union of Journalists.
The idea is to balance the right of police to investigate with journalistic confidentiality, preventing officers from obtaining material unrelated to a criminal inquiry that could lead to other sources or leakers being identified.
Lawyers acting for LXP said “fundamental protections” applicable to journalists would have been lost if the Met won the case, partly because it is easy to assert that material leaked was stolen from the government or elsewhere.
Katie Wheatley, the head of crime, fraud and regulatory at Bindmans, said that “if the order had been upheld, vitally important legal safeguards that protect journalistic material would have been watered down”, and police could have obtained information from and about sources “no matter the public interest value”.
Met Police rebuked for raid on reporter’s home over national security stories
Robert Mendick
Fri, 10 November 2023
The Metropolitan Police has been rebuked by a senior judge for raiding the home of a journalist as part of an investigation into a suspected breach of the Official Secrets Act.
In a significant victory for press freedom, the High Court quashed an order obtained by the police in a secret hearing that had allowed them to examine “journalistic material”.
Lawyers for the journalist, who cannot be named, said the original court order issued to police “would have ridden roughshod” over the “essential protections for journalistic material and the public interest in effective criminal investigations”.
The home and office of the freelance journalist – identified only as LXP – were raided at dawn on July 12 last year, four days after police had been granted a warrant.
The homes of two suspected sources – both of them public officials – were raided on the same day. They are accused of handing “stolen material” to the journalist.
The operation involved dozens of plainclothes Counter Terror Command Officers.
Police seized from LXP a large quantity of computer equipment and notebooks. LXP protested during the raid that, as a journalist, the materials were protected and should not be searched.
‘Journalistic protection’
Senior government sources questioned the decision by the Met to raid the journalist’s home.
The source said: “Press freedom should always be at the front and centre of our considerations. This looks like a concerning case and careful thought should be given to any next steps.”
In a long-running dispute that has cost the taxpayer hundreds of thousands of pounds, a judge at an earlier hearing said documents suspected of being stolen did not enjoy legal protection from police examination.
But Lady Justice Macur, sitting in the High Court, quashed that decision following a judicial review brought by LXP. Lady Justice Macur said: “With respect to the learned judge, it is a bold finding” that “flies in the face of a line of binding authorities.”
She said the original warrant had failed to consider whether material being seized enjoyed “journalistic protection”, adding: “If the stable door is opened by the police conducting the search, the horse named ‘journalistic protection’ has already bolted, before the judge has considered where the balance of public interest lies.”
Lawyers for LXP said the High Court ruling on Friday was of “real public importance and particularly significant for the press because, had the order been upheld, fundamental protections applicable to journalistic material in English law would have been undermined”.
The Crown servants - known only as X and Y - were suspected of breaching Section 1 and Section 2 of the Official Secrets Act (1989), respectively. LXP was under investigation for a suspected breach of Section 5 of the same Act.
The initial police warrants were granted over the allegation that X and Y had passed information to LXP, the freelance journalist.
‘Safeguards would have been watered down’
Metropolitan Police denies being aware that LXP was a journalist, prior to the raid on their home and office. For some months police continued to dispute LXP’s status as a journalist but have now accepted that was the case.
Lawyers for LXP said police have not specified which stories appeared in national newspapers they believe were the result of information given to the freelance journalist.
As part of Friday’s judgment, the Met police must now hand over the devices to an independent barrister and LXP is entitled to tell the barrister which material was used for journalistic purposes.
Police will then have to argue why there is an overriding public interest which would justify them being permitted to access any journalistic materials which they wish to inspect.
Katie Wheatley, of Bindmans law firm and LXP’s solicitor, said: “Parliament has established a delicate balance between essential protections for journalistic material and the public interest in effective criminal investigations. The order obtained by the Metropolitan Police would have ridden roughshod over that balance.
“If the order had been upheld, vitally important legal safeguards that protect journalistic material would have been watered down, making it easier for police to seize or obtain journalistic material, including confidential source material, no matter the public interest value of the story.”
She said LXP had asked her to thank publicly a number of organisations that had provided support, including Telegraph Media Group.
Six Nations boss ‘tried to break competition law’ before Phones 4U collapse
James Warrington
Fri, 10 November 2023
Ronan Dunne was chief executive of O2 between 2008 and 2016
The chairman of Six Nations Rugby attempted to break competition law when he ran the O2 mobile network, the High Court has found.
