Tuesday, September 10, 2024

THE RUSSIAN VIEW


The Destructive Effects of NATO’s Drive to Be Present in the South Caucasus

10.09.2024
Alibeman Eghbali Zarch
© Sputnik/Denis Aslanov

A new phase of cold and soft war has begun in Eastern Europe, the South Caucasus, and Central Asia; a shifting of the power puzzle’s role. If some regional powers move to change their borders, it will have dangerous regional implications in the third millennium, Alibeman Eghbali Zarch writes.

The world of politics has entered a new stage, which, like the growth of technology, has accelerated political changes and security developments. The international arena is involved in numerous and diverse crises, including the genocide in Gaza and the war in Ukraine, which is mainly focused on Eurasia. In the Caucasus region, new developments began in 2021 with Azerbaijan’s military operations against Armenia; the ultimate goal in this competition between the Turkish-Azerbaijani axis and Armenia is to have a greater share in dominating the Eurasian region, which has geopolitical and geo-economic importance. Also, in the fall of 2023, the forces of the Republic of Azerbaijan captured the Karabakh region, and tens of thousands of Armenians were forced to migrate to Armenia. Now, the negotiations between the parties to hand over four villages to Azerbaijan are in their final stages.

In the new situation, where we are witnessing the emergence of signs of a new hot and cold war between the West and Russia, Central Asia and the South Caucasus are an important focus for the parties. However, for the US and Israel, along with France and Britain, the 3+3 format Caucasian peace talks were unacceptable because they could have led to the realisation of sustainable peace and, ultimately, blocked their interventionist path in Central Asian equations, preventing NATO from having a presence in the area. Thus, although their official position after the meeting was to support peace and stability in the region, in practice they work to disrupt the agreements reached at the Tehran summit or to pursue paths that can have political-economic and geopolitical consequences for Iran akin to those of the Zangezur Corridor.

The Russians are trying to increase their role and capabilities in the region in competition with the US, Turkey, and even China, and in a full-scale way, monitor the movements of neighbouring countries that are close to NATO. Of course, each of these countries has declared that its goals are to provide security and deal with terrorism, immigration, etc. In fact, it should be said that a new phase of cold and soft war has begun in Eastern Europe, the South Caucasus, and Central Asia; a shifting of the power puzzle’s role. If some regional powers move to change their borders, it will have dangerous regional implications in the third millennium.

On the one hand, the Russians generally believe that the region should not become the main focus and centre of NATO’s movements. On the other hand, NATO, the US, and other Western countries also believe that if they do not enter the region, Turkey and Russia will use their basic levers, including economic and energy capacities, to put more pressure on these countries and develop local influence. However, the Caucasus and Central Asia region, being at the crossroads of Europe, Asia, and the Middle East, wants to become one of the centres of the modern world structure, especially when it comes to the two vital issues of energy transfer and the fight against terrorism.

Of course, this region has many latent crises, such as border disputes between countries, which have lent weight to separatist activity. Dealing with these crises and achieving a long-term solution that provides for the interests of all parties is one of the priorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran, other regional powers and even the European Union’s foreign policy officials.

Under the new circumstances, the main victims will be the nations and countries of the region, although it must be remembered that if Azerbaijan, Armenia, and other nearby countries have strong governance and their leaders are both tactful and politically sufficient, they can easily prevent huge and devastating disasters.

The developments in the region have attracted the attention of important powers, including the Euro-Atlantic axis, and the European Union knows very well that its interests will depend more and more on Asian and European countries in the coming decades. At the same time, the EU has already attempted to reduce tension in this regard, including hosting several rounds of Azeri-Armenian negotiations in Brussels with the mediation of the EU’s top foreign policy official.

French President Emmanuel Macron has also continued his diplomatic efforts to prevent the escalation of tension between Baku and Yerevan and has spoken with the leaders of both sides. However, France, as a major military and diplomatic power of the European Union, has many motivations to be active in the Central Asia and Caucasus region. Given France’s position as a world power and its role in the discussion of strategic arrangements on the eastern borders of the EU, it cannot remain indifferent to such a crisis, especially since these two countries are located at the gates of Europe and in the vicinity of Russia and Iran. It is no secret that the South Caucasus is one of the priorities of France’s foreign policy and security. It is believed that this region should be linked to the EU through the signing of a stability agreement because it cannot witness an unstable region on its borders for an indefinite period. The South Caucasus is a meeting point of geopolitical and energy interests, as well as a region of conflict between the US, Russia, Turkey, and Iran.

