It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
Thursday, January 20, 2022
DIRECT LINE TO MORNING JOE
Brzezinski becomes US ambassador to Poland
Son of infamous Cold War hawk takes up new role amid growing tensions with Russia
Mark Brzezinski, son of former US national security advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski, has been sworn in as US ambassador to Poland. Vice President Kamala Harris conducted the ceremony on Wednesday, which was attended by Brzezinski’s sister Mika and brother-in-law Joe Scarborough, both hosts of MSNBC’s Morning Joe.
Brzezinski, who previously served as US ambassador to Sweden from 2011 to 2015, was nominated for the position in August and confirmed by the Senate last month.
His father, Zbigniew, served as the national security advisor under former president Jimmy Carter and was well known as the architect of the Grand Chessboard theory of geostrategic power. The elder Brzezinski viewed the Eurasian continent as the fulcrum of world power and believed it was in the best interests of the US to control it, given its richness in natural resources, physical wealth, and population.
His efforts to wrest control of Eurasia from the Soviet Union included funding and supporting the Mujahideen, the Islamic fundamentalist faction in Afghanistan which later became the Taliban. He openly spoke in interviews of seizing the opportunity to “giv[e] to the USSR its Vietnam war.”
However, the consequences of that project later led to the 9/11 attacks and America’s own war in Afghanistan. It became the longest in US history and eventually culminated in disaster for the Biden administration, whose pullout from Afghanistan last August was widely criticized and has contributed to his spiraling approval ratings.
Brzezinski the younger heads to Warsaw as tensions between the US and Russia mount, with the US attempting to frame troop movements within Russian borders as a plot to attack Ukraine despite no evidence of such a plan and NATO members threatening to further amass their own troops along Russia’s borders.
Djokovic has 80% share in biotech firm developing Covid treatment – report
Serbian tennis star Novak Djokovic and his wife have an 80% stake in Danish biotech company QuantBioRes, its chief executive says
Novak Djokovic and his wife hold a majority stake in a Danish biotech company which is aiming to develop a medical treatment to combat coronavirus, the firm’s chief executive has said.
QuantBioRes CEO Ivan Loncarevic revealed the news to Reuters on Wednesday. The Serbian star and his wife, Jelena, have a combined 80% share, with 40.8% owned by the tennis ace and 39.2% held by his spouse.
Loncarevic said the tennis world number one – who has amassed over $150 million in career prize money – made the investment in June 2020, but did not disclose the amount.
Copenhagen-based QuantBioRes is aiming to develop a ‘peptide’ treatment against Covid-19 which would inhibit the virus from infecting human cells.
It expects to launch clinical trials in the UK later this year, and has around a dozen researchers working in Denmark, Australia, and Slovenia, Loncarevic explained.
The CEO stressed that it was a treatment against the illness, rather than a vaccine.
The news comes after Djokovic was deported from Australia in a row centered on his Covid vaccine status.
The 34-year-old star is not vaccinated against the illness but arrived in Australia with a medical exemption based on recovery from a prior infection in December.
However, that was deemed insufficient by the federal authorities.
After an ordeal lasting almost two weeks, Djokovic was eventually deported following the intervention of Australian Immigration Minister Alex Hawke, who argued that the Serb’s continued presence in the country would incite anti-vaccine sentiments among the local population.
‘New generation is capable of leading a new Intifada’
New armed uprising in West Bank can turn out worse than the 2021 crisis
On December 28, shortly before the beginning of 2022, Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmoud Abbas visited the home of Israeli Defense Minister Benny Gantz. The meeting was the first between Abbas and a senior Israeli official inside Israeli territory since 2010 and was, according to Israeli media reports, focused on discussing the development of “security coordination” between Israel and the PA.
Days later, PA forces raided Jenin, making a number of arrests, following on from a similar Palestinian Authority operation to weaken armed groups in the area in late November. The chief of staff for Israel’s military, Aviv Kohavi, later praised the PA forces for their action, claiming that Israel had been planning a similar large-scale operation in Jenin, but had called it off when the PA began acting first.
Since last May’s Israel–Palestine crisis, after an 11-day war against Gaza took place, tensions have been continuing to build in the occupied territories. The subsequent torturing to death of a West Bank-based critic of the Palestinian Authority, Nizar Banat, by PA security forces, sparked fear of an uprising which could potentially oust PA leader Abbas, whose democratic presidential legitimacy expired in 2009.
