Thursday, February 24, 2022

US regulators lift in-person restrictions on abortion pill

By MATTHEW PERRONE

This Sept. 22, 2010 file photo shows bottles of abortion pills at a clinic in Des Moines, Iowa. The Food and Drug Administration on Thursday, Dec. 16, 2021 loosened some restrictions on the pill mifepristone, allowing it to be dispensed by more pharmacies. (AP Photo/Charlie Neibergall, file)


WASHINGTON (AP) — The Food and Drug Administration on Thursday permanently removed a major obstacle for women seeking abortion pills, eliminating a long-standing requirement that they pick up the medication in person.

Millions of American women will now be able to get a prescription via an online consultation and receive the pills through the mail. FDA officials said a scientific review supported broadening access, including no longer limiting dispensing to a small number of specialty clinics and doctor’s offices.

But prescribers will still need to undergo certification and training. Additionally, the agency said dispensing pharmacies will have to be certified.

The decision is the latest shift in the polarized legal battle over medication abortion, which has only intensified amid the disruptions of the COVID-19 pandemic. It is certain to spur legal challenges and more restrictions in Republican-led states.

Earlier this year the FDA stopped enforcing the in-person requirement because of the pandemic. Under Thursday’s decision, the agency permanently dropped the 20-year-old rule, which has long been opposed by medical societies, including the American Medical Association, which say the restriction offers no clear benefit to patients.

The FDA’s latest scientific review stems from a 2017 lawsuit led by the American Civil Liberties Union, which argued that the agency’s restrictions block or delay medical care, especially for people in low-income and rural communities.

The ACLU hailed the elimination of the strictest requirements but said regulators should have gone further and allowed prescribing by any physician and broader pharmacy dispensing. Abortion opponents said the FDA decision would result in more drug-related side effects and complications for women.

Physicians who prescribe the drug, mifepristone, will have to certify that they can provide emergency care to deal with potential adverse effects, including excessive bleeding, FDA officials said Thursday.

The change still means many more doctors will be able to write prescriptions and American women will be able to fill their orders at far more pharmacies, including via online and mail-order services.

The effect will vary by state. More than a dozen Republican-led states have passed measures that limit access to the pills, including outlawing delivery by mail.

Increased use of mail-order abortion pills could pose a dilemma for the anti-abortion movement, given that its leaders generally say they don’t favor criminalizing the actions of women seeking abortions and because mail deliveries can be an elusive target for prosecutors.

The latest policy shift comes as advocates on both sides of the abortion debate wait to see whether the conservative Supreme Court will weaken or even overturn the Roe v. Wade decision that guarantees the right to abortion nationwide.

Roe’s demise would likely prompt at least 20 Republican-governed states to impose sweeping bans while perhaps 15 states governed by Democrats would reaffirm support for abortion access. More complicated would be politically divided states, where fights over abortion laws could be ferocious.

Medication abortion has been available in the United States since 2000, when the FDA first approved mifepristone to terminate pregnancies up to 10 weeks. Taken with another drug called misoprostol, it constitutes the so-called abortion pill.

About 40% of all abortions in the U.S. are now done through medication — rather than surgery — and that option has become more pivotal during the COVID-19 pandemic.

At the time of approval, the FDA imposed limits on how the drug could be distributed, including barring it from regular pharmacies and requiring that all doctors providing the drug undergo special certification. Women were also required to sign a form indicating they understood the medication’s risks. The FDA said Thursday there have been 26 deaths associated with the drug since 2000, though not all of those can be directly attributed to the medication due to underlying health conditions and other factors.

Common drug side effects include cramping, bleeding, nausea, headache and diarrhea. In some cases excess bleeding needs to be stopped with a surgical procedure.

Near the beginning of the outbreak, the FDA waived in-person requirements for virtually all medications, but left them in place for mifepristone.

That triggered a lawsuit from the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, which successfully overturned the restriction in federal court. The Trump administration then appealed the ruling to the Supreme Court, which reinstated the requirement in January.

The point became moot — at least temporarily — in April when the FDA said it would not enforce the dispensing limits during the current public health emergency.

“The FDA’s decision will come as a tremendous relief for countless abortion and miscarriage patients,” said Georgeanne Usova, a lawyer with the ACLU. “However, it is disappointing that the FDA fell short of repealing all of its medically unnecessary restrictions on mifepristone and these remaining obstacles should also be lifted.”

Jeanne Mancini, president of the March for Life Education and Defense Fund, said the decision “will lead to more lives lost to abortion, and will increase the number of mothers who suffer physical and psychological harm from chemical abortions.”

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Associated Press writer David Crary contributed to this story from New York.

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The Associated Press Health and Science Department receives support from the Howard Hughes Medical Institute’s Department of Science Education. The AP is solely responsible for all content.

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This story was first published on December 16, 2021. It was updated on February 24, 2022 to delete an incorrect description of the drug misoprostol as a hormone blocker.

Over half of U.S. abortions now done with pills, not surgery

By LINDSEY TANNER

Containers of the medication used to end an early pregnancy sit on a table inside a Planned Parenthood clinic, Oct. 29, 2021, in Fairview Heights, Ill. A report released Thursday, Feb. 24, 2022 says most U.S. abortions are now done with pills rather than surgery. The trend spiked during the pandemic as telemedicine increased and pills by mail were allowed. (AP Photo/Jeff Roberson)

More than half of U.S. abortions are now done with pills rather than surgery, an upward trend that spiked during the pandemic with the increase in telemedicine, a report released Thursday shows.

In 2020, pills accounted for 54% of all U.S. abortions, up from roughly 44% in 2019.

The preliminary numbers come from the Guttmacher Institute, a research group that supports abortion rights. The group, by contacting providers, collects more comprehensive abortion data than the U.S. government.

Use of abortion pills has been rising since 2000 when the Food and Drug Administration approved mifepristone — the main drug used in medication abortions.

The new increase “is not surprising, especially during COVID,” said Dr. Marji Gold, a family medicine physician and abortion provider in New York City. She said patients seeking abortions at her clinic have long chosen the pills over the medical procedure.

The pandemic prompted a rise in telemedicine and FDA action that allowed abortion pills to be mailed so patients could skip in-person visits to get them. Those changes could have contributed to the increase in use, said Guttmacher researcher Rachel Jones.

The FDA made the change permanent last December, meaning millions of women can get a prescription via an online consultation and receive the pills through the mail. That move led to stepped-up efforts by abortion opponents to seek additional restrictions on medication abortions through state legislatures.

The procedure includes mifepristone, which blocks a hormone needed for pregnancy to continue, followed one or two days later by misoprostol, a drug that causes cramping that empties the womb. The combination is approved for use within the first 10 weeks of pregnancy, although some health care providers offer it in the second trimester, a practice called off-label use.

So far this year, 16 state legislatures have proposed bans or restrictions on medication abortion, according to the Guttmacher report.

It notes that in 32 states, medication abortions must be prescribed by physicians even though other health care providers including physician assistants can prescribe other medicines. And mailing abortion pills to patients is banned in three states — Arizona, Arkansas and Texas, the report says.

According to the World Health Organization, about 73 million abortions are performed each year. About 630,000 abortions were reported to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in 2019 although information from some states is missing. Guttmacher’s last comprehensive abortion report dates to 2017; the data provided Thursday comes from an update due out later this year.

Global numbers on rates of medication versus surgical abortions are limited. Data from England and Wales show that medication abortions have outpaced surgical abortions for about 10 years.

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Follow AP Medical Writer Lindsey Tanner at @LindseyTanner.