Ronan Dunne, who was chief executive of O2 between 2008 and 2016, sought to engage in collusion by discussing pricing strategies with a rival, a judgement handed down on Friday said.
He was criticised by Mr Justice Roth as having a “rather cavalier attitude to competition law compliance” after attempting to discuss strategy and pricing with rivals in meetings and phone calls.
The comments followed a £1bn claim against O2, EE, Vodafone, Telefonica, Deutsche Telekom and Orange.
Administrators for the collapsed retailer Phones 4U alleged that the mobile operators colluded to force it out of business in 2014.
Despite finding that Mr Dunne had attempted to collude, the High Court rejected all claims of breach of competition law, as well as a separate claim against EE for breach of contract.
Phones 4U’s administrators are understood to be considering an appeal.
High street retailer Phones 4U fell into administration in 2014 - Ian West/PA
A spokesman for O2 said: “From the outset, we have strongly refuted all allegations of collusion or anti-competitive conduct in relation to the decision to let our agreements with Phones 4U expire.
“We are pleased that the court supports our position and has ruled in our favour.”
Representatives for Mr Dunne were contacted for comment.
The findings against him focused on a lunch meeting with Olaf Swantee, then chief executive of EE, at the Landmark Hotel in central London in September 2012.
Mr Swantee told the court that he had been so alarmed by Mr Dunne’s approach that he secretly recorded the meeting on his iPad, although it had later been lost.
The findings against Mr Dunne focused on a lunch meeting with Olaf Swantee,
A note made by EE’s legal team shortly after the lunch documented that the O2 boss had suggested that price discounts could be offset by reducing supply through third-party retailers such as Phones 4U.
Mr Dunne talked about making some “unilateral steps” and playing some “big cards”, according to the note.
The judge concluded that Mr Swantee had resisted the attempts at collusion and that there was therefore no breach of competition law.
The judge also branded EE “deplorable” for giving regulator Ofcom an incorrect timeline of its plan to end its contract with Phones 4U, though he added: “It is unclear whether the misleading impression given to Ofcom was deliberate or just grossly negligent.”
A spokesman for EE said: “We’re pleased that the court has dismissed all the allegations made in the Phones 4U administrators’ case. Our code of business sets out how we compete to win fairly and connect for good.
“The judgement clearly demonstrates that EE’s decision to exit Phones 4U was taken independently, and based on sound business reasoning.”
Le Pen ally ‘worked with mafia’ in public-housing scandal
Henry Samuel
Fri, 10 November 2023
David Rachline said he intends to file a slander complaint against 'grotesque claims' - VALERY HACHE/AFP
Marine Le Pen’s “best friend” has been accused of involvement in a cash-for-contracts corruption scandal involving a local business tycoon.
David Rachline, the National Rally party’s number three, approved tenders for public works in return for “brown envelopes” – allegedly full of cash – in his role as a mayor of Fréjus, journalist Camille Vigogne Le Coat has claimed.
Her new book Les Rapaces (The Rapacious, or Raptors) also alleges that the 35-year-old has brazenly anti-Semitic friends and that “Nazi salutes” are common at his lavish all-night private soirées, some of which she claims took place in his town hall during lockdown.
The allegations will be an embarrassment to Ms Le Pen who will join a march against anti-Semitism on Sunday alongside other party leaders in Paris.
Mr Rachline was previously the hard-Right National Front’s poster boy for his “exemplary” running of the provincial town, in the southeastern Var department. It was the biggest office under the party’s control when he took over in 2014.
Marine le Pen and David Rachline who is now reportedly 'unwelcome' at events - FRANCE KEYSER
However, the allegations – some of which surfaced in January – have reportedly turned him into persona non grata at top party events, as Ms Le Pen seeks to ride polls suggesting a rising number of French no longer see her as a xenophobic threat to France.
He has not been photographed by her side this year.
Ms Le Pen said she had “full confidence” in Mr Rachline “on principle, barring proof to the contrary”. No legal investigation has been opened into his conduct.
Mr Rachline has said he intends to file a slander complaint against “grotesque claims” from “local opponents and ousted colleagues”.
‘Mafia system in Var’
Ms Le Coat claims that his colleagues call Mr Rachline “The Christmas Tree” owing to his love of clinking luxury watches and other accoutrements.
He runs a “mafia” style system in Var with a powerful local businessman – Alexandre Barbero – who regularly hands him “brown envelopes” in return for public works contracts, she alleges. Mr Barbero has denied any wrongdoing.