To get to know more about whether an uprising is brewing in the West Bank and what connection this may have to the actions of the Palestinian Authority, I spoke to Dr. Ramzy Baroud, a Palestinian academic and journalist. First, I asked him what he makes of Abbas’ meeting with Benny Gantz, and whether this was tied to recent attempts to crack down on the Palestinian armed struggle, to which he answered the following:
“I think that the Palestinian Authority and Israel have something in common and that is to make sure there will be no rebellion in the West Bank.” He added: “The West Bank, as of last May, is undergoing two types of transformations; one is the rise of the new generation that is capable of indeed leading a new Intifada… the other change that is happening in the West Bank is the rise of the pro-armed struggle narrative.”
I also spoke on the issue to a Ramallah-based journalist who wished to remain anonymous for fear of persecution. Speaking over the phone, he told me that “everyone is fed up with the PA, they know that they simply collaborate with Israel and the people don’t consider them as a representative, but instead part of the occupation.” He went on to admit that he “was even surprised to see the way young people in Palestine are behaving; they are going to other villages to resist the settlers and soldiers, they are attending funerals of martyrs in their tens of thousands, they are much more inspired now.”
I asked what threat is being posed by the small, often poorly organized, armed groups which seem to be popping up all over the West Bank in villages and refugee camps. He answered that “there has always been groups, which call themselves as being associated with Al-Qassam [Hamas’ armed wing], Saraya Al-Quds [PIJ Party armed wing], Abu Ali Mustapha [PFLP armed wing] or Kataeb Shuhada al-Aqsa [unofficial Fatah Party armed wing], but the problem is that, due to PA spies, groups have little chance at this time to ever pose major threats, but maybe in the future this will change.” He said that the “biggest threat to Israel are the armed attacks by individuals who decide to carry out an operation without telling anyone, this way there is no way for anyone to get the word out about their intentions and, yes, now we are seeing more of this, it’s no surprise [the Israelis] are scared and that’s why Israeli soldiers are more trigger-happy now than in recent years.”
To explain this point further, I asked Ramzy Baroud about the nature of the growing Palestinian resistance in the West Bank, specifically as we have seen manifest in areas like Jenin, to which he answered:
“We see this happening in the Jenin area, but we see this happening beyond the Jenin area. Jenin has particularly, in many ways, been free from the direct oppressive influence of the PA, so it kind of served as a place in which that phenomenon could express itself, in an open way. However, it does exist in other parts of the West Bank and, the moment that an armed rebellion breaks out, I think there will be much more of a popular appeal to it in various other parts of the West Bank.”
Ramzy Baroud also added that “Mahmoud Abbas knows this,” about the way armed resistance seems to be growing in practice and seen as the primary solution. He made it clear that he believes Mahmoud Abbas “is really not fighting for his own survival at the helm of this so-called leadership, he is fighting for the brand that he had created. The brand of corrupt officials and a security force, armed, trained and sustained by American money and military intelligence, Israeli support even, and the support of various corrupt Arab regimes in the region.”
The Palestinian Authority, based in Ramallah, West Bank is run by the party of Mahmoud Abbas, Fatah, but the party itself seems to be on shaky legs after last year. Elections were called by the PA president at the start of 2021, which caused various separate Fatah Party lists to announce that they would run against each other. This then led to a brief internal clash between opposing factions of Fatah. There were also several incidents of Fatah factions launching armed attacks on one another, the most prominent of which was in April, when gunmen in the city of Al-Khalil, Hebron opened fire on the home of Lawyer Hatem Shaheen, who was running as a candidate on the al-Mustaqbal (‘The Future’) list affiliated with former Fatah strongman Mohammed Dahlan.
The elections were set to be the first in over 15 years, but were ultimately canceled by Abbas. The official PA position was that Israeli restrictions placed on voters in East Jerusalem was the reason behind the cancellation, but critics say that it was really down to the current leadership's fear of losing power if a democratic vote were held. Hamas, which won the last legislative elections, in 2006, was running a strong campaign and, due to Fatah running so many separate lists, it looked likely that Hamas would win. In addition to this, Marwan Barghouti, a prominent Fatah leader now held by Israel as a political prisoner, was threatening to run for Palestinian president and, due to his popularity amongst the Palestinian electorate, it would have been very possible that he could’ve dethroned Abbas.
