Sunday, December 12, 2021

‘Pollution everywhere’: how one-click shopping is creating Amazon warehouse towns



Maanvi Singh in Rialto, California
Sat, December 11, 2021

Three generations of Arah Parker’s family have lived in her pleasant, yellow-hued home, where there used to be a clear view of the San Gabriel mountains from the kitchen window.

There used to be – until the country’s hunger for online shopping swallowed the neighborhood.

Four massive Amazon warehouses – ranging from 500,000 to nearly 900,000 sq ft – now surround this historically Black community, as do distribution centers for Target, Under Armour, Monster Energy and Keeco textiles. Her home is now boxed in on three sides by concrete block buildings and the quiet road out front has been paved into a four-lane expressway rumbling with delivery trucks.

The ancient mountains are obscured by a “big, block wall” and more often than not, they are further shrouded by a noxious layer of haze belched up by the trucks.

“To watch the transformation, it really has been disheartening,” said Parker, 39.

The Inland Empire region, where Parker lives, is now one of the biggest national hubs for the e-commerce industry. The changes it has undergone are being replicated in cities and towns across the country.

To feed the one-click, one-day delivery demands of the nation, new warehouses are opening quickly, often in Black and brown neighborhoods. They sometimes chew up entire suburban blocks and communities in the process, crowding roadways with delivery trucks and vans and air space with cargo planes, clouding the air with more pollution.

Located about 60 miles east of Los Angeles, the Inland Empire has the third-largest concentration of Amazon warehouses in the US, according to a database of Amazon facilities Consumer Reports (CR) purchased from MWPVL, a logistics consulting firm.

The people living within a mile of most Amazon warehouses are more likely to be poor and people of color than those living in the typical neighborhood in the surrounding urban area, a new analysis by CR, published this week in collaboration with the Guardian, found.

About 67% of residents in the Inland Empire are people of color. Within a mile of the average Amazon warehouses in the area, 81% of residents are people of color, according to the CR analysis.

Amazon, which is the largest private employer in the region, has continued to rapidly expand its facilities and warehouses here. The company opened eight new facilities in the Inland Empire in 2020 and at least five this year – altogether operating 34 facilities in the area.

In an area that already faces some of the worst traffic and air pollution in the US, the explosive growth of the warehouse industry threatens to exacerbate already high rates of asthma and other respiratory issues. Placed close to the LA and Long Beach ports – the two busiest in the US – and encompassing four major freeway routes, the region is strategically situated, not just for Amazon, but about every major e-commerce and logistics company.

Overall, there are hundreds of warehouses in the Inland Empire.

“Our communities of color have become the sacrifice for one of the biggest, wealthiest companies in the world,” said Anthony Victoria, an environmental justice organizer based in the region. “This is the cost of online shopping.”
‘Billionaires’ dumping ground’

Parker’s neighborhood in Rialto, where her grandfather and great uncle settled during the 1940s, is now reduced to just her family, and one other one down the street. All the other neighbors sold their plots to warehouse developers.

“You should see how they try to race the semis down the street,” said Marcus Gutierrez, who lives near Parker with his sister Maria. “They’ve taken out our mailbox twice,” Maria chuckled. “We have to be careful when we go get the mail because the trucks will take the mail right out of your hands.”

The trucks are everywhere – idling outside sports arenas and high schools. Six out of eight schools in the Inland town of Bloomington are located or will be located right next to a warehouse. Eighteen-wheelers are parked along small residential streets. Semis rattle through the streets, the vibrations over time causing cracks into the homes they drive by.

At the mall in Moreno Valley, shoppers sometimes see a fleet of Amazon delivery vans parked in the lot by the JCPenny.


Our communities of color have become the sacrifice for one of the biggest, wealthiest companies in the world
Anthony Victoria

“It’s everywhere – warehouses everywhere and pollution everywhere,” said Mitzi Archer, the board president of the non-profit Center for Community Action and Environmental Justice (CCAEJ). “You don’t see that in Beverly Hills. You don’t see that in the wealthy parts of Los Angeles. They’re coming into communities populated with Hispanic and Black people.”

Archer and her family have been living in Moreno Valley, about 500 feet from the 60 highway and a continuous procession of semis, for nearly three decades. Her son Thomas Winbush Jr, 27, struggled with asthma growing up. And her late husband, Winbush’s namesake, died at age 57, of multiple myeloma – a blood cancer in the bone marrow.

In Archer’s husband’s last days, the doctor told her something that still makes her angry. “She said the type of cancer could be caused by a lot of things, but based on where we lived, it was likely from the environment.”

Her family had been exposed for decades, even before Amazon had arrived. CCAEJ, which Archer joined shortly after her husband’s death, was started in the 1970s to fight for those living near the Stringfellow Acid Pits, a notorious toxic waste site. Elsewhere in the Inland Empire, pollution from the BNSF rail yard in San Bernardino emits a stream of pollution linked with elevated cancer risk.

Billionaires have long treated the region as a dumping ground, said Tom Dolan, the executive director of the faith-based advocacy organization, Inland Congregations United for Change. In fighting against rail yard pollution, local activists had to take on BNSF, a company owned by Warren Buffett’s Berkshire Hathaway. “Now it’s no longer just Warren Buffett, it’s Jeff Bezos and Amazon,” said Dolan. “And we’re paying their cost of doing business.”

Dolan himself developed chronic bronchitis – a condition that is common among smokers – but in his case was likely triggered by pollution. When tailpipe emissions cook under the sunlight and heat to create a thick layer of smog over the region, Dolan has been in and out of the hospital. His wife Cecilia Miranda Dolan, who used to work as a physical education teacher at the Norton Science Academy, an elementary school located near the Amazon Air Regional Air Hub in San Bernardino, said a third of her students had some respiratory issue. “They could run for just 100 meters before it was too much.”

‘Local leaders sold off people’s lungs’


A recent report from the local air quality monitoring management office found that people living within half a mile of warehouses have higher rates of asthma and heart attacks than residents in the area overall. Across Riverside and San Bernardino counties, which encompass the Inland Empire, 71% of children 10 and under have asthma, according to public health data compiled by the University of California, LA.

“It feels like we’re disposable humans,” said Amparo Miramontes, who moved from LA to the Inland city of Fontana about a decade ago, in search of an affordable home to raise her family during the Great Recession. Around the same time, warehousing began to take hold in the region.

And Miramontes and her whole family believe they have felt the effects. It started when she and her husband began getting frequent nosebleeds. Her then-infant daughter kept falling ill with respiratory infections.