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The Associated Press Health and Science Department receives support from the Howard Hughes Medical Institute’s Department of Science Education. The AP is solely responsible for all content.
'Frozen' Bitcoin Tied to Canadian Protests Lands at Coinbase, Crypto.Com


Anna Baydakova, Sam Reynolds
Tue, February 22, 2022,

Cryptocurrency tied to the Canadian truckers protesting COVID-19 restrictions has been on the move, in defiance of the authorities’ orders to freeze funds, blockchain analysis shows.

Nearly all of the roughly 20 BTC (about $788,000 U.S. at current exchange rates) sent to the Tallycoin fundraiser is gone from that address, with only 0.11 BTC left, according to Blockchain.com data.

Most of the 30 bitcoin wallets identified by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) as being attached to the fundraising have been largely drained as well, with only 6 BTC combined between them, on-chain data shows.

Whether the recipients will be able to use the funds to buy goods or services remains to be seen, however.

A CoinDesk review of the public ledger shows that four small portions of the roughly 20 bitcoin raised – about 0.14 BTC each – ended up at two centralized exchanges, Coinbase and Crypto.com. It is not clear whether the funds were cashed out for fiat or frozen at those platforms.

The situation highlights the limitations of a government’s ability to thwart transactions through decentralized, censorship-resistant systems – but also the limitations of those systems to circumvent such sanctions.

While the authorities cannot veto transactions on Bitcoin and similar networks, they have leverage over regulated companies that serve as the on- and off-ramps to those networks.
Honk honk

Backing up, in recent weeks, thousands of Canadians took to the streets in major cities to protest vaccine mandates and other COVID-19 restrictions. Dozens of trucks blocked the roads of Ontario as well as various border crossings to the U.S., filling the air with honking and bringing economic disruption.

The nation’s capital, Ottawa, found itself practically under siege. In order to disperse the trucks and protesters and bring an end to the weeks-long disruptions, on Feb. 14 Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau invoked the Emergencies Act for the first time since it was enacted in 1988. Part of the Act gives the government and banks the authority to freeze financial assets and accounts linked to protestors without a court order or judicial review process.

It also enabled police forces from across the country to coordinate and combine resources as they dismantled the convoy in Ottawa and elsewhere: As of Feb. 22, 191 people have been arrested and 107 people have been charged with obstructing police, disobeying a court order, assault, mischief, possessing a weapon and assaulting a police officer, CNN reported.

Unlike bank wires, transactions on decentralized blockchains typically cannot be stopped or frozen. An exception is when the smart contract for a non-native asset, such as an ERC-20 token on Ethereum, allows the issuer to freeze certain addresses and prevent any further transactions, as Tether, the issuer of the world’s largest stablecoin, USDT, has done several times.

In contrast, bitcoin is not controlled by any central entity, so in case of a criminal investigation authorities can only blacklist certain addresses and order regulated crypto services to freeze any funds coming from them and not let the money out of their custodial wallets.
Following the money

On Feb. 16, Canadian police ordered that all regulated financial firms stop facilitating transactions for 34 wallets associated with the protestors (30 were bitcoin wallets and the rest held other cryptocurrencies). The police sent a letter to a number of banks and crypto exchanges, Canada’s The Globe and Mail reported, but didn’t specify which ones received the warning.

That night, at least some of the funds were distributed among unidentified parties and later sent to centralized exchanges Coinbase and Crypto.com, blockchain data shows. An address connected to the Tallycoin fundraising address, which the truckers had used to accumulate funds, sent 14.28 BTC to 101 addresses in even fractions of 0.14 BTC each.

On Feb. 17, in a separate legal fight brought by locals affected by the protest, the Ontario Superior Court of Justice ordered that nine crypto platforms freeze accounts associated with 120 cryptocurrency addresses belonging to the movement. This means that if those platforms received funds from the listed addresses they should prevent any further movement of them. The list of addresses was provided via a Mareva injunction – a form of court-provided asset freezing.

The sending address for the Feb. 16 transaction was mentioned in the Mareva injunction, but not in the earlier list from the Canadian police.

On Feb. 17 and 18, four of the addresses on the Mareva injunction list sent 0.14 each BTC to Coinbase (1, 2) and Crypto.com (1, 2), either directly or via several intermediary addresses, according to data from the Crystal Blockchain analytics system. (Crystal confirmed CoinDesk’s findings.). It’s unclear whether users managed to sell the funds for fiat at these platforms.


Visualization of the bitcoin distribution: 14.28 BTC from a wallet related to the Freedom Convoy gets split and sent to 101 new addresses. Four of them then send funds to Coinbase and Crypto.com. (Crystal Blockchain)

Coinbase’s director of global policy communications, Ian Plunkett, said the firm has “nothing to share on specific transactions and accounts for obvious reasons,” and referred CoinDesk to a blog post by the exchange’s CEO, Brian Armstrong, on its rules for removing user accounts.

Crypto.com also declined to comment.

Do exchanges have to comply?

Centralized exchanges’ approaches to wallets sanctioned or blacklisted by authorities can vary, Crystal Blockchain’s head of data intelligence, Nicholas Smart, told CoinDesk.

“First off, does the exchange have to apply the sanctions? They may not if they are not facing the sanctioning market and don't do business there,” Smart said.

Coinbase and Crypto.com both do business in Canada (although they are not listed among financial institutions ordered to freeze funds by the Mareva injunction in the private lawsuit).

“Second, did they know about the listing, and at what point did they find out?” Smart went on. “This will change if they will stop a transfer and report it or if they simply will report the activity. That detection is also dependent on how good their transaction monitoring system is.”

Regulated financial institutions are also subject to “strict rules on tipping off criminals or others who are suspected of money laundering, so in that case they may process a transaction and report it,” Smart noted. “It's a sealed box though; we don't know if they are or are not reporting.”
‘Eight grand in there’

The global bitcoin community has been closely watching the Freedom Convoy-related wallets, and the distribution of funds was immediately spotted by blockchain watchers.

The Twitter account of the privacy-focused Samourai wallet warned: “It is absolutely essential that any truckers who received bitcoin yesterday from @HonkHonkHodl do not attempt to cash out using a centralized exchange. These funds are subject to a Mareva injunction and violation of that order is a criminal act.”

On Feb. 16, Tim Pastoor, a digital identity researcher in the Netherlands, tweeted a video of a person coming up to a truck and handing a large paper envelope to the driver, saying it contained “some sats” – slang for “satoshis,” small fractions of bitcoin. “Eight grand of bitcoin in there,” says the donor, who then explains the envelope contains the recovery phrase for a software wallet containing bitcoin along with a set of instructions.


On Feb. 17, Twitter user NobodyCaribou wrote that fundraisers for the Freedom Convoy, as the protesting truck drivers are calling themselves, distributed 14.6 BTC among 90 protestors.

“Epic P2P bitcoin wallet airdrop. Team of two, distributed to 90 (ish) truckers over 24 hours. 14.6 btc,” he tweeted, adding: “This was the most satisfying thing I’ve ever done and also the hardest thing I’ve ever done.”

CoinDesk asked NobodyCaribou via Twitter direct message whether people had any problems cashing out the bitcoin on centralized exchanges, but the account’s owner hasn’t responded so far. Tallycoin also hasn’t responded to a request for comment.

Sage D. Young and Fran Velasquez contributed reporting.

HUBRIS & ECOCIDE
Elon Musk dismissed claims that Tesla's German Gigafactory will suck up too much water, but experts say there's not enough to go around

Kate Duffy
Tue, February 22, 2022

Tesla CEO Elon Musk talks to the press as he arrives at the construction site of the new Tesla Gigafactory near Berlin
.Maja Hitij/Getty Images

Location of Tesla's German Gigafactory has experienced droughts due to climate change, Bloomberg reported.