On the other side of the Atlantic, the Americans have long been trying to suddenly enter like a Hollywood hero after creating crises and wars in different regions of the world and narrowing the field, even at the expense of their friends and partners, and in this way increase their sphere of influence. Amid last year’s conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia, the speaker of the House of Representatives of the United States visited Yerevan and supported Armenia’s position. In a way, he repeated the artificial scenario of his predecessor’s trip to Taiwan, by announcing the existence for Ankara and Moscow.

In this sensitive situation, it should be acknowledged that the countries of the Caucasus region and Central Asia, willy-nilly or not, are experiencing a sensitive period that has made their interests a scapegoat of foreign powers, especially Turkey, France, the US, Israel, and the West. Certainly, the recent developments will have little results for the people of the region, or at least no country will “win” as a result of the recent events.

At the same time, the leaders of small countries in the region should know that based on the historical experience of the 20th and 21st centuries, the great powers, especially NATO leaders, often find a way to agree in difficult situations and usually sacrifice the interests of small countries for their own goals and interests. Although the conditions for such a scapegoat are now very difficult, historical experience says that the smart leaders of the surrounding countries should act in such a way that they do not become the scapegoat of the great powers.

There is a geopolitical struggle underway for control over Eurasia, which has enormous potential, especially in light of the role played by China and Russia. This approach involved the activation of Ukraine for Russia, Taiwan for China, and sanctions against Iran. Both Iran and Russia oppose NATO expansion to the east, as they believe there isn’t any rational reason for it. Under its 13th government, the Islamic Republic of Iran has made significant political and economic moves in the region. While increasing the number of economic and political exchanges as well as meetings between leaders, Tehran confirms that it will continue to maintain a balanced position of active neutrality, with the aim of actively consulting with the leaders of the countries of the region and strengthening comprehensive cooperation.

In short, solving the problems of the countries of the region necessitates rational and competent governance; in addition to closely monitoring developments and adopting appropriate and timely positions, the important approach of encouraging the parties to resolve their border and territorial disputes, with a focus on negotiation and the observation of conventions and international regulations, should be at the forefront of affairs. If progress and excellence in the region are to be achieved, a stable peace must be established, as well as mutual trust with collective participation. The last words refer to the guidelines of the Supreme Leader regarding the impossibility of accepting any changes in the geostrategic nature of the region or changing borders and communication routes, which have existed for several millennia.

‘Endurance’ or comfort? Parents clash with schools over classroom air-conditioning as China swelters from record heatwave



People cross a street amid hot weather conditions in Beijing on August 27, 2024.
 — AFP pic


By Malay Mail
Tuesday, 10 Sep 2024 


SHANGHAI, Sept 10 — In China which is experiencing an unseasonal heatwave, debate has erupted on social media over the use of air conditioners in classrooms.

United Kingdom-based BBC News reported that parents in some of China’s hottest cities have urged schools to install air conditioners as temperatures surpass 35°C.

In Changsha, its education department even sparked outrage by saying air conditioners will not be installed to “cultivate the spirit of hard work and endurance.”

“Hard work and endurance? Can we please then ask the education bureau to work in 40-degree heat, then discuss whether this is the way to cultivate such spirit in children,” said a user on social media network Weibo.

This led to an online debate over who should pay for the air conditioning and if they should be used at all.

Many parents argued that without air conditioning, it would be difficult for students to concentrate during extreme heat.

“Without air conditioning, it would be challenging to concentrate on studying,” Lin Yujun, the father of a junior high school student in Guangdong in southern China, told Shanghai-based news Sixth Tone.

However, some parents expressed concerns about students catching colds or infections in air-conditioned rooms.

Schools are hesitant to cover the high costs of air conditioners and electricity bills, with some asking parents to contribute financially.

Some schools have postponed the autumn semester or resorted to using ice blocks in classrooms to combat the heat.

State Department defends Afghanistan withdrawal, criticizes congressional review 

TRUMP SET THE DEADLINE FOR WITHDRAWL WITH THE TALIBAN



Washington, D.C. – In a statement released by the U.S. State Department, officials defended their handling of the 2021 withdrawal from Afghanistan, responding to ongoing congressional scrutiny.