Mr Rachline handed one wad of notes, the book alleges, to his former chauffeur who used it to buy a €15,000 Hublot watch that the politician regularly sports.
The mayor’s entourage has dismissed the book as based on “rumours” and point out that he was resoundingly re-elected for a second mayoral term in 2020 in the first round.
The release of the book comes amid controversy over Ms Le Pen’s announcement that she will attend a march this Sunday to protest rising anti-Semitism in France in the wake of the Hamas attacks on Israel and the ensuing Israeli offensive on Gaza.
Jean-Marie Le Pen, her father and Front National party founder, was repeatedly convicted of anti-Semitic hate speech and played down the scope of the Holocaust.
Callum Jones in New York
Fri, 10 November 2023
Photograph: Anadolu Agency/Getty Images
The credit ratings agency Moody’s reduced its outlook on the US government from stable to negative, citing division in Washington DC and risks to the nation’s fiscal strength.
While Moody’s maintained the US’s current top-grade AAA rating, it raised the prospect that this may be cut.
Moody’s warned that the US’s deficits are likely to remain “very large” in the face of higher interest rates. It also cautioned that “continued political polarization” in Congress rasies the risk that governments “will not be able to reach consensus on a fiscal plan to slow the decline in debt affordability”.
The federal government is on the brink of another shutdown, with just a week left for the Republican-led House, Democratic-led Senate and Biden White House to reach a breakthrough on funding.
The Biden administration said it disagreed with the decision, which comes just three months after another major agency, Fitch, downgraded its top rating for the US. Standard & Poor’s, the other leading ratings agency, had already done so.
“In the context of higher interest rates, without effective fiscal policy measures to reduce government spending or increase revenues, Moody’s expects that the US’s fiscal deficits will remain very large, significantly weakening debt affordability,” the agency said in a statement.
Wally Adeyemo, the US deputy treasury secretary, said: “While the statement by Moody’s maintains the United States’ AAA rating, we disagree with the shift to a negative outlook. The American economy remains strong, and treasury securities are the world’s pre-eminent safe and liquid asset.”
Karine Jean-Pierre, White House press secretary, suggested the move was “yet another consequence of congressional Republican extremism and dysfunction”.
Larry Elliott Economics editor
Fri, 10 November 2023
Photograph: POPPERFOTO
Germany has come a long way in 100 years. Back in November 1923, people were trundling wheelbarrows stacked high with cash through its streets to buy a loaf of bread. Now its reputation is that of an economic powerhouse.
That episode of hyperinflation left deep scars on the nation’s psyche. Government printing presses were working flat out to produce mountains of worthless bank notes and the currency collapse was so severe a single US dollar was worth 1tn marks. “Never again” has been the mantra ever since.
Germany’s rebound from the triple shocks of the first half of the 20th century – the collapse of the currency in 1923, the Great Depression and defeat in the second world war – was remarkable. So spectacular was the recovery in the 1950s and 60s that a word was coined to describe it: Wirtschaftswunder – or economic miracle.
That economic miracle is now in trouble. Nowhere near as much as it was 100 years ago, but the war in Ukraine, slower growth in China and the retreat from globalisation have taken a toll. Germany has deeper problems too: an ageing population and an industrial model showing its age.
Evidence that Germany might just be an analogue economy struggling to make the transition to a digital age comes from the latest manufacturing data. Industrial production has fallen for five straight months and is more than 7% below its pre-pandemic levels. The International Monetary Fund expects Germany to be the weakest economy in the G7 group of leading rich nations this year, and the only one to see output fall.
Carsten Brzeski, the global head of macro at ING bank, says Germany’s problems were a mixture of the cyclical and the structural. “How much is down to each? It is impossible to disentangle but it’s both.”
After shrinking this year between July and September there was a good chance, according to Brzeski, of a similarly weak performance in the final three months of 2023. Those two consecutive quarters of contraction would leave the economy in a technical recession.
Germany has managed to find alternative sources of energy to make up for the loss of Russian gas from the Ukraine war but it has been more expensive. Energy-intensive sectors such as chemicals have been particularly hard hit.
There have been other adverse shocks. Germany’s strong export performance in the years running up to the pandemic was in part due to strong demand from China, which has now moderated. Meanwhile, its motor industry is being attacked on two fronts – from cheap Chinese electric cars, and from the incentives provided by Joe Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act for low-carbon manufacturing to migrate to the US.