Experts told Bloomberg there won't be enough water in the area when Tesla scales up its factory.


It comes after Elon Musk laughed at water supply concerns in August, saying it was "everywhere."


Elon Musk last year laughed at suggestions that Tesla's new factory in Germany would take too much water from local supply, but a continued decline in water levels could now delay the plant's development, Bloomberg reported.

Groundwater levels in the Brandenburg area have been dropping for the past three decades because of climate change, and the region has experienced droughts in each of the last four years, Bloomberg reported. That means there wouldn't be enough water for residents when Tesla scales up its factory, experts and local authorities told the newswire.

Environmental activists, including local environmental group GrĂ¼ne Liga, have argued that Tesla's German Gigafactory could threaten the area's surroundings, in particular the drinking water.

They are now taking Brandenburg's environment office to court, with a first hearing set for March 4, claiming that the effects of climate change were not considered when authorities gave the green light for a groundwater pump for Tesla's Gigafactory, Bloomberg reported.

The legal action could result in further delays to the factory, per Bloomberg.

Tesla started building the facility near Berlin in early 2020. It was supposed to open on July 1 but has been set back following challenges by environmental activists, permit delays and a lizard problem. The company eventually plans to churn out 500,000 cars at the site.

"This region has so much water, look around you," Musk said in reply to a question about the water supply during his visit to the Gigafactory in August, Reuters reported. "It's like water everywhere here. Does this seem like a desert to you?" he laughed, per Reuters.

Joerg Steinbach, Brandenburg's economy minister, told Bloomberg that "the current water supply is sufficient for the first stage of the factory" but when Tesla expands the factory, the area will need more water. Authorities in Brandenburg are supporting efforts to drill for more water locally and supply could be brought in from other areas if needed, Steinbach was reported as saying.

Tesla's proposed factory would exacerbate the problem of low groundwater levels, Irina Engelhardt, head of the hydrogeology department at Berlin's Technical University, told Bloomberg, adding that "there might not be enough water for everyone."

Axel Bronstert, hydrology professor at the University of Potsdam, told Bloomberg that the amount of water consumed in the region would double because of the factory and described the water supply issue as "serious."

Insider has reached out to Tesla and Brandenburg's environment ministry for comment. Neither the company nor the ministry replied to Bloomberg's requests for comments.

Tesla faces day of reckoning on water 
supply for planned German plant


 The entrance to the construction site of the future Tesla Gigafactory in Gruenheide


Wed, February 23, 2022
By Victoria Waldersee

BERLIN (Reuters) - Tesla may lose the water supply contract for its long-delayed German plant if environmental groups win a court case challenging a licence granted to its water supplier at a hearing next week.

The Frankfurt Oder administrative court will hear on March 4 a complaint filed by local groups claiming the Brandenburg environmental ministry carried out insufficient checks before granting the licence to the Wasserverband Strausberg-Erkner (WSE) utility.

If the groups win, WSE said it must cancel its contract with Tesla, and negotiations will begin again on where the plant could source its water – likely a lengthy process with no guaranteed solution.

A spokesperson for the court said a decision was expected the day of the hearing. Tesla declined to comment on the case.

A further delay would put another spanner in the works for the facility just as a broader approval process reaches its final stages.

Elon Musk had hoped to have the plant - key to his ambitions to conquer the European market where Volkswagen currently holds the upper hand with a 25% share of electric vehicle sales to Tesla's 13% - up and running six months ago.

Following delays, he said in October last year that he hoped to have it operational by December. The company has not further updated its timetable for the launch.

The groups bringing the complaint, Gruene Liga and Nabu, fear the 1.4 million cubic metres of water a year Tesla needs for the plant – akin to the usage of a 30,000-person town – will drain the region of drinking water.

Municipally-run WSE has itself flagged concerns over water supply.

While the Tesla plant does not use a particularly large quantity of water – others such as BASF's battery plant a few hours away use more - the region's reserves are finite, WSE spokesperson Sandra Ponetsky said.

"We are a relatively water-rich country," she said. "But we need help from other regions… Which supplier has the capacity to just magic that much water out of a hat in such a short time period?"

ABILITY TO EXPAND

The dispute adds to a list of challenges faced by Tesla in recent months, from recalls in China and the United States to scrutiny by U.S. regulators of everything from Musk's social media posts to accusations of discrimination towards workers.

The U.S. automaker reported record vehicle deliveries in the last quarter of 2021, but CFO Zach Kirkhorn said last month that ramping up both the Berlin and Austin plants was needed to make up for production lost earlier last year to supply chain and logistics issues.

"We've intentionally set these factories in locations in which they have a quite significant amount of land and ability to expand," he said a few months prior in October.

But WSE has made clear that even if the court allows it to extract the water for Tesla's first stage of production, servicing any future expansion to the plant will be impossible without importing water from other regions.

"We knew we were reaching our limits - but we predicted we'd get there in 2050," Ponetsky said. "Through Tesla we were catapulted forward 30 years."

Elon Musk has expressed his irritation at Germany's complex bureaucracy on multiple occasions, arguing it is at odds with the urgency needed to fight climate change.

But activists in Brandenburg have raised numerous red flags against Musk's factory on environmental grounds, expressing concern about everything from the trees cleared for the plant to an endangered snake species on the site – and now, water.

"The local populace here has been told for years to reduce its water use. Then the richest man in the world comes along and gets everything laid out at his feet," Manuela Hoyer, Gruenheide resident and leader of a citizen's initiative opposing the plant, said. "There's something wrong with the system."

The local environmental ministry in Brandenburg maintains there is enough water to service the region and the Tesla plant.

"The local government does not see drinking water for the 170,000 people in the region as threatened," regional environment minister Axel Vogel said in local parliament in January.

The court case is separate to the wider licensing process Tesla is currently undergoing for the plant.

The ministry is in the final stages of approving Tesla's 13,500-page application to begin commercial production, but will still take "some time", a spokesperson said.

"Even if it is positive, the decision will have a three-digit number of pages, and not in the lower end, with many conditions and requirements," the spokesperson said.

(Reporting by Victoria Waldersee; Additional reporting by Nadine Schimroszik; Editing by Jan Harvey)

We Have Failed Ukraine—and All Those Erased By Putin

Allison Quinn
Wed, February 23, 2022

ANDREY BORODULIN/AFP via Getty Images

There are a few things you’ll probably never shake if you find yourself in the Donbas in wartime. Apart from the haunting wails of starving, abandoned pets and elderly and disabled civilians left behind, the stains on the ground are a big one.

They all get washed away eventually. But not before they’re burned into the back of your eyelids, and the eyelids of all those who used to call that stretch of land in Eastern Ukraine home. Not before they become an eternal marker of death.

And that’s the most soul-crushing tragedy of what is happening in the Donbas right now, buried deep down beneath all the suffering that ordinary people have endured in this long-simmering catastrophe. Thousands of Ukrainians gave their lives so that what is happening in the Donbas today wouldn’t happen. Their blood literally stains the ground.

And now it will have been for nothing.

I’m not just talking about soldiers. I’m talking about the ordinary people killed by landmines as they rode buses to visit relatives, those struck by sniper fire as they walked down the road, cut down by mortar shells as they passed through checkpoints—all those whose lives were deemed insignificant in Putin’s sick geopolitical game.

Fourteen thousand and counting.