The department emphasized the “extraordinary efforts” of U.S. diplomats and military personnel during the evacuation, while criticizing what it described as a partisan approach from certain members of Congress in assessing the withdrawal.

The State Department underscored its commitment to cooperation with Congress, noting that it has provided around 20,000 pages of documents, conducted nine high-level briefings, and made 15 senior officials available for transcribed interviews. In addition, Secretary of State Antony Blinken has testified 14 times before the House and Senate on Afghanistan, including four sessions before the House Foreign Affairs Committee.

The statement acknowledged the tragic loss of 13 U.S. servicemembers during the Abbey Gate attack, calling them “heroes” and expressing deep sympathy for their families. The department also highlighted the difficulties in ending America’s longest war, noting the complex situation President Biden inherited, which included a flawed peace agreement with the Taliban reached by the previous administration. This agreement, according to the statement, compelled the release of 5,000 Taliban prisoners and significantly reduced U.S. troop presence in Afghanistan.

Criticism of the Doha agreement and the SIV backlog

The department pointed to the February 2020 Doha Agreement, signed under President Donald Trump, as a key factor that weakened the Afghan government and military, emboldening the Taliban. The agreement reduced U.S. troops to 2,500 and forced the Afghan government to release top Taliban commanders. “It was, and remains, a flawed agreement,” the department noted, arguing that it limited the Biden administration’s ability to negotiate an end to the war.

The statement also addressed the State Department’s efforts to revitalize the Special Immigrant Visa (SIV) program, which had been left “decimated” by the previous administration. Upon taking office, the Biden administration inherited a backlog of over 17,000 SIV applicants, and by August 2021, the State Department had significantly increased the pace of visa processing.

Defending the evacuation and ongoing support for Afghan allies

In defending the evacuation, the State Department described the final airlift as the largest in U.S. history, with approximately 120,000 Americans, Afghans, and third-country nationals evacuated. The department highlighted its unprecedented efforts to contact and evacuate Americans remaining in Afghanistan, making over 55,000 phone calls and sending 33,000 emails in just two weeks.

Following the U.S. military’s withdrawal, the department continued to facilitate the departure of nearly 500 additional American citizens by the end of 2021. The State Department also emphasized its commitment to resettling Afghan allies, noting that more than 80,000 Afghans have been welcomed to the U.S. under the SIV program since the end of the war.

Criticism of Congress’ ‘partisan’ review

The State Department expressed frustration with what it described as partisan statements from members of Congress, particularly those from the House Foreign Affairs Committee. The department accused congressional Republicans of cherry-picking facts and advancing political agendas that distort the truth about the withdrawal.

In particular, the department dismissed claims that it lacked a strategy for conducting a Noncombatant Evacuation Operation (NEO), explaining that the evacuation was extensively planned in coordination with the U.S. military and the National Security Council. The statement noted that preparations for a potential NEO began as early as April 2021, with multiple embassy exercises conducted to prepare for a range of scenarios.

While acknowledging that important questions remain about the withdrawal, the State Department reiterated its commitment to transparency. The statement concluded by expressing the department’s desire to work with Congress to implement lessons learned from the withdrawal, but it also warned against the politicization of U.S. policy on Afghanistan.

Addressing Afghanistan’s humanitarian and security concerns

The State Department reaffirmed its commitment to the people of Afghanistan, noting that the U.S. has provided more than $2.2 billion in humanitarian aid since August 2021. It also emphasized its efforts to press the Taliban to restore access to education and employment for women and girls, which have been severely restricted under the Taliban’s rule.

Finally, the department underscored the ongoing security challenges in Afghanistan, particularly the threat of terrorism. The statement reiterated that the U.S. government remains committed to ensuring that Afghanistan never again becomes a launching pad for terrorist activities and emphasized the whole-of-government approach being taken to address these concerns.

In closing, the State Department stressed its respect for Congress’s oversight role but warned against using the Afghanistan withdrawal for partisan gain. It urged members of Congress to focus on bipartisan solutions to strengthen U.S. national security and foreign policy in the wake of America’s longest war.