“The biggest issue was that companies did not see the need to change when times were good,” Brzeski says. “That showed a lack of foresight. The good times were going to come to an end and companies should have acted pre-emptively.”
David Marsh, the chair of the thinktank OMFIF, agrees that Germany’s problems are more than temporary: “Something structural is going on there. Many times in the past people have called time on the German economy and the German economy has always bounced back. This time it might be slightly different.”
After Angela Merkel committed to shutting down Germany’s nuclear power stations, the country became over-reliant on cheap Russian gas – ‘They put all their eggs in the Russian basket.’
Marsh says that after Angela Merkel committed to shutting down all of Germany’s nuclear power stations in 2011 months after the Fukushima disaster in Japan, the country became over-reliant on cheap Russian gas to meet its energy needs. “They put all their eggs in the Russian basket,” he says.
Moreover, Germany’s struggles had come at a time when other eurozone countries were becoming more efficient. Marsh suggests that if Germany still had its own currency it would be falling due to the need to regain competitiveness.
“I am surprised. I thought they would have done better. There has been a failure to digitalise the economy in many ways.”
The Bundesbank, Germany’s central bank, became a symbol of the country’s postwar success. Fiercely independent, it saw its role as ensuring there would be no return to the dark days of 1923, when a postage stamp cost as much as a villa had done a few years earlier. Money in circulation, which stood at 120bn marks in 1921, reached 2,500,000,000,000,000,000 marks in October 1923 and 400,000,000,000,000,000,000 marks the following month.
Since the creation of the European Central Bank a quarter of a century ago, the Bundesbank no longer sets German interest rates or has responsibility for price stability, but its president, Joachim Nagel, remains an influential figure at home and abroad.
Speaking in London this week, Nagel admitted it was a mistake for Germany to be so dependent on Russian gas, but expressed optimism about the economy’s ability to bounce back. He said: “Some people say Germany is the sick man of Europe. I don’t believe this is the case.”
Children playing with paper money, which was rendered virtually worthless by hyperinflation. Photograph: FPG/Getty Images
As a large open economy exposed to problems in global supply chains and the slowdown in China, the current weakness had come as “no surprise” to the Bundesbank, he said. “But we are not looking at a hard landing,” Nagel said. “There is strong turnaround potential.” Businesses would rise to the challenge as they had in the past.
Brzeski said the success of reunification showed Germany could get out of tricky situations, but it wouldn’t be easy.
“It’s not just energy. It is changing global supply chains. It is the role of China. It is demographics and an ageing population. I wouldn’t underestimate the willingness of German companies to adapt and survive, but it’s going to be a long and difficult process.”
Jeremy Hunt set on giving businesses £10bn tax cut in Autumn Statement
TAX CUT FOR THE 1% IS AUSTERITY FOR THE 99%
Ben Riley-Smith
Fri, 10 November 2023
Jeremy Hunt, the Chancellor, publicly ruled out any tax cut that increases prices for businesses - KIRSTY O'CONNOR/HM TREASURY
Jeremy Hunt is determined to give businesses a £10 billion tax cut by extending “full expensing” at his Autumn Statement this month, The Telegraph understands.
The Chancellor believes the move would help boost long-term economic growth, one of the central aims in the package.
Full expensing allows companies to write off the cost of investments. For every £1 they invest, a firm is able to cut their taxes by up to 25p.
Extending the tax cut scheme by three years – to 2028-29 – would not be inflationary, Treasury officials have concluded, meaning it passes one of Mr Hunt’s key tests.
On Friday, the Chancellor publicly ruled out any tax cut that increases prices, arguing that halving inflation this year remains the Government’s top priority.
But that means major tax cuts for households rather than businesses are being planned for next spring rather than this autumn, so any political boost comes closer to the general election.
The challenge of avoiding recession was underscored on Friday when the Office for National Statistics (ONS) said there was zero economic growth between July and September.
Asked if he was ruling out tax cuts for families, Mr Hunt told Sky News: “I can rule out any tax cut that is going to fuel inflation because that would be the wrong thing to do when we are making such good progress against inflation.
“In the long run, though, what I would say is we do want to bring down the tax burden. There are no shortcuts.
“We’ve got to be smarter about the way we spend taxpayers’ money, we’ve got to reform the welfare system. Those are difficult long-term decisions that the Prime Minister and I are willing to make.”
The message pushed back against a group of vocal Tory MPs who have been calling for sizeable tax cuts this autumn to kick-start the economy and boost the party’s political fortunes.