My son had these big, huge black rings under his eyes all the time
Amparo Miramontes

Soon, Miramontes developed asthma so severe that when she became pregnant with her son, she couldn’t breathe in enough oxygen for the both of them. “At one point, my oxygenation wouldn’t go over 60%, no matter how hard I tried,” she said. Her baby was born with respiratory issues. At four months, he needed a nebulizer four times a day. At 10 months, his lungs remained weak. “He had these big, huge black rings under his eyes all the time,” she said, a sign that his oxygenation levels were low and he was anemic.

Her son, now eight, still uses a nebulizer often and an inhaler regularly – but he’s been doing much better since she invested in air purifiers at home and enrolled him in a magnet school about 15 miles away, where the air quality is better. She doesn’t let either of her kids play outdoor sports and constantly worries about the long-term effects on their health. With each new proposed warehouse development in her neighborhood, she grows angrier. Local leaders, she said, “have basically sold off people’s lungs”.

She thinks often about whether she should move, but for now, she wants to stay and fight – in part because she feels it’s the right thing to do. She’s seen the warehousing industry spread, across southern California and the US. “It’s a hard decision,” she said. “Sometimes I’m like, ‘Damn, I’m a horrible mom. I need to leave.’”

To track precisely how much the warehouse boom has impacted air pollution, non-profit organizations in the area as well as researchers from UC Riverside, have been fitting residents with wearable air quality trackers.

Facing pressure from local activists, Riverside, Colton and Jurupa Valley have issued moratoriums on opening new warehouses, while officials assess their environmental impact.

In May this year, the local air quality regulator adopted a rule that will require operators of warehouses 100,000 sq ft or larger to cut or offset emissions or pay a mitigation fee to fund air quality improvements nearby. Over the next few years, to avoid paying fees, warehouse operators will have to show that they have taken steps such as transitioning to electric or natural gas-fueled trucks, installing rooftop solar panels or providing air filters to neighboring schools and child-care centers – changes that regulators say could result in up to 300 fewer deaths and 5,800 fewer asthma attacks from 2022 through 2031.

Amid mounting criticisms over pollution, Amazon has said it is planning to transition to electric transport and delivery vehicles. “We’re deploying 100,000 electric delivery vehicles by 2030 that will save millions of metric tons of carbon and reduce local air pollution, installing solar rooftops at our facilities, including 11 solar rooftop systems in the Inland Empire,” said Amazon spokesperson Maria Boschetti, in an emailed statement.

However, Ivette Torres, a researcher with the local non-profit environmental justice group People’s Collective for Environmental Justice (PC4EJ), said even if Amazon transitions to electric vehicles, they worry that the onus of acquiring new, electric trucks will likely still fall on local drivers and fleets, they said.

And even if environmental protections are put in place, Amazon and other e-commerce companies have created a community that has become so deeply dependent on the industry, that extricating the Inland Empire from its grasp will be complicated, Torres noted.

At San Bernardino’s Cajon High School, the company has funded an Amazon Logistics & Business Management Pathway Program of Study, which helps to train students to work in the logistics industry. Another high school in town, Pacific High, prepares students to work on commercial diesel trucks. Young people are receiving the message “that if they want to work another type of job, they have to leave the area”, Torres said.
‘Worn down by labor, torn down by pollution’

The promise of jobs and tax revenue is what local leaders and elected officials have used to justify the approval of more warehouse constructions. The region had been hit hard by the Great Recession and in 2012, when Amazon opened its first warehouse in the region, the unemployment rate for the Riverside-San Bernardino-Ontario area was 11.7%, the highest among US metro areas with populations greater than 1m.

In July, the California attorney general filed a lawsuit against Fontana, challenging its approval of a 205,000 sq ft project that would border a public high school. But Acquanetta Warren, the Fontana mayor who has helped usher in about 60 warehouses and logistics facilities over the past five years – and who critics have dubbed “Warehouse Warren” – has remained steadfast.

​​“We have the cheaper land,” Warren said, and the region is surrounded by freeways – the 10, the 15, the 210, 215 and 60. The warehouses’ presence in Fontana and surrounding towns made strategic sense. And “they’re the key to our economic vitality”, she said.

Warehouse workers told the Guardian that jobs can be grueling. “It’s a lot of wear and tear on the body,” said one former Amazon worker, who badly injured her arm during a shift at a fulfillment facility, quitting shortly afterward.

But she returned to Amazon, because it was the only place she knew she could quickly and easily find work during the Covid-19 lockdowns. “It pretty much was the only option,” she said. Other current and former Amazon workers said they had been discouraged from taking restroom breaks and were pushed by management to lift and load heavy boxes at near-impossible speeds.

Some current and former employees surveyed by researchers at UC Riverside said they permanently lost hearing because they weren’t offered proper ear protection while working in loud sorting and loading centers.

“This is the slow violence of the supply chain,” said Victoria, the environmental activist. “You get worn down by the hard labor. Or you get torn down by the pollution.”

Local residents said they are often left feeling like they are no match against the powerful e-commerce industry and local governments eager to build more warehouses. In a region where Latino residents make up the majority and where many residents are monolingual Spanish speakers, council meetings to discuss new warehouse constructions often lacked Spanish translation.

Ma Carmen González, a community organizer with PC4EJ, said city officials have repeatedly told her she needs to bring her own translators. Earlier this year, even after local activists pushed the San Bernardino city council to assess the costs of providing Spanish-language interpretation at meetings, one local councilman, Fred Shorett, scoffed, “this is an English-speaking country”.

González said she’s grown increasingly angry and disheartened with each new warehouse that’s constructed in San Bernardino. As the industry takes over, “we are the forgotten ones”, she said.


This story is co-produced with Consumer Reports


Consumer Reports has no relationship with any of the advertisers on this site.
Activist group targets Exxon with shareholder climate resolution


Signage is seen at an Exxon gas station in Brooklyn, New York City

Sun, December 12, 2021
By Ron Bousso and Sabrina Valle

LONDON (Reuters) - Climate activist group Follow This targeted Exxon Mobil Corp with a shareholder resolution urging it to deepen its carbon emissions reduction targets, ramping up pressure on the oil and gas company over its energy transition strategy.

The shareholder resolution ahead of the 2022 annual general meeting urges Exxon to publish medium and long-term targets to reduce the greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions from its operations and the burning of fuels sold to customers, known as Scope 3 emissions, in order to meet the U.N.-backed targets to limit global warming to below 2 degrees Celsius.