“There is a serious concern that the moment Mahmoud Abbas disappears from the scene, certain branches of Fatah are planning to wage an internal rebellion for the internal definition and the soul of Fatah,” says Ramzy Baroud, affirming that he believes the ruling Fatah Party is itself in crisis. Not only this, but the fear of a battle for the control of Fatah is also part of the reason for the PA now intensifying its coordination with Israel and its battle to prevent armed rebellion in the West Bank.
Baroud added that: “Israel is very keen on [a Fatah rebellion] not happening. It also cannot afford to have the kind of rebellion that happened last May. For the first time in its history, Israel appeared to be truly scared [during the May rebellion], struggling to keep things together. It was a very dangerous precedent; where there was a near state of civil war going on in Israel itself, the West Bank was rising, East Jerusalem was on fire, Gaza was fighting back, it was unprecedented. Israel managed to contain that, but I don’t think Israel will be able to contain it again in the future and a similar rebellion could lead to the disintegration of the Palestinian Authority.”
In addition to the growing anti-PA resentment in the West Bank, the latest findings indicating that almost 80% of Palestinians polled say that Mahmoud Abbas should resign, is the question of the Palestinian Authority’s economic downfall. Ramzy Baroud says that the PA’s economic struggle is manufactured and shouldn’t really be referred to as an “economic crisis.” This is because there is no functioning economy in a conventional sense, in the West Bank, because it all goes through Israel. Due to the stranglehold that the Israeli government has on the PA’s finances, Baroud argues that, despite all his threats to do so, “Abbas cannot possibly operate outside of that model that is entirely dictated by Israel,” which is predicated on the Oslo Accords signed between the PLO and Tel Aviv.
The recent crackdowns inside the West Bank, by PA forces, have primarily seemed to target Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), which has coincided with a rise in what would seem to be support for Hamas since last May. Similar crackdowns have occurred in the past, most notably following the 2006 Palestinian legislative elections, which Hamas won in a landslide. This resulted in Fatah, the United States and Israel’s rejection of the elections’ outcome and a planned coup against the Gaza based government, democratically elected in what former US President Jimmy Carter called a “free and fair” election. Despite the ‘Mecca agreement,’ facilitated by Saudi Arabia to form a unity government between Fatah and Hamas, Fatah’s PA went on to receive financial backing from the United States to persecute Hamas. Hamas pre-empted the planned coup – coordinated between the US Bush administration and PA Preventative Security Head Mohammed Dahlan – and defeated Fatah, taking complete control of Gaza.
Due to this history, a factional analysis is now being made, presenting the issue as again a Hamas-against-Fatah struggle in the occupied territories, but Ramzy Baroud argues that this is a misinterpretation of Palestine’s current predicament.
“I think that we have to be clear here, I don’t think that the issue here is about popularity for Hamas at the expense of Fatah… What I think we are talking about here is a different political model,” he proposed, stating that the “factional narrative of Hamas vs. Fatah or the Socialists, or Islamic Jihad” is no longer what we are dealing with. Instead he believes that there is a unified model under which Palestinians have tossed away belief in negotiating for a two-state model and believe only in resistance as a solution, stating that the distinction between armed and popular non-violent struggle is not one really made by Palestinians, but instead this is a Western way of looking at it.
“The support of the resistance is not necessarily support of Hamas as a political party, but it’s rather the support of anybody that is willing to resist and it just happens that Hamas is the major party that operates in Gaza,” he pointed out, adding that the support is also allocated to “the socialist groups, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad [PIJ] and even al-Aqsa Martyrs brigades [Fatah’s armed wing, not officially connected to the Party] and other Fatah affiliates in the West Bank.”
An example of the support for any resistance figures, Ramzy Baroud argued, came when six Palestinian political prisoners escaped from Israel’s Gilboa Jail last September. He noted that the primary hero for Palestinians of all political leanings and parties was Zakaria Zubeidi, who is a Fatah member and once led the Al-Aqsa Martyrs brigades (a Fatah armed group), calling the unified position on Zubeidi across Party lines “unprecedented.”
Israel repeatedly called for foreign powers to boost their aid to the Palestinian Authority late last year. The Israeli government also seems to be eying the prospect of boosting their own aid to the PA, but notably there are no high-ranking Israeli government officials who dare call for dialogue to discuss a two-state solution, as was the case in the past, when the Palestinian Authority’s leaders had formed such strong bonds with their counterparts in the Israeli government. Both Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett and his power-sharing partner, Yair Lapid, oppose the idea that a Palestinian State should come from a thorough dialogue with the PA; this adds the additional layer of pressure, pitting them directly against the international consensus for ending the conflict. Unlike the situation under the former US administration of Donald Trump, the Israelis are not being given a direct say on what Washington’s policy will be when it comes to the Palestinians. President Joe Biden, although staunchly pro-Israel, has reverted back to the traditional US position of supporting the international consensus and this is potentially bad news for Israel.