As I write this now from the safety and comfort of a suburban American home, it’s hard not to remember their faces from my time in the Donbas in 2015 and feel an overwhelming sense of guilt. Guilt that they’re no better off now than they were back then, guilt that we failed them in the first place by ever allowing Moscow to hoodwink the West with claims of plausible deniability.

Guilt that words never made a difference.

Putin’s Own Minions Are Exposing Him for the Liar He Is

There was Sartana, in the Donetsk region, where a young mother was struck down by mortar fire as she held hands and walked with her 10-year-old daughter. They were on their way to pick up groceries at the corner store.

I don’t know the woman’s name. But I will never forget staring at the glistening spot on the ground where she had bled out.

And I will never forget the absolutely justified rage of a local woman as she passed by, screaming, “All we have is blood here. That is our life now, blood in the streets.”

There were so many more—and not all of them died. The others left in that hellish landscape were just as haunting.

Sasha, the 11-year-old boy in Shyrokyne forced to navigate his bike around unexploded munitions primed to detonate at the slightest vibration in the road.

Nina, the 80-something-year-old woman who survived two world wars only to be left for dead in her bombed out home in Maryinka.

Kremlin TV Asks ‘Where’s the Champagne?’ as Ukraine’s Kids Are Prepped for War

“Will you help me?” is all I remember her asking.

The real horror is that she and others like her will not be remembered.

Eight years after the Kremlin first sank its hooks into Ukraine and refused to let go, and thousands of deaths later, we’ve largely forgotten—or never knew in the first place—the names of all those whose blood stained the ground of the Donbas to keep Russia at bay. But we see Putin’s botoxed face every goddamn day.

And now, frustratingly, devastatingly, there will be more Ukrainian lives erased, replaced by that same dictator’s face.

Will the world remember any of them?
Blackstone Swears Off Oil-Patch Investing as Private Equity’s Retreat Widens





Dawn Lim and Sabrina Willmer
Tue, February 22, 2022

(Bloomberg) -- After watching big banks curtail lending and asset managers pare bets, fossil fuel producers are now losing access to some of Wall Street’s deepest pockets.

Blackstone Inc., once a major player in shale patches, is telling clients its private equity arm will no longer invest in the exploration and production of oil and gas, according to people with knowledge of the talks. The firm’s next energy fund won’t back those upstream investments — a first for the strategy. Blackstone's credit arm is swearing them off too.

The pledge by the world’s largest alternative asset manager comes after its energy returns have see-sawed and culminates a years-long retreat by the industry from the oil patch after hefty losses for some players. Apollo Global Management Inc. has also been pulling back, and recently told prospective backers its next buyout fund won’t make fossil-fuel investments. Long-time energy investors including Riverstone Holdings are among others that have shifted focus.

At Blackstone, the view in the executive suite has hardened: The world will rely less on extracting hydrocarbons from the ground for energy needs. Though its energy private equity arm hasn’t made a new oil and gas investment since 2017, the formal prohibition is new, and it’s getting stitched into its rules. Since that year, buyout firms have slashed their annual spending on U.S.-focused energy and utility investments by more than 60% to $11 billion in 2021, according to data provider Preqin.


Meanwhile, fundraising expenses for oil and gas projects, known as their “cost of capital,” have been climbing, giving urgency to Republican efforts to head off a broader retreat by financial backers. After a number of big banks said they will stop financing artic oil exploration, Texas Governor Greg Abbott signed a law last year to ban state dealings with any companies that cut ties with the industry.

Private equity’s withdrawal adds to a number of pressures on the American oil patch that have contributed to the pain at the pump for U.S. consumers. Now, with the economy bouncing back from pandemic lows and a potential Russian invasion of Ukraine looming, crude oil has shot to nearly $100 a barrel, the highest since 2014. The dislocation is at least bumping up stock prices: Publicly listed energy companies have far outperformed the S&P 500 in the past year.

Blackstone has been taking advantage of those rising valuations to sell out of holdings, leaving more opportunities for firms such as Quantum Energy Partners that remain bullish on the sector.



`Reading the Signals’

Blackstone was among the most prominent backers of the U.S. shale boom a decade ago. As hydraulic fracturing and horizontal drilling opened up new frontiers for private equity, it raised multibillion war chests for energy plays. Companies in its portfolios included those in a variety of upstream strategies, such as natural gas developer Vine Energy and ventures focused on deepwater exploration in the Gulf of Mexico.

Blackstone is now betting that the wave of government policies aimed at combating climate change will boost companies whose businesses ease the economy’s reliance on fossil fuels.

“Over the last several years, we have found that the risk and return characteristics on our energy transition investments are more attractive than in the upstream sector,” David Foley, who leads Blackstone’s energy business, said in an interview.

That lines up with demand for more sustainable investments from some of its backers — typically including pensions, university endowments and family offices. Renewables funds raised a record $75 billion last year compared with a record low of $4.6 billion for traditional energy pools, according to Preqin. A key priority for Blackstone is ensuring its new energy fund and others meet European standards for what qualifies as an environmental, social and governance-focused fund, said Jean Rogers, Blackstone’s head of ESG.

“It’s not a moral or ethical stance. It is reading the signals in the market,” she said. “We’re undergoing the transition to net zero and need to be responding assertively if we are going to capture the opportunity.”

Blackstone’s next energy fund will focus on energy transition. It’s seeking more than $4 billion, a person familiar with the plan said. As older funds wind down, it will consider prohibiting upstream bets for new funds that turn on, too.

Energy transition is a wide-ranging category that can include wind farms, lithium storage and technology for measuring carbon emissions. It’s a sector that Blackstone says it got into 15 years ago, before ramping up investments three years ago -- deploying some $15 billion since 2019. Over the past decade, the firm has been helping lay the groundwork for a proposed transmission project linking Quebec to New York City that’s supposed to provide hydropower to the U.S. metropolis by 2025. This year it invested in Invenergy, which operates power generation and energy storage projects.

Yet the popularity of ESG investing already has driven up the valuations of renewables deals.

“Traditional energy managers are pivoting at exactly the wrong time,” said Jay Yoder, who leads natural resource investing at consulting giant Mercer, which advises pensions and investors. “We’ve seen a lot of capital coming into the renewable sector for noninvestment reasons.”

Blackstone isn’t planning to get out of the business of transporting, storing and processing gas and fuel. But it predicts pipelines will increasingly be used for renewables as well as carbon dioxide from carbon-capture projects. Firms make money from that business by collecting “tolls” that are less susceptible to price swings.

Humbling Experiences


Private equity investor Riverstone Holdings rode the flood of money that powered the shale revolution, before a global oil glut sent energy prices and profits tumbling. One of its funds is still in the red, while another rebounded into positive territory as of year-end, according to a person familiar with the matter.

Founded by Goldman Sachs Group Inc. energy bankers, Riverstone no longer plans to provide financing for oil and gas extraction. It expects its next credit fund to lend to businesses in other parts of the energy supply chain that take steps to combat climate change, the person said.

Some firms are poised to take advantage of a less crowded field. In December, KKR & Co. built a shale-oil acquisition vehicle with the $3.7 billion combination of two explorers that created Crescent Energy.

The firm is betting that economies will turn to new sources of energy, but recognizes that supplying oil and gas is still important to communities, said Kristi Huller, a KKR spokeswoman. “Where we do invest in conventional, we emphasize progress towards a stable energy transition and improved ESG practices.”

For example, Crescent Energy recently joined an initiative to increase its reporting on methane emissions. KKR is also focused on making investments in renewables, said Huller.