Exxon has successfully blocked attempts to file similar resolutions with the Securities and Exchange Commission during the presidency of Donald Trump. Exxon has not responded to an inquiry on whether it would seek to block the latest Follow This resolution.

Dutch organisation Follow This first targeted Royal Dutch Shell in 2016 and later expanded actions to other top oil and gas companies, gaining growing shareholder support. It is the first time it is targeting U.S. companies Exxon and Marathon Petroleum Corp.

Companies have introduced in recent years climate strategies that vary widely in scope and ambition.

It has also filed new resolutions with Chevron, ConocoPhillips, Occidental Petroleum, and Phillips 66, as well as Shell and BP PLC for the 2022 meetings.

"In previous years, Big Oil's executives have shown that they only move after their shareholders vote for climate resolutions," Follow This founder Mark van Baal said in an investor briefing.

A coalition of Exxon investors said in a report released on Thursday that it wants the oil company to replace its chief executive officer and move more aggressively to slash GHG emissions.

Six months after hedge fund Engine No. 1 successfully placed three new directors on Exxon's board to improve its climate approach, the report also said its newly appointed board members and management team have not done enough to transition to clean energy or overhaul spending.

Exxon earlier this month released its new investment strategy into 2027, increasing spending over the next six years on GHG emission-reduction projects to a total of $15 billion.

Chevron's board "reviews proposals from shareholders in detail and will make recommendations to stockholders about how to vote on each request" in its proxy statement, planned for April 7, spokesperson Sean Comey said.

Marathon, BP and Shell confirmed receiving the resolution. Phillips 66 and Conoco declined to comment.

(Reporting by Ron Bousso and Sabrina Valle; Editing by Marguerita Choy)

Activist Investors Call On Exxon To Replace Its CEO


It seems like "activist" environmentalists investors in Exxon simply aren't ever going to be happy.

A group of these investors is now urging Exxon to replace its CEO and move even quicker to slash greenhouse gasses, despite the fact that Exxon is already years ahead of schedule in doing so on several goals.

But the Coalition for a Responsible Exxon (CURE) says the company has been "too slow" to reshape itself, according to Reuters.

CURE, which has 145 members, said: "CURE awards the new board an overall grade of D- for failing to make any tangible progress on the targets set by us, other shareholders and independent observers at the time of the annual meeting."

The group took exception to the company's corporate goals released earlier this month because the plan "fails to set segment-specific reduction targets for Exxon's midstream and downstream businesses," the report says.

Exxon responded: "The plans support the corporate strategy of continued structural cost savings, investment in low-cost-of-supply and lower-emission products, and further portfolio high-grading, positioning the company to double earnings and cash flow by 2027 versus 2019."

Despite this, CURE is still calling for Exxon's CEO to be replaced.

Recall, just days ago, we wrote about Exxon being ahead of schedule in several of their emission targets.

In Exxon's full corporate plan to 2027, which can be found on its website here, the company said it "plans to increase spending to $15 billion on greenhouse gas emission-reduction projects over the next six years while maintaining disciplined capital investments."


Bloomberg also noted that Exxon confirmed "it was on track to meet its 2025 greenhouse gas emission-reduction plans by year-end 2021, four years ahead of schedule."

Related: The Oil Price Crash Has Taught U.S. Shale A Valuable Lesson

Turning to financials, the oil supermajor said it plans on maintaining capital investments between $20 to $25 billion, per year, through 2027.


The company also said it has repaid $11 billion in debt, to date, in 2021. Exxon says it'll be "comfortably" in its range of targeted debt-to-capital ratio by year end.


These plans, of course, follow our reporting in October that the company was considering abandoning some of its oil and gas projects to appease environmental advocates.

The company's board, we noted in October, which includes three directors nominated by activist investors, had "expressed concerns about certain projects, including a $30 billion liquefied natural gas development in Mozambique and another multibillion-dollar gas project in Vietnam."

The change in strategic direction comes as Exxon's board is facing growing pressure from investors to restrain its fossil fuel investments and limit its carbon footprint. The board is also considering the carbon footprint of the new projects, and how they would affect the company's ability to meet environmental promises it has made.

Back in September we reported that as part of appeasement of the ESG lobby, the oil giant planned on implementing disclosures of shale emissions. The company announced it would start measuring its methane emissions from production of natural gas at a facility it owns in New Mexico. Exxon joins other shale gas producers, like EQT, who already provide similar data.

But for the company's activist investors, it doesn't seem like it'll ever be enough...

By Zerohedge.com
Marshall Islands could be wiped out by climate change – and their colonial history limits their ability to save themselves


Autumn Bordner, Research Fellow, University of California, Berkeley 
and Caroline E. Ferguson, Postdoctoral Scholar, University of California Santa Barbara
Sun, December 12, 2021

The Marshall Islands and other small island nations are urgently threatened by rising seas. Stefan Lins/Flickr, CC BY

Along U.S. coastlines, from California to Florida, residents are getting increasingly accustomed to “king tides.” These extra-high tides cause flooding and wreak havoc on affected communities. As climate change raises sea levels, they are becoming more extreme.

King tides are nothing new for the Marshall Islands, a nation made up of 29 low-lying coral atolls that stretch across more than a million square miles of Pacific Ocean northeast of Australia. By 2035, the U.S. Geological Survey projects that some of the Marshall Islands will be submerged. Others will no longer have drinking water because their aquifers will be contaminated with saltwater. As a result, Marshallese would be forced to migrate away from their homelands.

This scenario is not inevitable. As part of our research on climate justice, we visited the Marshall Islands and interviewed leaders and community organizers in 2018 and 2019. We learned that large-scale adaptation measures that could save both these and other islands are still possible, and that Marshallese leaders are committed to adapting in place. But their nation’s colonial history has made it hard for them to act by leaving them dependent on foreign aid. And, to date, outside funders have been unwilling or unable to invest in projects that could save the nation.

Most of the world’s other island nations share similar colonial histories and face comparable climate challenges. Without swift and dramatic adaptation, entire island nations could become uninhabitable. For the Marshall Islands, this is expected to occur by midcentury.



A radioactive legacy

The Marshall Islands were settled at least 2,000 years ago and fell under colonial rule during the 19th century. The U.S. captured the islands during World War II and became colonial administrator through the United Nations, accepting “sacred trust” obligations to protect the health and welfare of the Marshallese people and promote their political and economic self-determination.