 

The murder of a young girl in Ethiopia reveals TikTok’s content moderation failures

In July 2023, the city of Bahir Dar in Ethiopia's Amhara Region was left reeling after the brutal rape and murder of a seven-year-old girl named Heaven. The tragedy cast a deep shadow over the community, and the perpetrator — her mother's landlord — was sentenced to 25 years in prison without the possibility of parole. Nearly a year later, as the convicted man sought to appeal the sentence, the victim’s mother, Abekyelesh Adeba, turned to YouTube to share the agonizing story of her daughter’s death.

This crime unfolded in a region already burdened by escalating ethnic tensions. From 2020 to 2022, Ethiopia was engulfed in a brutal conflict between the federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). The war led to widespread suffering and displacement, intensifying long-standing animosities between the Amhara and Tigrayan communities — neighboring groups with a complicated and often troubled history.

In the aftermath of the conflict, the region has continued to grapple with an armed insurgency, with some Amhara political leaders accusing the federal government of deliberately targeting their people.

These simmering tensions have increasingly spilled into the digital realm, where leaders and influencers from both the region and the diaspora frequently disseminate graphic content and incendiary rhetoric on social media.

In this volatile environment, the mother’s emotional testimony quickly went viral on Ethiopia’s social media platforms, sparking widespread outrage. The hashtag #JusticeforHeaven, named in memory of the victim, quickly amassed millions of views on TikTok.

These videos, which featured users expressing their anger over the crime and demanding justice for Heaven, became a focal point of the online conversation. Many people were outraged by the criminal’s attempt to appeal his conviction, criticizing the judicial process and pointing out perceived flaws in the case.

Screenshot from a video featuring Heaven Awot from the TikTok account @mottakeranyoo9. Fair use.

The situation garnered further attention when American rapper Cardi B urged her followers on X to sign a petition on Change.org demanding justice.

However, the responses online were not unanimous. Some questioned the authenticity of the mother, Abekyelesh Adeba's account, suggesting it was part of a conspiracy to distract the Amhara people from their ongoing struggles against the Ethiopian federal government. One of the most prominent voices casting doubt on Adeba's story was “Mota Keraniyo,” a U.S.-based TikTok user. The day after her testimony, Mota posted inflammatory videos filled with Amhara-nationalist rhetoric, attacking both the victim and her mother.

In a shocking turn, he even claimed that the mother deserved to be raped because her daughter was fathered by a Tigrayan.

In response to Mota’s inflammatory remarks, a collective response emerged on TikTok, both within Ethiopia and among diaspora communities. As tensions grew, many TikTok users, motivated by longstanding grievances against Mota, organized coordinated reporting campaigns and hosted online gatherings that drew thousands of participants.

The atmosphere was marked by anger and frustration as users sought to have Mota’s content removed from the platform.

Campaigners hold a dress stained with red ink symbolizing blood, alongside images of Heaven Awot. Screenshot from the TikTok account a.b.c_24. Fair use.

Despite widespread efforts to report his content, the results were only partially effective.

While TikTok reportedly removed some of Mota's most extreme posts, he continued to reach his 420.9k followers. In a follow-up video, he issued an apology for his earlier remarks about the child Heaven Awot, framing the backlash against himself as an attempt to silence his advocacy for the Amhara community.

He urged his followers to support him by subscribing to his account and engaging with more of his content. Shortly thereafter, he shifted focus, advocating violence against the perpetrator, his relatives, and anyone associated with him, including his lawyer.

TikTok’s algorithm, which is designed to amplify content that garners engagement — whether positive or negative — further propelled Mota’s violent rhetoric, leading to its widespread dissemination across the platform.

His messages rapidly extended beyond TikTok, appearing on other social media platforms such as YouTubeFacebook(formerly Twitter) and Telegram and even making their way to podcasts, talk radio, and television. Among this content were AI-generated videos that falsely posed as news reports, claiming authorities were investigating both the perpetrator and Mota, as well as others who spread conspiracy theories. Some users embraced these AI-generated videos as truthful, believing their online activism had effectively brought about justice.

Despite TikTok's policy prohibiting AI-generated content featuring individuals under 18 — whether real or fictional — videos featuring the likeness of the victim, Heaven Awot proliferated across TikTok and other platforms without being removed, in clear violation of the platform's guidelines. Throughout this surge in content, TikTok provided minimal moderation.