But it left the door open to tax cuts that would not drive up prices, with the Treasury seeing inflation and affordability as the two critical limiting factors for what they can do.
A third, linked factor is electoral politics, with some Tory strategists fearing a tax giveaway this autumn would have been forgotten by voters if, as expected, the general election is held next autumn.
The Chancellor wants to keep the full expensing scheme in place until 2028-29, The Telegraph understands – the end of the five-year fiscal plan that will be mapped out in the Autumn Statement.
Doing so would cost around £10 billion a year. The final decision is yet to be taken, with new forecasts from the Office for Budget Responsibility still to be handed to the Treasury.
But Mr Hunt is pressing officials to make the numbers work so he can announce an expansion of the full expensing policy on Nov 22, when he delivers the Autumn Statement in the House of Commons.
Gross domestic product (GDP) – which measures the value of goods and services produced – showed no growth in the three months from July to September, the ONS said on Friday.
Some pointed to the impact of successive interest rate rises. Analysts had predicted a 0.2 per cent fall for the quarter, meaning the figure was a little better than expected.
Rachel Reeves, Labour’s shadow chancellor, used the lack of growth to criticise the Tories for their past tax rises, something which is a point of frustration for Conservative MPs.
Ms Reeves said: “The Conservatives now have increased taxes 25 times.
“And that means working people have got less money in their pockets. I would like taxes to be lower, but I will never make a commitment without being able to say where the money comes from.
“That is the mess the Conservatives got us in last year, with their mini-Budget that crashed the economy.”
Sky News
Updated Fri, 10 November 2023
"As humans we can't stand for this," says Isa Ahmed from Birmingham. "It's against human rights. It's against international law."
The 17-year-old youth worker says he is traumatised by the images he's seen on social media and that's why he will be travelling to London to take part in Saturday's march.
He said: "You see horrific images; videos of people being murdered in Palestine and Gaza.
"I feel like I need to go out there, have a voice because they've been denied their voice. They've not been able to speak out.
"The internet has been blacked out. It's a complete siege and we need to go out there and show people that, as humans, we shouldn't be standing by this."
We've heard many opinions from politicians to columnists about why people are going to the pro-Palestinian March in London, but what do the protesters themselves say?
'No more bloodshed'
Isa's brother-in-law Abdul-Rahman Ahmed, 19, also plans to attend the rally.
He said: "All we are calling for at the moment is a ceasefire. A ceasefire for Palestinians, the Israelis and ensure that there's no more bloodshed."
Many in the Jewish community feel that some of the anger during the protests has been wrongly directed at them.
Language used by some on the march has been antisemitic. The Home Secretary Suella Braverman described the protests as "a hate march".
But Abdul-Rahman said: "It's our right, regardless as to whether it's to do with Palestinian issues or whether it's to do with Black Lives Matter.
"Protest is a legal right in this country. The organisers have ensured that everyone is safe and everyone who is protesting is doing it peacefully, and my message for anyone who is going to turn up and cause trouble - it's better you just stay at home."
'A duty to turn up'
Marlon Kameka and his friend Georgia from North London will also be joining the march. Neither are Muslims but both are activists who have campaigned before for the rights of Palestinians.
Georgia said: "We are stepping into an era where a genocide can be live-streamed into our phones and the people in power who are supposed to protect us are doing nothing and the media are trying to divert public opinion away.
"So, all the people of Palestine have are ordinary people, and so we have a duty to turn up for them.
"I think (the protest) has been entirely misrepresented for political agenda, which I think is incredibly shameful."
Marlon adds: "When we've got a government and an opposition who can't say the word ceasefire, it's down to us to go out there and speak for the people who are being slaughtered."
Read more:
'Disrespectful' pro-Palestine march will go ahead on Armistice Day, PM says
Is Israel-Hamas war driving a wedge between Jewish and Muslim communities in UK
The counter argument is that this is war.
Sadly civilians die in conflict, and Israel is a population trying to defend itself, striking back, albeit with more force, against a horrific attack on 7 October where hundreds were killed and hostages taken who are still being held by Hamas.
Marlon said: "This was not started on 7 October. You have to go back and look at it in a historical context.
"And it's not a war - because in a war you have two equal powers. The Palestinian people do not have the military capacity that the Israelis do. What we need to look at is the fact that civilians are dying.
"I want us to amplify Palestinian voices, and the first thing we should be asking them is not 'do you condemn Hamas?'.