Instead, from 1946 to 1958, the United States tested 67 nuclear weapons on inhabited Bikini and Enewetak Atolls, forcing these and other exposed communities to evacuate their homelands. Thousands of Marshallese remain in exile to this day, largely on tiny islands that are extremely climate-vulnerable or in the United States. Others have returned to their atolls, where radioactive fallout still contaminates the land. All of those exposed to radiation continue to face long-term health risks.


Marshall Islanders are forcibly evacuated from Bikini Atoll in 1948

The Marshall Islands gained sovereignty in 1986. But the U.S. retains full authority and responsibility for “security and defense matters in or relating to the Marshall Islands,” including the right to use Marshallese lands and waters for military activities.

Moreover, while the islands were a U.S. trust territory, the United States did not foster a self-sufficient economy. Instead, it injected large amounts of aid under the assumption that the islands were, in the words of Pacific scholar Epeli Hau'ofa,“too small, too poor and too isolated to develop any meaningful degree of autonomy.” The bulk of this aid went toward providing social services rather than promoting economic development, resulting in an economy based almost entirely on financial transfers from the U.S.

It’s not rocket science

What options does the Marshall Islands have for protecting its citizens from climate change? When we met with former National Climate Advisor Ben Graham in 2019, he told us that it will take “radical adaptation” to remain in place.

To control flooding driven by rising seas, the nation would need to reclaim and elevate land and consolidate its population in urban centers. Doing so is “not rocket science,” Graham told us. “China is building islands by the acre every day, Denmark is planning to construct nine artificial islands. … It’s not new, but it is expensive.”



According to Graham, implementing the forthcoming National Adaptation Plan will cost on the order of US$1 billion. That’s money the country doesn’t have.

But one atoll is likely to be saved: Kwajalein, which is occupied by the U.S. military. Already, the U.S. has made substantial investments to understand how sea level rise is affecting its military assets on Kwajalein

.
Aerial view of islands and islets of Kwajalein Atoll. The Marshall Islands could be among the first nations inundated by climate change. Brandi Mueller/Getty Images
Radical adaptation or forced migration?

Like most island states, the Marshall Islands relies heavily on external funding, often from former colonial administrators. Outside aid, primarily from organizations like the World Bank and donor countries like the U.S. and Australia, accounts for more than 25% of its gross domestic product, which in 2018 was $221.3 million.

These funders exert outsized control over the development agendas of the nations they support, including the power to decide which climate change adaptations are appropriate. In particular, funders tend to impose strict social and environmental safeguards, which limit the range of adaptation options the Marshall Islands and other aid-dependent sovereigns can pursue.

To date funders have only supported small-scale short-term projects, such as flood warning systems and improvements to tidal forecasting. And many have come to view migration as a suitable alternative to the type of large-scale adaptation that would allow nations to survive and people to live and thrive in their homelands. As Ben Graham put it to us, “there are those who say … your population is too small to spend half a billion dollars on it. Just relocate. It’s not worth keeping your culture and your sovereign status.”

But international law indicates that funders should not have the power to decide whether sovereign nations can survive climate change. The international norm of self-determination requires that decision to lie with the affected nation and its people. Yet unless the status quo is changed, the Marshallese face a forced migration caused by outside powers, just as they did 74 years ago as a result of U.S. nuclear weapons testing.
Island climate justice leaders

The Marshallese face overwhelming challenges, but they are not passive victims. The Marshall Islands was the first nation to increase its greenhouse gas reduction pledge under the Paris Agreement. Its representatives have served as tireless advocates for climate action and human rights on the international stage. And the Marshall Islands spearheaded the successful campaign to include a “well-below 2 degrees” warming target in the Climate Accords.

But they can’t fight alone. The nation’s president, David Kabua, recently called upon wealthy nations to live up to their Paris Agreement commitments to reduce emissions and mobilize the funding that vulnerable nations need to survive.

Two Indigenous poets, Kathy Jetñil-Kijiner from the Marshall Islands and Aka Niviâna from Greenland, meet at the source of rising seas to share a moment of solidarity.

For years, the U.S. and other developed nations have failed to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions quickly enough to meet targets in the Paris climate agreement that are intended to avoid warming on a catastrophic scale. They have also failed to meet their pledges to help vulnerable states adapt to climate change. The U.S., meanwhile, has refused to provide over $2 billion that an independent nuclear claims tribunal awarded to the Marshall Islands as compensation for damage caused by nuclear testing.

The Biden administration has a chance to change course. We believe that the U.S. should provide direct support for Marshallese climate adaptation efforts. This would help to redress the long history of use and abuse, broken promises, and unfulfilled obligations that has left the Marshall Islands so exceptionally climate-vulnerable today.

Fact-check: How far has the U.S. cut its reliance on coal compared to other countries?



Duncan Slade, PolitiFact.com
Sun, December 12, 2021, 11:00 AM·6 min read

Senator Joe Manchin: The United States had 589 coal-fired plants 10 years ago, and “we're down to 504. … We are the only nation that has reduced our reliance (on) coal energy."

PolitiFact's ruling: Half True


Here's why: As the U.S. and global economies recover from the strains of the coronavirus pandemic, the demand for energy has outstripped supply, sending energy prices higher.

With energy prices expected to remain high in the near future, Sen. Joe Manchin, D-W.Va., called a meeting of the Senate Committee on Energy and Natural Resources, which he chairs, to hear testimony from experts on energy trends.

During a discussion of carbon capture technologies — ways to capture, transport and bury atmospheric carbon dioxide deep underground — Manchin cited several statistics about the trend lines during the past decade for coal-fired power plants.

Manchin said that China, India, and other major nations have increased the number of coal-fired power plants, while the U.S. has decreased its number.

"The United States had 589 (coal-fired plants) 10 years ago," Manchin said during the Nov. 16 hearing. "We're down to 504. … We are the only nation that has reduced our reliance as far as in coal energy."

We decided to check Manchin’s math.

How many coal-fired plants are there in the U.S.?


Manchin’s deputy press secretary, Jeremy Ortiz, told PolitiFact West Virginia that the senator was referring to coal plant data from the Global Energy Monitor, a nonprofit group that tracks energy data. The group’s Global Coal Plant Tracker collects data on all coal-fired power plants that generate at least 30 megawatts of power.

Manchin’s figure for current coal-fired plants — 504 — is close to one of the figures in the Global Coal Plant Tracker database. However, Manchin used the wrong terminology to describe this number.