Mota’s rhetoric did not exist in isolation. Other figures in the diaspora and within Ethiopia followed suit, spreading misinformation and conspiracy theories. One such figure was Bethlehem Dagnachew, a former singer living in Switzerland, who combined nationalist rhetoric with false claims about the incident. Her disinformation campaign persisted until public pressure compelled her to retract her claims and issue condolences to the victim's mother.

In Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s capital, another TikTok user who denied the crime’s authenticity and insulted the victim was violently attacked by locals, who compelled him to issue an apology.

The spread of Mota’s violent messages, the actions of his followers, and the proliferation of fake AI-generated videos underscore a broader issue: the rapid metastasis of harmful content in African languages across social media platforms. Despite years of efforts by the media, academics, and social media companies themselves to address this problem, such content has become more pervasive and widespread than ever, posing a significant challenge to content moderation and platform accountability in under-resourced languages across Sub-Saharan Africa.

 

Covering Ukraine from Kyiv: Interview with Ukrainian-American journalist Peter Zalmayev

Screenshot showing Peter Zalmayev reporting from Kyiv on Al Jazeera English YouTube channel

Telling the story of Ukraine in a way that keeps non-Ukrainian audiences interested after two and half years of the full-scale invasion and widespread “Ukraine fatigue” among foreign media and donors is not a small feat. Yet developments inside and outside the country, including the latest occupation by Kyiv of parts of Russia's Kursk region or Ukraine's military intervention in Mali, indicate the war continues to have an impact across the world.

For more, read: Line of conflicts shifts from the Donbas in Ukraine to Mali in Sahel

To understand the global importance of Ukraine, Global Voices spoke to Kyiv-based Ukrainian-American journalist and YouTuber Peter Zalmayev, who works both as a Ukrainian reporter and an expert for non-Ukrainian media. Zalmayev received his Master's degree from Columbia University and is the director of the New York/Kyiv-based NGO Eurasia Democracy Initiative and is also a Ukrainian TV host. He's been a frequent commentator for leading international print and broadcast media, including CNN, BBC, Al Jazeera, France 24, ABC News, MSNBC.

The interview was conducted over email after in-person meetings in Kyiv. The quotes have been edited for style and brevity.

Peter Zalmayev, photo used with permission

Filip Noubel (FN): Tell us about your journey from Soviet Ukraine to the US and back to independent Ukraine

Peter Zalmayev (PZ)I grew up in the predominantly Russian-speaking, coal-mining city of Donetsk, in Eastern Ukraine. All the way through eighth  grade, I went to school wearing Soviet paraphernalia, such as a lapel pin of Vladimir Lenin and a red bandana-type tie around my neck, denoting membership in the “pioneer” community of young communists. Though still too young to feel an outright aversion to the Soviet indoctrination, from age five I was possessed of a desire to break through the “Iron Curtain” and travel far and wide.

That opportunity arrived in 1994, when a group of Christian missionaries from the American “Bible Belt” invited me to come to the US to study at a Bible college, become a minister and return to Ukraine to lead the flock. Preach I did, in the US, but I returned to Ukraine only in 2016, after a 17-year stint in New York City, and a master's from Columbia University. This was two years into a war with Russia, boiling and simmering in my native Donbass and the neighboring Luhansk oblasts. By then I had become a frequent commentator on all things Ukraine to international media, and a commentator on US politics to Ukrainian media.

Ever since, I have been shuttling between Kyiv and New York. People in Ukraine are often surprised to hear that someone would come back from the US to live in Ukraine, as if quitting a “land of milk and honey” in favor of a place of unremitting drudgery and privation. The truth is, even after Russia's full-scale invasion in 2022, Kyiv feels far more safe, clean and cohesive socially than New York. Kyiv subway, in contrast to New York's, runs on time, is clean and rat-free.

FN: What are your main challenges covering Ukraine from within Ukraine for a Ukrainian audience?

PZ: Russia went to war against Ukraine to put an end to its drifting towards Europe and liberal democracy. Even under the most serious threat to its very survival in its post-Soviet history, and under various restrictions due to the state of war, Ukraine is enjoying much greater freedom of speech than its aggressor. Since the start of the full-scale war, I have been hosting live broadcasts on the Pryamy TV channel, as well as on various YouTube channels. There is hardly a politician, journalist, writer, musician or any other public person whom I haven't interviewed. And I have done that without censorship, even when it comes to matters of war. Rather, one exercises self-imposed restraint when discussing matters that could hamper the war effort through, for example, excessive criticism of the military command and ill-advised discussion of matters at the front. 