The strategy to simply strengthen the Palestinian Authority economically and with additional weapons in the West Bank may not be enough to prevent its downfall, as the closer Israel gets with Mahmoud Abbas, the further isolated the Palestinian public feels. Elements of the Israeli government, including its current Prime Minister, also seem to be opposed to the US plan to strengthen the PA’s standing with moves such as opening a consulate to deal with the PA in East Jerusalem. If Israel’s government cannot decide on a unified position on how to support the PA, this could also make its plan to prop up the leadership of Mahmoud Abbas’s Palestinian Authority a more arduous task.
If the Palestinian Authority, lead by Mahmoud Abbas’s Fatah Party, fails to consolidate power and hold on to its current position in the West Bank, it is very possible that a new phase in the Palestine-Israel conflict will be reached. The Oslo Process, beginning from 1993, ended the large-scale Palestinian rebellion (the Intifada) that had broken out in 1987 inside the occupied territories, and ushered in an era of failed dialogue. The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) had officially recognised Israel as a state and, by accepting UN resolution 242, accepted that the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem were the only areas in which Palestine could be a future state. Out of Oslo, the Palestinian Authority was born and was tasked with managing small areas of the West Bank and Gaza. Although this model of partial PA control was supposed to lead to their expanded control over the territories, Israel refused to withdraw incrementally, as was stipulated in Oslo II, and instead, through settlement expansion, the Israeli presence — called 'occupation' by its opponents — became even more deeply entrenched.
The Second Intifada, in 2000, erupted out of the failure of the Peace Process to produce tangible results and, following the death of former PA President Yasser Arafat in 2004 after he was besieged by the Israeli military, the new PA model began under Arafat’s successor Mahmoud Abbas. The model set forward was a ‘status quo’ model, which has essentially led to the building discontent seen inside the occupied territories today. There is no longer any hope for the revival of the ‘Peace Process’ between the PA and Israel, in large part due to this being seen as unacceptable by most Israelis and, therefore, not worthy of support by its politicians.
On November 2, a new Palestinian organisation was founded, the ‘Masar Badil,’ calling itself the alternative to the Oslo Process and the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank. It has so far garnered open support from political parties inside Palestine, such as the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) movement, and seeks to support “all the resistance forces inside Palestine” in order to achieve total liberation of Palestine. I spoke to some of Masar Badil’s founding members, asking for a comment on the rise of an armed rebellion in the West Bank, and got the answer that the organisation believes the young generation have reached the point where they’re on the verge of a new uprising.
Khaled Barakat, a founding member of Masar Badil, views the armed struggle element as one that has to be understood in its context, sharing with me that this only comes as a last resort historically, and pointing back to the absence of a unified armed struggle during periods of dialogue with either Britain or Israel during the past 100 years of struggle towards statehood. Gollowing a lack of positive results attained by an often corrupt elitist leadership class, from there, then, comes an uprising which seeks to make strides towards liberation using armed force as an alternative to empty platitudes and meaningless dialogue, he stressed.
The Israeli government and its allies seem to be trying to keep the status quo and may be considering the likes of former Fatah strongman Mohammed Dahlan – who currently works as Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Zayid’s right-hand man – as a valid replacement in the absence of Mahmoud Abbas. But it seems that one miscalculation and, without a consensus reached within the Israeli government on exactly how to maintain the PA and the status quo, everything could quickly get out of hand and, in the event that a new Intifada breaks out, Israel may be forced to make compromises in order to quell that uprising. If the majority of Palestinians now really support armed uprising, then all attempts to strengthen the PA at this time may be futile or, at the very least, may prove unsustainable.
Robert Inlakesh is a political analyst, journalist and documentary filmmaker currently based in London, UK. He has reported from and lived in the occupied Palestinian territories and currently works with Quds News and Press TV.
The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RT.
Robert Inlakesh is a political analyst, journalist and documentary filmmaker currently based in London, UK. He has reported from and lived in the occupied Palestinian territories and currently works with Quds News and Press TV. Director of ‘Steal of the Century: Trump's Palestine-Israel Catastrophe’. Follow him on Twitter @falasteen47
Declassified video shows US drone strike on civilians
The botched US air raid killed 10 civilians in Kabul, most of them children
The Pentagon has released surveillance videos showing a US air strike that killed 10 civilians in the Afghan capital last year, one of the final American combat missions in the country as Washington ended its two-decade war.