Quantum Energy, which made its name betting on upstream oil and gas in the Permian Basin, raised consecutively bigger funds over the past decade. But in a break with that, it’s targeting a $5.6 billion fundraising round, on par with the last one in 2018. That’s a nod to the diminishing appetite from pensions and endowments. And in a change, Quantum decided to earmark up to 30% of the new fund for energy transition bets.

Chief Executive Officer Wil VanLoh has told pensions and endowments that investing in U.S. oil and gas helps the country by reducing dependence on Saudi Arabia, Russia and foreign rivals.

Blackstone’s New Bet

Oil’s slump in the wake of the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020 shocked executives across the industry and at Blackstone, where co-founder Steve Schwarzman is known for his mantra: Don’t lose money.

That April, finance chief Michael Chae detailed on an investor call how “an unprecedented confluence of supply and demand shocks” caused energy to be the biggest drag on the firm’s credit and private equity holdings.

Shale driller Gavilan Resources, formed with Blackstone money in 2017, filed for bankruptcy in 2020 after getting caught in a legal fight with another financially-challenged business partner. Several investments would rebound, and its energy private equity portfolio delivered net returns of 55% in 2021.Meanwhile, Blackstone has distanced itself from past energy bets when promoting its buyout track record. In a part of the pitch labeled “competitive differentiation,” the company highlighted that its flagship buyout fund from 2020 had generated more than $6 billion in value. In a footnote, it disclosed that the figure excludes energy investments.

The firm has told investors that its last energy fund, now almost entirely invested in energy transition, was delivering 64% returns at the end of 2021 -- though final results will depend on what Blackstone gets when exiting stakes.

Blackstone is confident it can find yet more opportunities there. How quickly it raises money for the next energy fund will show whether investors agree.


Two Studies Lay Out New Cases School Unmasking Could Trigger


Asher Lehrer-Small
Tue, February 22, 2022


In early February, a flurry of Democratic states including New Jersey, Massachusetts and Connecticut announced the end of their K-12 face-covering rules. Yet a few holdout states, and many individual districts, still require students to cover up without a set end date — and decision makers are seeking further clarity on when to safely drop the practice.

As if on cue, two new papers deliver a clear, quantitative look at just how many cases unmasking might trigger, helping school leaders set customized benchmarks for the end of mandates based on their community’s expressed goals.

“Instead of saying, ‘Well, you know, masks off, people get sick. Masks on, fewer people get sick,’ [officials can understand] what exactly the magnitude of these outcomes are,” said John Giardina, the lead author of one of the papers and a Harvard University Ph.D student.

His study, which was peer-reviewed and published Feb. 14 in JAMA Network, uses simulation modeling to identify the COVID transmission levels at which virus spread would stay in control even when classrooms are mask-optional.

It comes as New York Gov. Kathy Hochul said leaders in her state are considering metrics such as community COVID transmission levels and pediatric hospitalizations as they decide whether to lift the statewide school mask mandate in March. And California officials say they are examining student vaccination rates to announce on Feb. 28 when schools might be able to scrap their mask rules, even as health officials say the county will likely lift its indoor masking mandate for other settings by late March.

“We’re among the 13 states that have not ended their school masking requirements,” California Gov. Gavin Newsom said last week. “I have stated very clearly that on the 28th of this month we will be announcing a specific date. That date with destiny, the masks will come off, and we’ll do it in an appropriate manner.”

Meanwhile, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention have signaled that they will be looking to update their face-covering guidance in the coming weeks, with an emphasis on preventing hospitalizations rather than avoiding transmission altogether.

The study Giardina published with co-authors from universities such as Stanford, Brown and Johns Hopkins allows decision makers to consider all of those metrics — case rates, vaccination levels and hospitalizations — simultaneously.
Using the ‘formula’

School leaders can select from three possible objectives: Avoiding all in-school transmission (which Giardina acknowledges may be an unrealistic standard), keeping the average additional cases due to unmasking below a specified level, such as 5 per month, or keeping the average additional hospitalizations under a threshold, such as 3 per 100,000 people per month.

Then, based on the share of students who have been inoculated with COVID vaccines, they can find the appropriate community transmission level for unmasking.


John Giardina (Center for Health Decision Science at Harvard University)

“If you have your goals and you have the context you’re in in your community when it comes to vaccination and how effective you think masks are, you could certainly look at that table as a kind of formula and say, ‘Should we take off masks, or shouldn’t we?’” Giardina told The 74.

He cautions, however, that the model used in the study relies on certain assumptions that decision makers should take into account. For example, it uses transmission rates from Delta rather than Omicron, and assumes a school with 638 students and 60 staff.

“I would still hope policymakers take all the uncertainties into account and how things might differ for each particular community,” he said.


In the table above, schools can usually focus on the middle column, the researcher explained, which assumes the switch to mask-optional classrooms will decrease overall COVID mitigation effectiveness from 70 percent to 30 percent. But if the building has particularly effective ventilation, staving off some virus particles even when kids don’t cover up, they might push to the left column, where mitigation remains slightly higher even after scrapping face coverings. Conversely, if the school previously helped students access high-quality masks like KN95s, the dropoff in mitigation effectiveness when unmasking might be steeper, pushing schools to the right column.

Related: Pfizer Postpones Request that FDA Authorize Vaccine Doses for Kids Under 5

A school with 50 percent student vaccination that assumes an average drop in protection without masks (middle column) and is willing to accept an average of up to 10 additional COVID cases per month due to the policy change could go mask optional once community transmission falls below 22 cases per 100,000 residents per day, according to the table. If the school increases its student vaccination rate to 70 percent, the threshold jumps to 32 cases per 100,000 because the stronger immunization rate will help stave off the higher community transmission rate.

Fifteen states and Washington, D.C. were at or below 22 cases per 100,000 residents per day, as of Feb 22. Another 15 were below 32 per 100,000. Nationally, case counts are trending downward, in some communities dramatically with 60 to 75 percent declines over the last 14 days.

Of the 500 largest U.S. school districts, 52 percent currently require students to wear masks, according to data collected by Burbio, which has tracked school policy through the pandemic. That’s down from 60 percent at the beginning of February, and other districts have mask-optional policies set to kick in in the coming weeks.

In New York, where no end to the statewide school masking rule has yet been specified, 58 percent of registered voters said they supported Gov. Hochul’s plan to review COVID data in early March before making any changes, while 30 percent thought the mandate should already have been lifted, according to a poll from the Siena College Research Institute released Tuesday. Another 10 percent said they wanted the policy to end after this week’s school vacation.

Related: Vax Up, Masks Down: Maryland, Massachusetts Lead Effort to ‘Off-Ramp’ Face Coverings in School

A second datapoint

As the move toward unmasking continues, a research brief out of Duke University’s ABC Science Collaborative corroborates Giardina’s findings, adding a second tool for school leaders to use in their decision making.

Like the study published in JAMA Network, the ABC Science Collaborative paper links school face-covering policies to additional likely COVID cases based on community transmission rates.

“You can see the differences in masking versus not masking and how many cases per week will happen in the community as a result of school policy,” said Danny Benjamin, professor of pediatrics at Duke and co-chair of the Collaborative, explaining his findings to educators in a Feb. 14 webinar. “You can then match these differences with your community’s risk tolerance as it relates to COVID.”

The paper, which the authors call a “blueprint” for navigating school policy this spring, draws on data from 61 school districts with varying mask rules. The researchers used those figures to then project the implications of mask-optional versus mask-required policies in a hypothetical 10,000-student school system.