Data from the tracker show that there are 498 coal-fired units in the U.S., and that’s not far from 504.

But notice what is being counted: units, rather than "plants," which is the word Manchin used. The tracker’s database counts a much smaller number of coal-fired plants in the US. — 246.

So what’s the difference?

"​​Units often consist of a boiler and turbine, and several units may make up one coal-fired power station," said Flora Champenois, a coal research analyst with the Global Energy Monitor. "Interchanging the terms for plants and units is inaccurate." For example, she said, the Clifty Creek station in Indiana is one power plant, but it operates six units.

Has the U.S. been closing coal-fired power plants over the past decade?


U.S. coal capacity did peak a decade ago at around 340 gigawatts and has declined to 232 gigawatts today, Champenois said. Low-carbon alternatives have increasingly become competitive with coal on price, and the shift away from coal has been reinforced by increased attention among utilities, governments and the public to carbon emissions’ role in driving climate change.

Champenois added that while the U.S. has been retiring coal-fired plants at a "record pace," it is not on track to meet the goals set by the Paris Agreement, the global climate accord that the U.S. rejoined earlier this year.

Have other countries reduced their reliance on coal?


Champenois said that the U.S has retired more capacity, measured in gigawatts, than any other country since 2000, which supports Manchin’s assertion that no other country has reduced its reliance on coal for energy as much as the U.S. has.

But many other countries have been cutting back, too.


China has retired a lot more coal-fired units than the U.S. has, and many of the European Union’s 27 countries have retired a much larger percentage of their existing capacity, Champenois said.

The EU has reduced coal consumption by half since 2015, Sean O’Leary, senior researcher at the Ohio River Valley Institute, told PolitiFact West Virginia

That said, measuring the impact of these reductions in countries like China and India is tricky.

Despite the pace of coal-fired retirements, China, India and the rest of the world have also added coal-fired power units, plants and capacity during the past decade, producing net increases in all three metrics. By contrast, the U.S. has seen decreases in all three.

China has been adding non-coal assets at a faster pace than it’s adding coal-fired assets, meaning that coal’s share of its energy portfolio has been declining.

"Although China is increasing generation from coal, coal's share of Chinese generation has been declining since 2010, and China has announced its intention to reduce coal-fired generation starting in 2026," O’Leary said.

Despite the complexities of measuring the global changes in coal use, O’Leary said that Manchin overstated how unusual the United States’ transition away from coal has been.

"The notion Manchin tried to convey, that the U.S. is alone in cutting reliance on coal while the rest of the world bounds ahead, is just plain wrong," O’Leary said.
Our ruling

Manchin said the U.S. had 589 coal-fired plants 10 years ago, and "we're down to 504. … We are the only nation that has reduced our reliance as far as in coal energy."

Manchin is broadly right to note that the U.S. has decreased its reliance on coal for generating electricity over the past decade, although he incorrectly labeled the units of measurement that went along with his figures.

He also has a point that the U.S. has led the world in the number of retirements of coal-fired assets, but it’s worth noting that the U.S. is not alone, as other countries have also made significant cuts in coal-fired power over the same period.

We rate the statement Half True.

Sources


Joe Manchin, remarks at a Senate Energy Committee hearing, Nov. 16, 2021


Global Coal Plant Tracker data compiled for PolitiFact West Virginia


Global Energy Monitor, "US Coal Retirement Rate Needs to Increase by 66% to Keep 1.5°C Within Reach," November 2021


Penn State University, Current and Future Energy Sources of the USA, accessed Dec. 11, 2021


Energy Information Administration, Short-Term Energy Outlook, Dec. 7, 2021


Global Energy Monitor, Clifty Creek Station, accessed Dec. 11, 2021


Reuters, "President Xi says China will start cutting coal consumption from 2026," April 22, 2021


Global Electricity Dashboard, Share of electricity production by fuel: China, accessed Dec. 11, 2021


Statista, Coal-fired electricity generation worldwide from 1985 to 2020


PolitiFact West Virginia, "Are 1,600 new coal-fired power plants being constructed today?" Sept. 20, 2019


Email interview with Flora Champenois, coal research analyst at Global Energy Monitor, Dec. 9, 2021


Email interview with Sean O’Leary, senior researcher at the Ohio River Valley Institute, Dec. 9, 2021


How many operable power plants will Texas have this winter? See a map by fuel type



Steve Wilson
Sun, December 12, 2021

Texas Power Plants
Here is a map of all operable Texas electric generating power plants from the US Energy Information Administration along with Texas' (ERCOT) power grid outlined in blue. The power plants are represented by circles that are color-coded by primary fuel types. The larger the circle, the more megawatts that plant produces. Tap on the power plants for more information.


Goodyear Collaborates With Monolith On Carbon Black; Initial Testing Demonstrates Reduced Emissions


AKRON, Ohio, Dec. 9, 2021 /PRNewswire/ -- The Goodyear Tire & Rubber Company today announced that it has signed a collaboration agreement and letter of intent with Monolith for the development and potential use of carbon black produced from methane and/or biomethane for tires. Goodyear is a leader in the industry in embracing this form of carbon black produced through a plasma-based methane pyrolysis process, which will help advance Goodyear's work to identify and use more sustainable materials.

"At Goodyear, we're committed to sustainability and making a positive impact by our choice of the materials we use," said Chris Helsel, senior vice president, global operations and chief technology officer. "Our collaboration with Monolith is one example of how we are using sustainable materials in quality products that deliver a better future."

Carbon black is a key ingredient in tires, providing compounds in the tires with strength, improved tear resistance, and increased abrasion resistance. A typical consumer tire is made of 15-20% carbon black by weight. Traditional carbon black comes from the combustion of residual oil or coal tar oil.

Goodyear is evaluating carbon black produced from methane and/or biomethane as part of its work with Monolith, a world leader in clean hydrogen and materials production. Monolith's plasma-based process takes advantage of renewable electricity to complete methane pyrolysis and results in the output of only carbon and hydrogen.

"We're proud to collaborate with Goodyear on high-quality, clean carbon black for Goodyear and support their ongoing mission to make their tires more sustainable," said Rob Hanson, co-founder and chief executive officer, Monolith. "We're honored to work with companies like Goodyear that share our passion for quality products that are responsibly manufactured, and we are eager to see what advancements this collaboration will bring to the tire industry."

A life cycle assessment completed for Monolith by a third party shows the plasma-based process should result in environmental benefits across the life cycle, including a reduction in carbon emissions, compared to traditionally produced carbon black.