What has been a challenge for Ukrainian journalists especially in these vicious times, is not to give in to temptation of “click-bate” and hype, in order to give the reader/viewer what they want to see/hear, thus driving views. Hence, a proliferation of fakes feeding unjustified hopes of a near victory, whether through Russia falling apart or Putin dying, whether through a palace coup, a popular uprising or of a fatal decease. If fact, probably millians of Ukrainians have fallen victim to the story, originating with a wily Moscow-based YouTube personality, that Vladimir Putin is, in fact, already dead and securely kept in a cozy freezer.

It's been a difficult balancing act: avoiding hysteria and defeatism, in the face of a larger, better armed and ruthless enemy, while at the same time not feeding false hopes and building unrealistic expectations of easy victory.

For more, read Global Voices’ Special Coverage: Entering a third year of war in Ukraine 

FN: How does Ukraine relate to the Global South today? Have things changed since February 2022? 

PZ: Ukrainians never really knew much or cared about the so-called “Global South,” until Russia invaded and started vying with Ukraine and its Western backers not only for diplomatic support of members of the “Global South” (I use quotes advisedly, knowing how elusive, if not downright non-existent this category is!) but the very hearts and minds of its denizens.

Who among us really cared about the millions who perished in Rwanda in 1994? Or in Congo, over the last two decades? Russia's war against Ukraine has showed how interconnected our planet is: A disruption to shipments of Ukraine's grain reverberated far and wide, from Egypt to Bangladesh, threatening the lives of millions. And although it is clear to us Ukrainians who the party to blame for that has been, we've had to face the harsh reality that on the African, Asian, and Latin American “streets,” the picture is decidedly muddled. That is largely due to the history-based resentments the “Global South” feels towards the US and other former colonial powers. Russia has spared no effort to capitalize on those resentments, presenting itself as a torch-bearer in the “holy anti-imperialist struggle” against the “Anglo-Saxon” world order. Thus we cannot take the support of Africans, Asians and Latin Americans for granted; and it is not enough simply to disprove and expose Russia-disseminated disinformation. Ukraine has been working on a comprehensive plan of engagement with the Global South, to identify commonalities and build genuine relationships that would outlive this war. 

FN: Why have you decided to embark on a year-long trip to Africa? What are you hoping to learn and achieve? 

PZ: Ukraine needs a large-scale grass-roots outreach to countries of the “Global South” and this is what a group of my partners and will embark on a multi-country listening and talking tour of Africa. It is good and well to see our Foreign Minister follow in the foot steps of Russia's Sergey Lavrov and pay repeated visits to the African continent. But in order for a mutual appreciation and understanding, say, between Zimbabweans and Ukrainians to take root, a longer-term effort involving civil society, prominent cultural figures, journalists and activists must be initiated.

As someone who has since the beginning of the war been giving regular interviews not only to CNN, BBC, Al Jazeera and France 24, but also to Nigeria's Channels TV, India's Republic TV, Wion, CNN News18/India, Egypt's Al Qahera, China's CGTN and Turkey's TRT World, I feel it's time to cast the net deeper. We are hoping to generate and cultivate links with journalists and civil society in each country we visit, and identify effective ways to advance Ukrainian narratives, while at the same time seeking to neutralize Russian propaganda efforts. This will be achieved through print and broadcast media appearances, cultural events, and personal diplomacy. The itinerary currently includes: South Africa, Eswatini, Lesotho, Namibia, Botswana, Zimbabwe, Madagascar, Malawi, Tanzania, Kenya, Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda.

Egyptian Journalists Syndicate demands release of 23 pretrial detainees

September 9, 2024 
Middle East Monitor – Latest news from the Middle East and North Africa

Egyptian Journalists take part during a protest against the arrests of fellow journalists outside the Egyptian Journalist syndicate headquarters in the capital Cairo on 3 May 2016 [Amr Sayed/ApaImages]


Egyptian Journalists Syndicate has reiterated its demand to release 23 journalists held in pretrial detention for expressing their opinion.