When community case rates are high, mask mandates prevent much would-be transmission, the authors found. In universally masked schools, it generally takes 20 to 25 COVID-positive individuals to set foot in the building for one case of in-school transmission to occur, said Benjamin, compared to other settings where the average infected person tends to pass the virus on to at least one other person.

“The short version is that masking clearly works,” he said.

Related: Kids Wearing Masks Reduces Child Care Center Closures, Year-Long Yale Study Finds

However, when community case rates are low, the difference in prevented cases shrinks and school leaders may decide that enforcing a mandate is not worth the downsides. Research suggests that masks may hinder youngsters’ language and speech development and interfere with emotional recognition for people of all ages.

When case rates are just 100 per 100,000 residents per week, or about 14 per 100,000 per day (roughly the infection level before the Delta surge), districts with universal masking prevent only three additional cases compared to districts with voluntary masking. At 250 per 100,000 residents per week, where many communities currently stand, school mask mandates fend off an extra 10 cases in the district per week, the paper projects.

The brief does not break down expected cases by school vaccination rates. Nationwide, just under a quarter of children aged 5 to 11 and 56 percent of youth aged 12 to 17 are fully vaccinated against COVID-19, according to data from the American Academy of Pediatrics.

For some broader perspective, Benjamin reminded school leaders that children are just as likely or more likely to be hospitalized when they catch the flu or RSV compared to the coronavirus in all age groups except for 12- to 17-year-olds who have not been vaccinated against COVID.


Still, Benjamin’s co-chair at the Collaborative, Kanecia Zimmerman, emphasized that any shift in policy has implications not just for families’ physical health but also their mental health. An early February poll conducted by CBS News found that 57 percent of parents of school-aged children believe masks should still be required in school while only 36 percent said they should be optional. Another 7 percent want face coverings banned in classrooms.

Even when epidemiologically sound, a shift to voluntary masking may create distress for families, and the Duke associate professor of pediatrics urged school officials to consider bolstering the mental health supports available to students.

“Unmasking … is going to represent a substantial change for many families, for many districts, for many children,” she said. “When you’re making decisions about how to move forward, make those decisions in light of how you might be able to do things for the whole child.”
School Chief’s Firing By Conservative Board Sets Off Backlash

Jo Napolitano
Wed, February 23, 2022,


The November election of four conservative members to Colorado’s Douglas County school board led to the firing this month of the district’s beloved superintendent and the swift mobilization of teachers, students and community members against his dismissal.

Corey Wise, who served the district for 26 years in various capacities, was ousted during a special meeting Feb. 4 that barred public comment and came after the four members reportedly conferred on their own to strategize his removal

A day before, some 1,500 employees staged a sickout in protest of what was to come, forcing the state’s third-largest school district to close its doors.


“People are out of sorts right now,” teachers union President Kevin DiPasquale told The 74. “The way our former superintendent was fired without due process or any type of performance evaluation really has shaken the community and our staff. Employees feel like they could be next.”

Students were equally upset, walking out of school en masse Feb. 7, saying the board valued politics more than education.

“I get that Corey is beloved,” board President Mike Peterson said at the Feb. 4 meeting. “I will stipulate that. But just because a leader is loved and respected doesn’t mean he has the skills, the vision and capabilities to lead this large district.”


Mike Peterson, elected to the Douglas County school board in November, moved to oust popular superintendent Corey Wise at the Feb. 4 meeting. (Douglas County School District / YouTube)

The battle in predominantly white, affluent Douglas County mirrors those being fought in numerous districts throughout the country, some with very different demographics. As conservative parents have become organized during the pandemic, they are pushing back against what they see as government overreach, opposing COVID-related protocols and targeting the teaching of race and gender-related topics.

Other more moderate and liberal parent groups are beginning to rise up to counter those views.

Board member Elizabeth Hanson, who broke down in tears defending Wise at the board meeting, said the eyes of the state and nation are on Douglas County.

“This decision was not about performance in any way,” she said. “This is politics in its ugliest and purest and most destructive form. This is an attack on public education and I hope that it is something that will wake up our community, our state and our country. There are very calculated efforts that are happening right now and only the people have the power to stop that.”


Douglas County School board member Elizabeth Hanson speaks out in Corey Wise’s defense during Feb. 4 meeting in which the superintendent was fired. (Douglas County School District / YouTube)


Many community members are now considering a possible recall effort. A similar, successful push in San Francisco, in which three board members were removed last week, might serve as a playbook. The strategy seems to be gaining momentum: Ballotpedia, a nonprofit, nonpartisan online political encyclopedia counted 92 recall efforts in 2021, up from 29 a year earlier.

Related: San Francisco School Board Recall Hinged on Competence, not ‘Critical Race Theory.’ In a Rarity, it Succeeded

Neither Peterson nor the three other newly elected board members agreed to be interviewed. The slate, backed by deep-pocketed, individual donors and conservative groups, won election running on an anti-mask, anti-critical race theory platform. The phrase refers to a college-level academic framework but has become a catchall for any subject dealing with race or systemic racism in the K-12 setting.

Wise’s critics on the board said he did not have the leadership skills necessary to enact their vision, though they didn’t articulate what that is.

Wise, whose base salary was $247,500, told the board Feb. 4 that he recognized the division in the community and welcomed the chance to address members’ concerns about his performance.

“I love this district,” he said. “I love this county. It’s been my home. I have been working my tail off — as has all the staff.”


Corey Wise was superintendent of the Douglas County School District until his firing Feb. 4 by a newly elected conservative school board majority. (Douglas County School District / YouTube)

Wise’s firing has prompted legal action from community member and attorney Robert Marshall. He sued the school board and the four conservative members individually for discussing the superintendent’s employment outside a formal board session in violation, he said, of the state’s open meeting laws. He wants the termination vote thrown out.

“It’s the behind-closed-doors deal-making that is exactly what this law was put in place to prevent,” Marshall, a self-described conservative who wants to stop the board from acting similarly in the future, told The 74.

Board members David Ray and Susan Meek said Peterson, the board president, told them that the majority members talked about Wise’s job status amongst themselves and offered the superintendent an opportunity to resign before bringing the issue to the full board. The district is obligated to pay Wise’s salary for 12 more months.

Wise’s newly hired attorneys on Feb. 18 requested records from the school district and the preservation of evidence “for future litigation.” The lawyers are interested in board communications around Wise’s termination and topics such as masking, student racial demographics, banning books, the teachers union and the district’s equity policy.
‘Get Out and Leave’

The board majority has been openly anti-union — “We see the union as the bullies, as the power grabbers,” conservative board member Kaylee Winegar told Fox News Feb. 7 — and has pledged to revisit the equity plan, which took years to develop and was only just beginning to be implemented.

It was meant to help address the type of racial tension that led to the exodus of Black and other minority staff in recent years, including the former superintendent. Sixty-five principals and central office employees wrote a letter to the board Jan. 25 demanding the equity plan’s preservation. Parents are also concerned.

“I am a mom of some LGBTQ students and a student with special needs,” Tiffany Baker said. “We have to worry about equity.”

The mood in Douglas County schools continued to deteriorate after the Feb. 4 board meeting. Teachers in at least three district schools found fliers on their cars Feb. 16, admonishing them. “Most Teachers Are Good and We Appreciate Them!” it read. “You are Bad! Get Out and Leave!”



“It is shocking to see such high levels of hate being leveled at teachers and staff,” DiPasquale, the union head, said. “They should not have to worry about their safety at schools or in our community.”

The fliers came the same week teachers were informed by the district that someone asked, under the Colorado Open Records Act, for the names of all those who called in sick during the protest. The request, which alarmed many given the heightened tension in the community, has since been rescinded, Meek said.