In addition, the life cycle assessment shows that this technology has the potential for a carbon-neutral to carbon-negative impact, based on increased utilization of biomethane feedstock versus natural gas in the future.

Monolith's life cycle assessment is currently scheduled to undergo an external review and more details of the quantitative environmental benefits can be shared in the near future.

About The Goodyear Tire & Rubber Company

Goodyear is one of the world's largest tire companies. It employs about 72,000 people and manufactures its products in 55 facilities in 23 countries around the world. Its two Innovation Centers in Akron, Ohio, and Colmar-Berg, Luxembourg, strive to develop state-of-the-art products and services that set the technology and performance standard for the industry. For more information about Goodyear and its products, go to www.goodyear.com/corporate.

About Monolith

Monolith is a next-general chemical and hydrogen company that uses 100% renewable electricity as part of a proprietary process to convert conventional and renewable natural gas to carbon black and hydrogen in an environmentally advantaged manner. Monolith is backed by Azimuth Capital Management, Cornell Capital LLC, Imperative Ventures, Warburg Pincus, Mitsubishi Heavy Industries America, SK Inc. and NextEra Energy Resources Inc. For more information on Monolith, visit monolith-corp.com.

SOURCE The Goodyear Tire & Rubber Company
Pilot Captures Footage of Suspected UFOs Over Pacific Ocean (UPDATE)

Joshua Espinoza
Fri, December 10, 2021

ET: Footage of a more recent alleged sighting has now started gaining traction, including via a TMZ story on Saturday. The footage in question captures a separate reported sighting of unidentified aerial phenomena, this time in the Chino Hills region of California.

According to the report, the footage was shot on Dec. 9 and shows multiple unexplained light shapes moving in an erratic fashion. Per the woman responsible for the footage, the lights were first spotted by her grandson, who was taking out the trash at the time.

See the video below.





See original story below.

A new video circulating on social media has fueled the extraterrestrial debate.

The footage was reportedly captured by a pilot who was flying over the South China Sea at an altitude of 39,000 feet. The video shows three sets of mysterious light formations moving through the clouds near Hong Kong before quickly disappearing.

“I don’t know what that is. That is some weird shit,” a person is heard saying in the video, before the lights seemingly vanish one by one. “Gone.”

Though the lights don’t appear to be from any known aircraft, some social media users suspected they were either reflections from the cockpit glass or military flares. Chris Spitzer, who describes himself as an experienced atmospheric phenomena investigator, proposed the latter theory.


According to the Independent, the 53-second video was uploaded to a UFO tracking website earlier this month, but was reportedly filmed on Nov. 24—the same day the U.S. Defense Department announced the establishment of a UFO task force.

“The (Airborne Object Identification and Management Synchronization Group) will synchronize efforts across the Department and the broader U.S. government to detect, identify and attribute objects of interests in Special Use Airspace (SUA), and to assess and mitigate any associated threats to safety of flight and national security,” the DOD wrote in a press release.

“To provide oversight of the AOIMSG, the Deputy Secretary also directed the USD(I&S) to lead an Airborne Object Identification and Management Executive Council (AOIMEXEC) to be comprised of DoD and Intelligence Community membership, and to offer a venue for U.S. government interagency representation.”
The worker revolt comes to a Dollar General in Connecticut





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LONG READ


Greg Jaffe
Sat, December 11, 2021, 8:40 AM·19 min read

WINSTED, Conn. - The afternoon shift workers at Dollar General No. 18060 had listened with growing panic as an executive accused their store manager of stealing. They could hear the yelling and threats in the back office, a scene that had shaken all of them - especially Shellie Parsons.

In a life marked by poverty, addiction and physical abuse, Parsons, 37, had come to see her store - a beige prefabricated building on the outskirts of town - as her haven, a $15.75-an-hour pathway to a better life. She was desperately afraid of losing it

And so, after a brief discussion with a few trusted co-workers, she headed to a nearby Stop & Shop grocery store where years earlier she recalled seeing a picket line, walked back to the deli counter and asked one of the butchers, whom she had never met, whether he had a phone number for someone at their union. She dialed from the parking lot.

"Why does it got to be me?" she recalled thinking as the phone rang. She feared that talking to a union organizer could get her fired, even as she worried that doing nothing would leave her and her colleagues vulnerable to the whims of upper management.

All over the country, workers who had labored through a global pandemic for low pay and meager benefits were concluding that they deserved better from their bosses. Wages were rising and a wave of strikes was sweeping across the country, hitting iconic American brands such as Kellogg's and John Deere. And now Parsons's phone call was setting off one of the most lopsided battles of the ongoing low-wage-worker revolt.




On one side: six Dollar General employees, most of whom were making the minimum wage or just slightly above it. The group included a community college student, a struggling musician who had recently moved back home and two single moms, one of whom was Parsons. On the other: a company with yearly revenue approaching $34 billion, more than 157,000 employees and 17,683 stores, not one of which was unionized.

Four days after her Sept. 17 phone call, Parsons and a few of her co-workers met with the union organizer. To prepare, she had written out what they all hoped to gain, in a letter that went through three drafts and that Parsons had finished in the front seat of her car.

"We all want to make sure we can make a living and not worry we will get fired for false accusations or made up things," she wrote. "Take our words serious, don't just brush them off. . . . We are your employees, not strangers."

The workers wanted more job security. They wanted a process to ensure that their complaints weren't ignored. They wanted to know that their labor was valued and that they were respected.

Parsons and three of her co-workers signed it and handed it over to the organizer with Local 371 of the United Food and Commercial Workers union. Then they signed union cards, authorizing an election scheduled for Oct. 22 - exactly one month away. To prevail, all the signees - or four of the store's six workers - would have to vote for the union.



- - -



Parsons and her fellow workers weren't just trying to unionize; they were challenging a core aspect of the business model that has fueled Dollar General's boom over the past decade.

"We believe our union free status is one reason we continue to grow and provide employment while many unionized companies have declined," the company wrote in third paragraph of its 2015 employee handbook.

Dollar General had carved out a niche that allowed it to thrive in communities where people were struggling to put food on the table and pay their bills, and there were more and more of these places popping up throughout the country ever year.

To serve these communities, Dollar General has concentrated on needs, not wants. Each store typically consists of about 7,400 square feet of cramped, dimly lit aisles focusing on staples such as milk, eggs and diapers as well as products such as pain relievers, frying pans and motor oil. They are stocked in small sizes instead of bulk to keep prices low and profit margins high. Staffing is just as spare - typically six employees and a manager, who often works six or seven days a week.