Published by the New York Times on Wednesday, the declassified 25-minute video shows the moment an Afghan aid worker and nine other non-combatants, including seven children, were killed in the US strike, all captured by two drones flying over Kabul during the August 29, 2021 bombing raid.
While the military initially claimed the strike targeted members of the Islamic State (IS, formerly ISIS) who were transporting explosives – with one senior official deeming the operation “righteous” – it was later forced to backtrack and acknowledge that only civilians were killed in the attack.
Ahead of the strike, two MQ-9 Reaper drones trailed a white Toyota Corolla driven by a man later identified as Zemari Ahmadi, an aid worker with the US-based Nutrition and Education International. After following him for some time, Ahmadi’s car was struck as he pulled into the driveway of his home, seen around eight minutes into the footage. The blast engulfed the property, instantly killing Ahmadi and several children who rushed out to greet him, as well as other family members nearby.
A probe by the Air Force concluded that the operation did not violate any laws and recommended no disciplinary action. Though the investigation did find that surveillance footage showed the presence of at least one child near the site of the strike about two minutes before it was launched, the Pentagon said that would have been easy to miss in real-time.
“[In] two independent reviews that I conducted, the physical evidence of a child was apparent at the two-minute point. But it is 100 percent not obvious; you have to be looking for it,” Air Force Inspector General Sami Said told reporters in November following the inquiry, insisting the massacre was a “mistake” and not an act of “negligence.”
The declassified footage was obtained in a months-long Freedom of Information Act suit led by the Times, which was the first to uncover evidence the drone strike may not have killed any IS terrorists as the military initially claimed. The Pentagon also attempted to pin the loss of innocent life on a “secondary explosion” near Ahmadi’s home – suggesting he was indeed carrying a bomb in his car – but later said the fireball was likely caused by a propane tank, effectively abandoning any notion that he was a militant.
PLEASANTLY STICKY CHINA'S YUTU-2 ROVER: 3 DISCOVERIES FROM THE FAR SIDE OF THE MOON The findings reveal mysterious soil and build the groundwork for future missions.
-/AFP/Getty Images ALTHOUGH IT TURNED OUT CHINA’S YUTU-2 LUNAR ROVER did not discover an alien monolith on the Moon, but rather a small boulder that appeared bizarrely square from a distance, the lunar robot has still made other significant discoveries about the far side of the Moon.
In a new paper published Wednesday in the journal Science Robotics, researchers from the Yutu-2 rover team detailed their findings from two years of robotic explorations of the far side of the Moon (the side always facing away from us since the Moon is tidally locked with Earth). The far side of the Moon as imaged by the Clementine spacecraft in 1998. NASA
While missions like NASA’s Lunar Reconnaissance Orbiter have provided detailed maps of the entire lunar surface, Yutu-2 has yielded information about the subsurface structure of the Moon’s far side and details about the lunar regolith that you can only learn by physically stirring up the dirt. The results could help guide further lunar exploration by both China and the US.
Yutu-2 made three critical discoveries by playing in the lunar dirt, all of which could have implications for future robotic and human exploration of the far side of the Moon and our satellite’s southern polar region. 3. THE FAR SIDE TERRAIN IS RELATIVELY FLAT AND FREE OF ROCKS
In the first 25 lunar days (around 738 Earth days) of Yutu-2’s mission, the rover crawled over more than 2,700 feet across the 110-mile diameter Von Kármán impact crater within the Aitken Basin at the Moon’s southern polar region.
The Yutu-2 rover found the terrain to be relatively flat and free of rocks compared with areas on the side of the Moon facing Earth, such as the Mare Imbrium explored by the first Yutu rover from 2013 to 2015, and by Luna 17 and Apollo 15 in the early 1970s. “Rocks along the traverse route (Fig. 6) are relatively rare in comparison with those scattered around the [Yutu-1] landing site,” the story authors write. Larger rocks like those seen at Mare Imbrium “are absent from observations.”