A similar petition to release teachers’ names in Colorado’s second-largest school district was upheld by the state Supreme Court in 2016. That same district, Jefferson County, managed to recall three conservative board members a year earlier.

Parents have also said the district should be more concerned with student mental health than political infighting: In addition to the pandemic, Douglas County schools suffered a school shooting at one of its charter campuses in 2019 that left one student dead and many more injured. Parents still credit teachers for saving their lives — one mother was visiting campus when shots rang out — and that of their children.

“Bullying, social-emotional struggles, safety — that’s what we should be focusing on,” said parent Amy Valentine.

Kailani Smile, a 16-year-old junior, was among the students who walked off campus Feb. 7. The past two years have been an enormous challenge, she said: Turmoil at the administrative level has only added more stress.

“It’s great to see students my age and younger pushing for things like the equity policy,” she said. “But we shouldn’t have to be dealing with this. We are students and should be focusing on our education instead of worrying about our school board.”
‘Things we could have handled better’

The Douglas County School District serves 64,000 students some 30 miles south of Denver. It’s reliably Republican: Donald Trump won the U.S. presidential race by a comfortable margin in 2020, though not nearly as handily as the prior election.

The county, 90 percent white, is among the richest in the nation: The median home value between 2015 and 2019 was $468,700, more than twice the national average. The same held true for educational attainment and median household income, which was $119,730.

But those comfortable statistics have not stopped the chaos that has unfurled in the past few weeks, crystallizing around the superintendent’s removal. Board member David Ray called the barring of public comment on the matter a travesty.

“To take an action on an all-encompassing topic like ‘future direction of the district’ without allowing the public to formally address this is reckless and negligent,” he said. “It goes against decades of practice where this board has always allowed for public comment prior to taking any formal action.”

Board member Winegar, while criticizing Wise for, among other things, enforcing the district’s mask mandate, seemed to concede the move to get rid of him took place outside normal channels.

“Maybe there are some things we could have handled better, to bring in the whole board,” she said.

The conservative members’ plan was not flawlessly executed: Board member Becky Myers, who won election as part of the slate, at first voted against the superintendent’s dismissal and then hastily changed her answer to a “yes” after being prompted by Peterson, the board president.

The flip-flop incensed board member Hanson, who voted against Wise’s firing.

“If she cannot follow what is happening, it is not your responsibility to bring her up to speed,” Hanson said. “Her vote is ‘no.’”

Amid the board conflicts and the public protests, Peterson seemed to take his mandate to terminate Wise from a different source — the election that swept him and his fellow conservatives into office.

“I think we heard the voters loud and clear in November,” he said.

Lead Image: Teachers and their supporters rally outside Douglas County School District’s central office Feb. 3, a day before Superintendent Corey Wise’s ouster. (Courtesy of Kevin DiPasquale)
‘He won’t stop at Ukraine’: Warnings Putin could go further amid warnings of full-scale invasion


Kate Buck
Wed, February 23, 2022

Vladimir Putin "won't just stop at Ukraine" as the prospect of a "full-scale" invasion continues to loom, the foreign secretary has said.

Ukraine entered a state of emergency on Wednesday and began to call up military reservists amid fears of war, as Russian tanks and around 200,000 troops sit in readiness on the borders.

Russia has started evacuating its diplomatic staff from all of its diplomatic facilities in Ukraine, the TASS news agency reported, citing a representative of Russia's embassy in Kyiv.

Putin authorised "peacekeeping" soldiers into two breakaway regions in Donetsk and Luhansk on Tuesday, having formally recognised them as independent, in a move that amounts to the beginning of an invasion according to Western leaders.

Liz Truss warned Putin could have bigger plans under wraps.

She told ITV: "He’s said he doesn’t believe in the existence of Ukraine, he believes it should be under Russian control and I fear we have to take him at his word, he won’t just stop in Ukraine either.

“He has also talked about turning the clock back to the 1990s where Russia had control over vast swathes of eastern Europe.”

Moscow denies planning an invasion and has described warnings as anti-Russian hysteria. It has also taken no steps to withdraw the troops deployed along Ukraine's frontiers.

Read more: Ukraine to impose state of emergency, says top security official

A tank drives along a street after Putin ordered the deployment of Russian troops to two breakaway regions. (Reuters)

The UK will inflict more pain on Vladimir Putin if he decides to mount a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the foreign secretary has said. (Getty)

Boris Johnson yesterday announced a series of sanctions after Putin ordered Russian tanks and soldiers into eastern Ukraine.

The PM targeted five banks and three individuals who have had their assets frozen and been banned from travelling to the UK.

Johnson has been accused of weakness and failing to go far enough with the measures.

Labour leader Sir Keir Starmer pressed the PM to impose more sanctions, saying: “There has already been an invasion. There is clearly concern across the House that his strategy, I accept unintentionally, could send the wrong message."

Johnson insisted the UK was poised to go further, insisting that “any Russian entity, any Russian individual” and members of the Russian parliament could now be targeted by UK sanctions if needed.

Read more: Vladimir Putin gets permission for military force outside Russia from parliament


NATO deployments in Europe as Russia mounts troops on the border with Ukraine (Reuters)

Putin formally recognised Donetsk and Luhansk as independent on Monday, effectively ripping up the 2015 Minsk peace treaty and further inflaming tense relations with the West.


Liz Truss says the UK will inflict even more pain on Putin if he invades Ukraine (Sky News)

Watch: Tanks and armoured personnel carriers near Donetsk

On Tuesday, the Russian parliament gave the green light for Putin to deploy troops abroad, further fuelling fears that a full invasion is imminent.

Around 200,000 Russia troops are now stationed along the Ukrainian border, sparking fears that a full assault on the capital of Kyiv could be part of Russia's plan.

Diplomacy attempts have been made in an effort to diffuse the situations, but summits have become increasingly fraught between Putin and the West.

The US ambassador to the United Nations has said it is still not too late for a diplomatic solution.

Linda Thomas-Greenfield said that war could be averted if Moscow ceased its aggression towards it neighbour and returned to the negotiating table.

“As you heard President Biden say yesterday, we have not given up on diplomacy,” Thomas-Greenfield told an online briefing.

“The Russians can cease their current actions and come back to the negotiating table and find a way forward that is not going to lead to this devastating conflict that will lead to the loss of thousands more lives in Ukraine.”

Her comments came after the White House announced earlier this week that it was scrapping plans for a possible summit between President Biden and President Putin following Russia’s recognition of the breakaway republics of Donetsk and Luhansk.

HUBRIS OR CHUTZPAH
Putin calls for international recognition of Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimean Peninsula in Ukraine


Published: Feb. 22, 2022
Associated Press


Contrasts Russian territorial takeover in southern Ukraine with world’s reaction to Kosovo’s independence drive



Russian President Vladimir Putin gives a speech last March during a concert in Moscow marking the seventh anniversary of Russia’s annexation of Crimea. 
VYACHESLAV PROKOFYEV/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE/GETTY IMAGES

MOSCOW — Russian President Vladimir Putin has called for international recognition of Crimea as part of Russia, an end to Ukraine’s NATO membership bid and a halt to weapons shipments there.

Putin claimed Tuesday that Russia’s 2014 annexation of Ukraine’s Crimean Peninsula should be internationally recognized as a legitimate reflection of the local population’s choice, likening it to a vote for Kosovo independence.

The annexation has been widely condemned by Western powers as a breach of international law.

Key Words (March 2014): Putin: Russians are ‘always being cornered’

Also see (March 2014): Putin: Russia can’t ignore Crimea ‘calls for help’

To end the current crisis, he also called for the renunciation of Ukraine’s NATO bid, saying it should assume a “neutral status,” and said that the West should stop sending weapons there.