The approach had proved so successful that by 2020 there were more dollar stores - a category that includes Dollar Tree and Family Dollar - in the United States than all the Walmart, Starbucks and McDonald's locations combined. Of these, Dollar General was the biggest of them all.

Before the vote at Parsons's store, the last serious effort to unionize a Dollar General came in December 2017 when workers in Auxvasse, Mo., sought to become the first store in company history to join the UFCW.

Dollar General moved swiftly to quell the Auxvasse uprising. In the weeks before the vote, company executives flew into town on a private jet and the vice president for human resources embedded herself in the store, working alongside employees cleaning windows, stocking shelves and making the case for rejecting the union, according to workers and court documents.

The employees voted 4 to 2 to organize, an outcome Dollar General spent the next 28 months fighting in the courts on the grounds that the vote was flawed. In the middle of its legal battle, the company fired the employee who initially called the union, for using a curse word in a private meeting with his district manager.

As part of a settlement approved by the National Labor Relations Board, Dollar General agreed to compensate the fired worker. The company was also required to post a notice in the Auxvasse store's break room acknowledging the monetary settlement and its workers' right to organize.

"WE WILL NOT fire you because of your union membership or support," the notice read.

Instead, the company took a more extreme step: It closed the store early last year, only weeks after the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 8th Circuit ordered Dollar General to recognize and bargain with the union. Alan Bloom, 70, a cashier, said some of the store's employees, including its manager, negotiated transfers. Bloom decided to retire.

He had voted for the union, but now that the store was closing, he wished he hadn't. "For a while it felt revolutionary, like we were going to change things," he said. "But that didn't happen. The store just closed."

Dollar General was the town's only national chain, and the only place - besides a gas station convenience store - that sold frozen food, snacks and canned goods. "It's left a hole in our town," said Ashley Steinbeck, Auxvasse's mayor. "It was such a convenience for everyone, especially for elderly folks who can't get around really well."

In a statement, Dollar General said the decision to close the store, just weeks after it was ordered to negotiate with the union, was based on an "assessment of the store's future profitability."

David Cook, the president of UFCW Local 655 in Missouri, suggested a different motive. "It's a control issue," he said. "I don't think anybody out there recognizes the value an employer like Dollar General puts on having an at-will workforce. 'At will' means I can fire you for any reason I want as long as it's not color, religion or ethnicity. It's that ultimate power of intimidation. . . . You can't put a value on that if you're an employer - especially one the size of Dollar General."



- - -



Parsons didn't know any of this history when she placed her call to the union in September. She was just worried about losing a job that offered a sense of stability and predictability in a life that had often felt on the brink of collapse.

She had spent her teenage years in foster care, battled a heroin addiction and served a year in prison, but by the time she started at Dollar General in 2019, she was beginning to pull her life together. Other than a brief relapse and terrifying overdose in early 2019, she had been drug-free for most of the past 12 years. She was trying to end an abusive relationship, and her boss and colleagues had offered support, noticing the bruises on her body and encouraging her to leave her partner.

Aside from Bella, her 8-year-old daughter, Parsons's store had become the most important thing in her life, a place where she felt successful, earning pay raises and a promotion to assistant manager.

"I don't have any family. I have no one," she said. "And when I started working for Dollar General, I got away from my lifelong abuser and I survived, and I got a family and a future."

Parsons didn't expect better pay or benefits from unionizing. She just wanted to hold on to what she had.

In the days after she and her co-workers signed union cards, the company hired five anti-union consultants, each of whom was paid $2,700 a day, according to documents filed with the Labor Department. It dispatched three out-of-state executives to the store who shadowed the employees for the month, working alongside them. Sometimes the executives talked baseball, hunting or music with the store employees.

Other times, they warned them about the union, which they said would make them pay costly dues and ruin their relationship with their store manager, whom they liked and admired.

Mostly, the executives seemed to be spying on them, the employees said. About a week after they arrived at the store, Jake Serafini, 31, was restocking an aisle with one of his co-workers, he recalled. "I would never be able to do this job for $7.25 an hour," he said, thinking of the minimum wage in North Carolina, where he had lived before returning home to Winsted.

Seconds later, Serafini said, one of the corporate executives emerged from a nearby aisle. "The minimum wage in Connecticut is $13 an hour," he said.

Serafini, a part-time musician, agreed but noted that it was still a "little low" given the state's high cost of living. He didn't think much about the incident until the same executive spotted him a few days later stacking pizzas in a freezer that was badly overstocked.

"It looks there are sparks coming out of your ears," the executive said.

"Look at this f—ing bullsh—," Serafini replied, pointing to the mess. The executive offered to show him how to fix the oversupply problem, and Serafini said he apologized for cursing.

After his shift, Serafini said, two of his co-workers approached as he was walking to his car and told him they had been ordered to sign statements saying they had heard him curse. Serafini's store manager called that evening and fired him. In his five months with the company, Serafini hadn't missed a shift and had no disciplinary write-ups.

"My heart is breaking," Serafini recalled his boss saying. "I'm doing everything I can on my end. We're going to get you back."

The dismissal shook some of Serafini's co-workers, who were convinced that he was fired because he was pro-union, or possibly because the Dollar General executives believed he had instigated the union drive. It incensed Parsons, who felt responsible. Serafini had been filling in for her on the day he was fired.

At the union's request, Parsons did interviews with CNN, HuffPost and the Hartford Courant. She recorded a video for More Perfect Union, a labor advocacy group, in which she talked about Serafini's dismissal. "The only people that can save us is a union," she said on the video.

Six days before the vote, Parsons believed that three out of six employees, including Serafini, who despite his dismissal was allowed to vote, were pro-union. One was wavering, a worker named Jen whose vote was crucial. The woman did not respond to requests for comment from The Washington Post for this story. Parsons said that a Dollar General executive had warned Jen about the closing of the Auxvasse store and suggested that the same thing could happen in Connecticut.

"I need you to call Jen and talk to her," Parsons texted the UFCW organizer, Jessica Petronella. "They are getting to her. We have to act Very Quickly or we are going to lose her."

Three days before the vote, Parsons, Jen and Petronella met in a supermarket parking lot a short drive down the highway from the Dollar General. It was a spot where they hoped that the company's executives and consultants, who now outnumbered the workers, wouldn't see them.