"The first thing we should ask is 'what do you want?' and I believe what they want is freedom and liberation and I believe once you get that, the violence will stop."
March to coincide with Remembrance Day
The demonstration is not planned to go near the Cenotaph. But it is coming to the capital on a weekend of reflection and mourning.
It's feared it will cause disruption to those who want to remember the sacrifices made to defend this country.
"Armistice means ceasefire," Georgia said.
"I can't think of a better day to march for ceasefire than on that day. It's poetry and it's essential we live the values that Armistice Day is supposed to represent.
"For my relatives who died in World War One and World War Two, I know they would want us to turn up to make sure we reduce conflict to save lives."
Genevieve Holl-Allen
Fri, 10 November 2023
Palestine protest
Nearly three-quarters of Tory voters back Suella Braverman in calling for Saturday’s pro-Palestine march to be banned, The Telegraph can disclose.
Exclusive polling shows that more than 72 per cent of Conservatives believe that the planned protest should not be allowed to go ahead on Armistice Day.
In contrast, just a quarter of Labour voters believe that the march should be halted.
The polling, conducted on Thursday, also suggests that only 16 per cent of those aged over 65 believe the protest should be permitted, compared with over one in four of those aged between 18 and 24.
In total, just over half of respondents believe the London march should not go ahead, compared with 26 per cent who think it should.
It comes after Mrs Braverman became embroiled in a row with the Metropolitan Police over Saturday’s planned march, urging Commissioner Sir Mark Rowley to intervene.
Rishi Sunak has accepted that the protest will go ahead, but warned the Met Police chief that he would be held accountable if Remembrance events were to be disrupted.
The Prime Minister has also faced calls to sack the Home Secretary over comments she made in an article in The Times, accusing officers of “playing favourites” with Left-wing protesters.
No 10 did not sign off the final version of Mrs Braverman’s article, with her team ignoring some of the edits requested by Downing Street.
However, the Prime Minister’s spokesman said on Friday that he had “full confidence” in the Home Secretary.
The polling, conducted by Electoral Calculus and Find Out Now, also reveals a divide among young adults about whether Israel has the right to defend itself with military action in Gaza, with 25 per cent in favour and 28 per cent against.
In total, 46 per cent of all respondents believe Israel has the right to defend itself militarily.
This rises to 65 per cent among Tory voters in 2019, but falls to just over 28 per cent among Labour voters.
Meanwhile, the polling reveals that the public believes that neither Mr Sunak nor Sir Keir Starmer are handling the Israel-Gaza situation well - but the Prime Minister narrowly comes out on top.
Just 6 per cent of those surveyed believe that the Labour leader is handling the situation well, compared with 9 per cent for Mr Sunak.
Sir Keir was warned this week that he faces a dozen resignations from his front bench over his refusal to call for a ceasefire in the conflict.
Martin Baxter, the chief executive of Electoral Calculus, said: “The poll shows the public is not supportive of the pro-Palestine march in London on Saturday.
“People are also fairly supportive of Israel’s right to self-defence, which is the policy of both Conservative and Labour parties.”
The poll took place on Nov 9 and involved 2,001 British adults
Sky News
Updated Fri, 10 November 2023
Suella Braverman has met the head of the Metropolitan Police to offer the force her "full backing" ahead of controversial pro-Palestine protests taking place this weekend.
On Wednesday, the home secretary wrote an article for The Times newspaper - which was not signed off by Number 10 - attacking the force for "playing favourites" with left wing protesters, and accusing them of "double standards".
It followed her earlier remarks describing the demonstrations as "hate marches".
Politics live: Sunak warned to 'tread carefully' over Braverman row
Ms Braverman's comments have ignited a row within the Conservative Party, with some backing the home secretary, while others are calling for her to resign or be sacked.
Numerous ministers have also distanced themselves from the remarks, including Chancellor Jeremy Hunt, who said on Friday: "The words that she used are not words that I myself would have used."
Opposition parties also accused her of picking a fight with the police, and demanded she be ousted from the Home Office.
But Number 10 continued to say they had "confidence" in her.
Now in an apparent climb down, the minister has met with the head of the force, Sir Mark Rowley, with a source close to Ms Braverman saying she "emphasised her full backing for the police in what will be a complex and challenging situation and expressed confidence that any criminality will be dealt with robustly".
The prime minister has been under increasing pressure to take action over Ms Braverman's comments about this weekend's protests that coincide with Armistice Day.