At least we now know what the small boulder responsible for the “mystery hut” mirage, now dubbed “Jade Rabbit,” stood out so well at the rim of a crater. And speaking of craters … 2. THE LUNAR FAR SIDE IS CRATER-STREWN
There are 88 impact craters within 50 meters of the path Yutu-2 has taken across the Moon, with an average diameter of almost 12 meters. The vast majority come in at less than 10 meters diameters. Planetary scientists believe the craters to be largely secondary impact craters from ejecta thrown from the impact that created the Zhinyu crater west of the rover’s landing site.
It was in the bottom of a 2-meter diameter crater that Yutu-2 discovered another compelling mystery, a “dark greenish, glistening material” originally described as gel-like, which may be rock melted together by the heat of an impact. 1. THE FAR SIDE LUNAR REGOLITH HAS THE CONSISTENCY OF STICKY SAND
By observing how lunar regolith stuck to the Yutu-2 rover’s wire mesh wheels and measuring how the wheels occasionally slipped in the regolith, the researchers were able to calculate its consistency and load-bearing properties. “The regolith resembles dry sand and sandy loam on Earth,” they write, “demonstrating greater bearing strength than that identified during the Apollo missions.”
The somewhat sticky property of the lunar regolith was observed across multiple lunar days, suggesting it is a regional characteristic rather than a site-specific property of a patch of regolith, the researchers write, and they theorize the property may result from greater and more prolonged exposure to space weathering than lunar near-side regions.
HOW THEY DID IT — The Yutu-2 rover is a relatively lightweight (77 pounds), six-wheeled, semi-autonomous rover equipped with a panoramic camera, near-infrared spectrometer, and ground-penetrating radar, among other scientific instruments. The rover landed on the Moon on January 3, 2019, as a component of the Chang’e 4 mission, the first soft landing on the far side of the Moon. Together, the Chang’e 4 lander and Yutu-2 rover are the successors to the Chang’e 2 lander and original Yutu rover mission, which made the first soft landing in the Mare Imbrium on the Moon since Luna 24 in 1976.
WHAT’S IMPORTANT ABOUT THE YUTU-2 FINDINGS?— The Yutu-2 rover findings could help guide the design of future robotic missions to the southern polar region on the far side of the Moon.
The more-supportive-than-expected soil could support larger-scale robots, the researchers note, while the cratered surface could necessitate “legged robots, hybrid wheel-legged robots, or tethered rovers'' for future exploration — Yutu-2 wasn’t able to get up close and personal with the greenish gel-like substance because researchers feared it wouldn’t be able to climb back out of the crater.
And given that the sticky regolith adhered to the lugs on Yutu-2’s wheels rather than the wire mesh, future missions might consider “coating the lugs’ surface with a special anti-adhesion material.”
Both the China National Space Administration and NASA plan to explore the Moon’s southern polar — China as part of the International Lunar Research Station program it is pursuing with Russia, and NASA as part of the Artemis program and its Commercial Lunar Payload Services initiative.
WHAT’S NEXT?— Yutu-2 will continue exploring the far side of the Moon, and the researchers hope to make better use of the tools the rover makes available to learn even more about the environment. And they’re not just considering the dedicated science instruments.
“For instance,” they write, “trenching experiments can be conducted using one of the rover’s wheels to expose the near-subsurface soil.” Abstract — The lunar nearside has been investigated by many uncrewed and crewed missions, but the farside of the Moon remains poorly known. Lunar farside exploration is challenging because maneuvering rovers with efficient locomotion in harsh extraterrestrial environment is necessary to explore geological characteristics of scientific interest. Chang’E-4 mission successfully targeted the Moon’s farside and deployed a teleoperated rover (Yutu-2) to explore inside the Von Kármán crater, conveying rich information regarding regolith, craters, and rocks. Here, we report mobile exploration on the lunar farside with Yutu-2 over the initial 2 years. During its journey, Yutu-2 has experienced varying degrees of mild slip and skid, indicating that the terrain is relatively flat at large scales but scattered with local gentle slopes. Cloddy soil sticking on its wheels implies a greater cohesion of the lunar soil than encountered at other lunar landing sites. Further identification results indicate that the regolith resembles dry sand and sandy loam on Earth in bearing properties, demonstrating greater bearing strength than that identified during the Apollo missions. In sharp contrast to the sparsity of rocks along the traverse route, small fresh craters with unilateral moldable ejecta are abundant, and some of them contain high-reflectance materials at the bottom, suggestive of secondary impact events. These findings hint at notable differences in the surface geology between the lunar farside and nearside. Experience gained with Yutu-2 improves the understanding of the farside of the Moon, which, in return, may lead to locomotion with improved efficiency and larger range.