FALSE FLAG
Ukraine says Russia evacuates chemical plant in Crimea


Meeting of the U.N. General Assembly, in New York City

Wed, February 23, 2022

KYIV (Reuters) - Ukraine's Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba tweeted on Wednesday that Russia had evacuated night-shift staff at the Titan chemicals plant in Crimea.

The chemicals producer is in Armyansk in the northern part of the Ukrainian peninsula, annexed by Russia in 2014, about 2 km (1-1/4 mile) from territory under Ukrainian control.

While the West expects Russia to start a major invasion of Ukraine, separatist leaders of two breakaway regions, recognized by Russia as independent states this week, asked President Vladimir Putin for military help, the Kremlin said late on Wednesday.

The Titan plant and the Crimean department of the Russian emergency ministry were not available for comments in the early hours on Thursday.

Russian tanks and armoured personnel carriers were seen in Armyansk in recent days, a Crimean resident told Reuters.

"There is a lot of military hardware. The drill ended but it stayed," the resident said.

Ukraine's foreign minister said the evacuation of the plant was a possible preparation for another staged provocation by Russia.

"Moscow seems to have no limits in attempts to falsify pretexts for further aggression," he wrote.

The military intelligence unit of Ukraine's defence ministry said that 50 Titan employees were evacuated on Wednesday evening. The intelligence unit did not rule out that Russia could stage a "terrorist attack" or "chemical sabotage."

(Reporting by Maria Tsvetkova in Kyiv, Olesya Astakhova and Maria Kiselyova in Moscow; Editing by Leslie Adler and Cynthia Osterman)

WITH VASSELS LIKE THIS.....
Syria supports Russia's recognition of breakaway territories in Ukraine

Tue, February 22, 2022


Syria on Tuesday announced support of Russian President Vladimir Putin for recognizing two breakaway territories in Ukraine as independent.

Syria's foreign minister, Faisal Mekdad, issued direct support of Putin's recognition Monday of the Donetsk People's Republic and Luhansk People's Republic in eastern Ukraine, Reuters reported.

Mekdad also appeared to blame Western nations for tensions in Europe.

"What the West is doing against Russia is similar to what it did against Syria during the terrorist war," Mekdad said on state-run TV, according to Reuters.

Russia has allied with Syria since intervening in the Middle Eastern nation's ongoing civil war in 2015. Moscow has backed Syrian President Bashar Assad in the war effort despite alleged human rights abuses conducted by his regime.

Other Russian allies have been more hesitant to outright support Putin's move to increase tensions in Ukraine.

Azerbaijan and Armenia made no mention of Putin's recognition of the territories, The Associated Press reported. Belarus said it gave "respect and understanding" to Russia's decision, and Kazakhstan said recognizing the regions was not on the nation's agenda.

After declaring the two breakaway territories as independent, Russia sent troops into eastern Ukraine, prompting an outcry from world leaders.

President Biden's administration enacted sanctions prohibiting investments, trade and financing from U.S. citizens to people in the Donetsk People's Republic and Luhansk People's Republic and said more sanctions would follow.

Secretary of State Antony Blinken condemned Putin's escalation of the conflict in Ukraine.

"Russia's move to recognize the 'independence' of so-called republics controlled by its own proxies is a predictable, shameful act," Blinken wrote on Twitter.
French barrister fights for right to wear her hijab in court


Layli Foroudi
Wed, February 23, 2022
By Layli Foroudi

PARIS (Reuters) - French lawyer Sarah Asmeta wears a hijab at work but that means she is banned by her local Bar Council from representing clients in the courtroom.

She has been fighting to overturn that rule.

Next Wednesday, France's highest court is due to rule on Asmeta's case in a judgment that could set a nationwide precedent and will resonate in a country where the hijab - a headscarf worn by some Muslim women - has become a flashpoint in a debate over identity and immigration.

"I cannot accept the idea that in my country, to practice a profession, of which I am capable, I need to undress myself," Asmeta, 30, told Reuters.

Asmeta, who is French-Syrian, was the first person in her family to pursue studies in law. She was also the first person at her law school IXAD in the northern city of Lille to wear a hijab.

Back in 2019, when she was due to take an oath and enter the profession as a trainee barrister, there was no specific law that said she could not wear her hijab.

But in the months that followed her taking the oath, the Lille Bar Council passed an internal rule banning any signs of political, philosophical and religious conviction to be worn with the gown in court.

Asmeta challenged that as targeted and discriminatory.

She lost the case in an appeals court in 2020, pushing the matter up to the highest court, the Court of Cassation. The March 2 judgment will lay the groundwork for Bar Councils nationwide, Patrick Poirret, the attorney general, told the court last week.

While religious symbols and clothing are banned for public servants due to France's principle of "laĂ¯citĂ©" (secularism) - the separation of religion and state - this does not extend to independent professionals like lawyers.

But above these legal specifics, the hijab carries a symbolic weight and is a recurring theme in French debates around so-called Republican values and national identity.

In France, Muslims represent around 6% of the population, according to the Observatory of LaĂ¯citĂ©, many of whom have origins in African, Middle Eastern or other countries that were formerly colonised by France.

In past years, as politics has veered to the right, French lawmakers and politicians have sought to extend restrictions on wearing the hijab, for example, to cover mothers who accompany their children on school trips and football players.

As a presidential election in April approaches, candidates have zeroed in on identity issues, including the hijab, although Asmeta's case has not been referenced.

Marine Le Pen of the far-right Rassemblement Nationale said she would ban the garment from public space entirely. Right-wing Les Republicains candidate Valerie Pecresse, refering to the symbol of the republic, said in a campaign speech: "Marianne is not a veiled woman."

Currently in France, a majority of Bar Councils, including the largest in Paris, have internal rules that do not allow religious symbols such as the hijab.

Of Bar Councils representing 75% of practitioners, 56% have banned religious symbols to be worn with the gown, according to a survey requested by Poirret for this case.

"Within this general ban there is a precise and indirect discrimination [of Muslim women]," Asmeta’s lawyer Claire Waquet told the court on Tuesday last week.

The Lille Bar Council's lawyer, Jean-Philippe Duhamel, dismissed the idea that banning religious and political markers results in discrimination against Muslim women.

"If you want to play football but you prefer to pass the ball with your hands, are you discriminated against because we say you can’t play?" he told Reuters.

He said that wearing religious symbols detracts from the lawyer’s independence and equality within the profession.

NOT A PROBLEM

Asmeta said she found it more difficult than her peers to find work placements despite experience, good grades and language skills, which led her at times to seek internships with lawyers from a Muslim background.

A recent study found that email enquiries to law schools from a person with a North African name are a third less likely to receive a response, compared to 12.3% less likely for higher education establishments in general.

The argument put forward to ban the hijab in the courtroom in the name of equality and universalism is in line with France's historic philosophical tradition, said Clara Gandin, a lawyer for Asmeta.

"[That] to be equal, we need to erase all the signs that show we are different," she said.

In Britain, which has a more multicultural approach to immigration compared to France's more assimilationist policy, barristers can advocate for clients while wearing the hijab, alongside the robe, and are not required to wear the traditional wig.

After positive experiences interning at the International Criminal Court in The Hague and working as a legal assistant in Brussels, Asmeta is considering moving abroad again as a last resort.

"I was very happy there, I could work, people saw me as a person with competences and not like a problem," she said.

(Reporting by Layli Foroudi; Editing by Angus MacSwan)