While the pro-Palestinian march is not set to take place until almost two hours after the nation holds a two-minute silence, and is not due to go to past the Cenotaph in Whitehall, some - including the home secretary - have branded the event offensive and inappropriate.
Sir Mark was summoned to Downing Street earlier in the week to discuss policing of the march with Rishi Sunak, who vowed to hold the most senior office in the UK "accountable" for what happens on Saturday.
But, despite airing his own concerns about the protest - calling it "disrespectful" - the prime minister conceded there was "a right to peacefully protest" and the march could go ahead.
The Met chief stood by his decision to let the protest take place throughout the week, saying the "legal threshold" to stop it on security grounds "had not been met".
However, despite the statements from both Mr Sunak and Sir Mark, the home secretary took to the papers to express her anger at the force's actions - and publicly contradict her party leader.
After causing a rift within the Conservatives - brought into sharp focus by WhatsApp messages leaked to Sky News - Ms Braverman now appears to be attempting to smooth over relations with the Met.
A source close to her said: "The home secretary and the commissioner of the Metropolitan Police met this afternoon to discuss the policing of demonstrations to be held tomorrow, on Armistice Day.
"The commissioner outlined plans to continue working to maintain public order, ensure compliance with the law and maintain the safety of participants, police officers and the general public.
"The home secretary emphasised her full backing for the police in what will be a complex and challenging situation and expressed confidence that any criminality will be dealt with robustly."
Earlier on Friday, the Met released details of the "significant" operation it planned to run in London over the weekend to ensure Remembrance services are protected from disruption by both the march and any counter-protests, which some fear may be held by the far right.
The force said more than 2,000 officers will be on the streets, an exclusion zone had been set up around Whitehall - where Sunday's main Remembrance event will take place - and putting a 24-hour police presence around the Cenotaph.
In a lengthy statement, they added: "We'll be using an extensive set of powers to prevent any disruption whatsoever to Remembrance events, policing the demonstration as it passes through parts of the capital, while protecting our communities from those intent on inciting hate, violence and disorder."
Shortly before news broke of Ms Braverman's meeting, the prime minister also issued a statement saying he had been "reassured" by the police over their operation that Remembrance services would be protected.
Rishi Sunak and Suella Braverman have been in contact over article critical of police but no sacking … yet
Ben Riley-Smith
Fri, 10 November 2023
Suella Braverman, pictured on Friday, remains in post for now but some in her own party want Rishi Sunak to sack her - Eddie Mulholland
Rishi Sunak has been in touch with Suella Braverman, The Telegraph can disclose, as he considers calls to sack her after she wrote an unauthorised article accusing the police of bias.
The Prime Minister and his team are continuing to look into how edits Number 10 demanded be made to the Home Secretary’s draft piece for The Times were not included in the final version.
On Friday, Jeremy Hunt became the most senior Cabinet minister to distance himself from Mrs Braverman’s rhetoric, saying he would not have said “the words that she used”.
There were fresh Tory calls for her to go, with Sir Geoffrey Clifton-Brown, a Conservative MP, arguing that if Mrs Braverman did not agree to be less publicly critical of the police she should be moved.
But supporters on the Tory benches were also becoming more vocal, including David TC Davies, the Welsh Secretary, and Sir Jacob Rees-Mogg, the former business secretary.
A Cabinet minister told The Telegraph they believed the Prime Minister had decided against a “summary sacking” of Mrs Braverman, a position echoed by Number 10 insiders.
Amid continued speculation about if and when a cabinet reshuffle could take place, some government figures suggested it could be delayed until after Wednesday’s Supreme Court decision on the Government’s Rwanda deportation scheme.
For the second day running, Downing Street refused to publicly say whether Mr Sunak had talked to Mrs Braverman about her Times piece on the police’s handling of protests.
But The Telegraph understands that the Prime Minister has been in touch with Mrs Braverman as Number 10 tries to get to the bottom of what happened. How the PM has communicated with the Home Secretary and what exactly was discussed is unclear. By 9pm on Friday no sacking had been announced.
Row continues over article
Mrs Braverman spent a large part of Thursday in hospital by the side of a close family member who was undergoing an operation. She was at home on Friday.
The row centres on an article in The Times published online on Wednesday evening in which Mrs Braverman accused police officers of showing bias in how they handled different demonstrations.