In a statement issued on Saturday, the syndicate’s Press Freedom Committee said several requests to release fellow journalists have been sent to the relevant state agencies, including the Public Prosecutor’s office, the Presidential Pardon Committee and the National Dialogue’s Board of Trustees.

The committee described the recent orders to arrest a number of journalists, or release others, as “negative” messages conveyed by the ruling regime, which reflect “a retreat from the steps that have been achieved in this file.”

It also stressed the need to reconsider the draft Criminal Procedures Law currently being discussed by the Legislative Affairs Committee of the House of Representatives, and to present it for public dialogue, and not to pass it in a manner that does not match the aspirations of all component bodies of society, especially since it represents a fundamental pillar in the judicial system.

“The draft bill undermined all efforts made in the national dialogue sessions, which raises many questions and doubts about its effectiveness,” it said, adding that the national dialogue sessions have witnessed extensive discussions of the draft law’s articles related to pretrial detention leading to consensus on recommended amendments, however, the bill presented to the parliament came in the form of a comprehensive draft that neglects many of the recommendations.

Egypt: opposition figure’s detention renewed for fourth time


September 9, 2024

Egyptian police officer entering the Tora prison in the Egyptian capital Cairo, on 11 February 2020 [KHALED DESOUKI/AFP/Getty Images]

The Egyptian Supreme State Security Prosecution renewed on Sunday the detention of prominent opposition figure and politician Yehia Hussein Abdel Hady for another 15 days. This is the fourth time that his detention has been renewed pending investigations. Abdel Hady is charged with “joining a terrorist group, misusing social media, spreading rumours and false news, financing terrorism and inciting the commission of a terrorist crime.”

He was arrested in the centre of Cairo by people in civilian clothes, most likely officers of the National Security Agency, because of an article he published under the heading, “How Long Will the Army Be Silent?” Yet again, no new evidence was provided to justify the renewal of his detention.

According to human rights lawyer Khaled Ali writing on Facebook on 31 July1, “Dr Abdel Jalil Mustafa told me that he was driving with Yehia Hussein Abdel Hady on Salah Salem Street, on their way to attend a symposium for the Hope Movement Party. While the car was stationery due to the traffic, he was surprised by a number of people wearing civilian clothes, who did not reveal their identities, forcibly removing him and taking him to an unknown location.”

A report is being submitted by Dr Mustafa to the Public Prosecutor describing what he witnessed, said the lawyer. “We hope to investigate the incident, uncover its circumstances, and gain access to the CCTV cameras on Salah Salem Street.”

Tunisia journalists' union chief warns of crisis in media sector

September 9, 2024 
Middle East Monitor – Latest news from the Middle East and North Africa

The president of the Tunisian press union (SNJT), Zied Dabbar, gives a speech during a rally calling for the release of colleague Zied El Heni, who was arrested on December 29 after criticising the Tunisian commerce minister in a radio show he hosts, on January 10, 2024 in Tunis. 
[FETHI BELAID/AFP via Getty Images]

The head of the National Union of Tunisian Journalists, Zied Dabbar, has expressed concern about the future of journalism in Tunisia.

In a statement released on Saturday, he described the media sector in the country as being “in a state of disaster”, saying that 80 per cent of media institutions are at risk of closure in the coming years.

He held the Tunisian authorities responsible for the deterioration of the media sector, stating that they “do not engage with any proposals or initiatives for reform.”

He warned that the local media will be covering the upcoming presidential elections, scheduled for 6 October, without a regulatory body in place, namely the Independent High Authority for Audiovisual Communication (HAICA), while the Independent High Authority for Elections monopolises all powers, including the monitoring of media coverage, which is unacceptable.

Dabbar explained that the Tunisian journalists’ union has prepared a guiding document for media coverage of the presidential elections to assist journalists. The union will also undertake monitoring during the voting process, “relying on journalists’ awareness and commitment to professional codes to ensure balanced and fair coverage for all candidates, in line with professional standards.”

Since his election in 2019, President Kais Saied has consolidated power in Tunisia, notably changing the constitution in 2021. He is expected to stand for re-election on 6 October. Both Tunisian and international human rights organisations have strongly criticised Saied’s regime, claiming it “suppresses freedoms in the country,” although the president repeatedly insists that “freedoms are guaranteed.”

Tunisia ranked 118th out of 180 countries in this year’s World Press Freedom Index compiled by Reporters Without Borders.