She wrote protests must be policed “even-handedly”, adding: “Unfortunately, there is a perception that senior police officers play favourites when it comes to protesters.
“During Covid, why was it that lockdown objectors were given no quarter by public order police yet Black Lives Matters demonstrators were enabled, allowed to break rules and even greeted with officers taking the knee?”
The article piled pressure on the Metropolitan Police ahead of the pro-Palestine march on Armistice Day in London and came just hours after Mr Sunak had defended the right for people to protest.
It then emerged that Number 10 had demanded some lines of Mrs Braverman’s article were rewritten before publication, but the requested edits were not incorporated.
Debates about who would replace Mrs Braverman should she be moved from the Home Office by Mr Sunak are playing out in private among Tory MPs and advisers.
Potential home secretaries
Robert Jenrick, the immigration minister, Oliver Dowden, the Deputy prime minister, Tom Tugendhat, the security minister, and Victoria Atkins, the financial secretary, have been named as possible successors in the speculation.
Mrs Braverman’s article and the implication on her Cabinet future has split Tory MPs, with moderates calling for a sacking and figures on the Right rallying to her side.
Mr Hunt distanced himself from the Home Secretary’s remarks. He said: “As many other Cabinet ministers have said, the words that she used are not words that I myself would have used.
“But I have a productive relationship with her as a colleague and I have always given her the money that she needs to fund the police, bring down crime and to fund the immigration and asylum system.”
He added: “The Prime Minister has said that he has full confidence in her and I have nothing further to add.”
Sir Geoffrey Clifton-Brown, the 1922 Committee treasurer, said Mr Sunak should have a “very serious conversation” with Mrs Braverman to make sure she changes her behaviour or “possibly consider it is time for her to move to another job in the Cabinet”.
But Mr Davies said Mrs Braverman should stay in position because “police don’t always get it right”, adding: “I have read the article and I didn’t read it the way everyone else seems to have done.”
Sir Jacob said: “The Home Secretary has said what many people are thinking and the calls to sack her seem to be disproportionate because whether she’s broken the ministerial code or not is something of a moot point.”
Jillian Ambrose Energy correspondent
Fri, 10 November 2023
Photograph: Ian Forsyth/Getty Images
The government is poised to offer higher subsidies for new offshore windfarms to avoid missing its green energy targets as developers grapple with a rise in supply chain costs.
Ministers are expected to set out within the next week a new starting price for the next subsidy auction, which is likely to offer higher levels of support to offshore wind developers.
The new auction ceiling, which is expected to be set out on Thursday, follows weeks of crisis talks between the offshore wind industry and Whitehall officials over the sector’s rising costs.
Offshore wind developers are struggling to move ahead with new projects, after costs in the sector soared by about 40% because of inflation across their supply chains and higher interest rates.
Concerns reached a peak after none of the companies hoping to build offshore windfarms in the UK took part in the government’s most recent annual clean energy auction, having repeatedly said that the maximum price the state would pay for electricity was set too low to make the projects economically viable.
Related: What went wrong at UK government’s offshore wind auction?
One industry source said: “Government officials have been really engaged with the industry since the failed auction to make sure that fiasco doesn’t happen again. They’ve really been listening.”
That auction was described as “an energy security disaster” by the Labour party, which said that the UK could miss out on billions in investment and face higher energy bills if it derails the UK’s plan to triple Britain’s offshore wind power capacity by 2030.
The industry has called on the government to lift the starting price for the auction, which awards contracts to generate renewable electricity for 15 years at a set price based on the lowest bid. There have also been calls for contracts to be longer, which would allow for a lower price.
The government started its failed auction at a price of £44 per megawatt-hour after the previous round of bidding led to record low contract prices of just over £37/MWh. Officials are preparing to announce a new starting price of between £70 and £75/MWh to reflect the industry’s higher costs, according to a report by Bloomberg.
“These figures seem speculative. We won’t be sure what the government is going to do until the plans are announced next week,” a second industry source said. “We expect to hear more on Thursday, but there is so much going on in the government that we can’t even be sure of that.”
Rising costs have triggered concerns for the global offshore wind industry. Earlier this month, the Danish wind company Ørsted cancelled two major projects off the New Jersey coast in the US. Sweden’s Vattenfall has also scrapped plans for a huge offshore windfarm off the UK’s Norfolk coast because rising costs meant it was no longer profitable.
A spokesperson for the government said its clean energy auctions were “a UK success story” and it was “committed to a successful next auction round that includes offshore wind”.