The organisation has warned that constitutional changes have granted Saied “extensive legislative powers at the expense of the checks and balances that were previously in place, undermining the separation of powers and posing an important threat to the achievements of the Tunisian revolution, particularly in terms of press freedom.”

They also expressed concerns over Decree No. 54, issued in September 2022, which they described as “a new threat to press freedom in the country.”

 

Ahead of its controversial elections, Tunisia bans magazine Jeune Afrique for criticizing the president

Protester carrying a sign that reads “Down with the coup” during a anti-coup demonstration in Tunisia on October 21, 2021. Picture by Dodos photography, via Wikimedia CommonsCC BY-SA 4.0.

With the controversial presidential elections a month away, Tunisia banned the September issue of French-language magazine Jeune Afrique. The move marks a stark reminder of the authoritarian practices employed during the days of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali’s dictatorship, when the magazine was similarly banned for reporting on the corruption and human rights abuses that characterized his 23-year rule.

Jeune Afrique, a publication well-known for its in-depth coverage of African and Arabic-speaking countries, has long been a target of censorship by regimes intolerant of dissent. The recent ban under President Kais Saied mirrors these earlier efforts to suppress independent journalism and silence critical voices.

Saied has increasingly centralized power since his self-coup in 2021, and clamped down on independent mediaopposition figures, and any form of dissent. This crackdown is part of a broader return to authoritarianism, undoing many of the freedoms Tunisians gained after the 2011 revolution that toppled Ben Ali. The current political climate, including the exclusion of major opposition candidates from the upcoming elections, paints a bleak picture for the future of democracy in Tunisia.

Jeune Afrique

Founded in Tunis in 1960 by Béchir Ben Yahmed and other Tunisian intellectuals, Jeune Afrique has established itself as one of the most respected publications in the French-speaking world covering politics, economics, and social issues in Africa and the Arabic-speaking countries. Over the decades, the magazine has earned a reputation for its bold and critical journalism, often drawing the ire of authoritarian regimes across the region.

This latest ban is linked to Jeune Afrique’s cover story “L’hyper-président” (The hyper president), exposing Tunisia’s current political situation under President Kais Saied, particularly the rising authoritarianism and the erosion of the democratic gains achieved after the 2011 revolution.

Feminist journalist Monia Ben Hamadi shared the banned cover on X saying:

Censorship in Tunisia: the latest issue of Jeune Afrique has been banned from sale due to an investigation into Kais Saied.

Undoing the revolution

The banning of Jeune Afrique is not an isolated incident. It is part of a broader pattern of rising authoritarianism under Saied, who has systematically dismantled the democratic institutions and freedoms that Tunisians fought for during the 2011 revolution. Since seizing extraordinary powers in July 2021, when he dissolved parliament and began ruling by decree, Saied has cracked down on opposition figures, journalists, and civil society. His actions have included the dismissal of independent judges, the restructuring of the electoral commission to suit his agenda, and the imposition of restrictive media laws that target anyone critical of his government​.

Fida Hammami, Amnesty International’s Tunisia Research and Advocacy Advisor wrote on X:

We've gotten used to conspiracies, and we've become familiar with them. The telegrams based on the narrow imagination of their authors, we are used to those too. But banning a magazine from entering the country — this is new! We've moved to the stage of blatant censorship. If @jeune_afrique confirms what happened, there must be a strong reaction. If this passes quietly, it will only be the beginning. #Tunisia

In 2023, Hammami’s own father, human rights lawyer Ayachi Hammami was himself subjected to a criminal investigation based on what Amnesty called “unfounded accusations of ‘conspiracy’” alongside feminist lawyer Bochra Belhaj Hamida and opposition political figures Nejib Chebbi and Noureddine Bhriri.

A bleak future

With elections scheduled for October 6, 2024, the future of democracy in Tunisia looks increasingly bleak. The country, once hailed as the only success story of the so-called Arab Spring, now faces the grim reality of a return to the very system of governance that the revolution sought to overthrow. The electoral process itself has been criticized for being heavily skewed in favor of the incumbent president, with most serious opposition candidates either arrested or disqualified, leaving only two contenders, both too weak to pose a real challenge. The question that remains is whether Tunisia can reclaim its democratic path or if it will continue down the road of authoritarianism.