Petronella said she asked Jen to draft a statement describing what she considered to be the company's threat to close the store, along with an account of Serafini's firing. Jen wrote that the executive told her to "look into the dollar general store that had been closed" and shared that Serafini's firing may have been related to corporate's belief that he had been the first to call the union.

Dollar General, in response to questions from The Post, said that no threats were made to close the Connecticut store and denied that Serafini was "treated unlawfully."

Petronella intended to give Jen's statement to the National Labor Relations Board, which oversees union elections to ensure they are fair. She also saw the letter as a positive sign that Jen still supported the union.

On election day, the NLRB set up a small white tent in the parking lot of the Dollar General. Parsons, who agreed to serve as an observer for the union, arrived at 8:30 a.m. and cast her ballot. A worker representing the company occupied a second table. For the next two hours, Parsons sat, watched and nervously waited as her co-workers cycled through.

Dollar General was challenging Serafini's ballot, but he was still allowed to vote. "It's a great day for democracy," he told Parsons as he entered the tent.

"Absolutely!" Parsons replied.

A second co-worker who backed the union grinned at Parsons as he dropped his ballot in the cardboard box. A good sign. There were two workers, both part-timers, who hadn't supported the union. Parsons assumed they both voted no.

She was most worried about Jen, who stood over her ballot for several seconds, shaking her head as if she was thinking, Parsons said. Parsons tried to catch her eye, but Jen hurried past her.

At 11:05 a.m., an NLRB representative counted the votes. To prevail, Dollar General needed at least three of the six workers to vote against the union. The first two votes were both no. Then there was a yes, followed by a brief pause as the NLRB representative unfolded the next ballot. Parsons breathed in through her light blue surgical mask.

"No," the NLRB official read.

At first, Parsons didn't believe it. She walked out of the tent and into the sunlight, lit a cigarette and inhaled deeply. One of her co-workers called Serafini to let him know the outcome.

"I hate to be the one to tell you," he began.

"You're kidding," Serafini replied. He had assumed that the union would win and that he would be back to work in a week or two. Now he felt alone.

Parsons and Petronella drove to a nearby McDonald's to figure out what had happened and talk about their next steps. Tears streamed down Parsons's face. She believed that the election hadn't been fair, that Dollar General had "polluted" her colleagues' minds with falsehoods and fear.

"Obviously, Jen voted no," Petronella said.

Over the course of her life, Parsons had grown accustomed to feeling abandoned - by her parents, the foster-care system, the police and the courts. Now she wanted the union to stand with her, appeal the vote to the NLRB and keep fighting.

"What do we do now?" she asked Petronella.



- - -



For Petronella and the union, the answer was to move on to other battles. She could have sought an order that would have forced Dollar General to bargain with the union. "You have to hire lawyers, and it ends up costing a lot," Petronella said. For a company like Dollar General the expense was nothing. But the union's resources were limited.

Petronella decided that it would be faster and cheaper to wait 12 months and petition for another union vote, if Parsons and her co-workers were still interested. Her last piece of unfinished business from the Dollar General organizing effort was Serafini, who with the help of the union and a Labor Department lawyer was negotiating a wrongful-dismissal settlement with Dollar General.

Petronella wanted Dollar General to have to acknowledge publicly its agreement with Serafini, just as it had done in Missouri.

Serafini's immediate goal was to pay some bills and move on with his life, perhaps becoming a social worker. His dismissal, he said, had revealed what Dollar General really thought of its workers. "You have people go above and beyond for a minimum-wage job and then get tossed because a union might mean it costs a little more to run the store. It's all about greed," he said. "It just feels gross."

For Parsons there was only one option after the union organizing effort failed: A few weeks after the election, her alarm clock woke her at 5:15 a.m., giving her just enough time to stop by the methadone clinic for her daily dose before heading off to work.

The Dollar General executives had returned home, and the store had settled back into its old rhythms. Parsons helped unload a "humongous truck" that arrived that morning and fell off a ladder while trying to retrieve a box of adult diapers from a storage shelf for an elderly customer. In the afternoon, she headed off to a second job cleaning houses. She lugged bags of supplies and a scuffed yellow vacuum up the driveway of a small, brick ranch house, her back still throbbing from her fall. After only a few minutes of work, her forehead glistened with sweat.

Parsons was more than $5,000 behind on her electricity bill but was determined to use the money from her housekeeping jobs to pay the lawyer who was helping her fight for custody of her daughter. She saw Bella three times a week - visits that began with tense handoffs that Parsons knew took the heaviest toll on Bella.

After police charged Parsons's ex with "threatening" behavior and "breach of peace," the courts granted Parsons a restraining order and mandated that she and her former partner exchange Bella in a well-lit, public spot. For now, it was the Big Y supermarket. Inside the store, the two parents stood about 10 yards apart recording each other with their phones as their 8-year-old daughter ran with her head down from her father to her mother.

"Today Mommy doesn't have too much money," Parsons said as she hurriedly outlined some options for their three-hour visit. Bella chose a $5.75 matinee of the new Marvel movie, and Parsons began firing questions at her.

"Have you taken a shower lately?"

"What's Daddy feeding you?"

"You're still coughing, baby. Are you taking your medicine?"

Three-quarters of the way through the movie, Bella started to worry that they were going to be late for the court-mandated, 8 p.m. drop-off with her dad. So they left early, giving Parsons just enough time for a quick cigarette break before they sped through the Wendy's drive-through. Her feet were sore. Her back still ached. Her gas gauge hovered just above empty. Parsons lit a cigarette in the parking lot. A few kernels of movie theater popcorn, tossed by a giggling Bella, struck her on the cheek.

Back at the Big Y, they repeated the recorded drop-off in reverse. This was the worst part of Parsons's day, the time she felt most alone. "I fight addiction. I fight for my job. I fight for my kid. I fight for my survival," she said. "Every single way I turn, I have to fight."

One thing she could no longer afford to fight was Dollar General, and so these days she was focused relentlessly on the company's positives. Dollar General had dismissed the district manager who accused her boss of stealing - falsely, employees said - and replaced him with a new person who seemed fair. The new district manager had recently promised to start reimbursing store employees for their mileage when they had to drive to the bank to drop off the day's deposits. It wasn't yet clear whether they would be reimbursed thousands of dollars for earlier unpaid trips.

"After the election, I started to find out the truth about Dollar General," Parsons said. "It is not what we thought. If they knew what was going on they would have fixed it earlier. Really it was just a couple of bad people. Everyone has their flaws, but Dollar General is great people."

Parsons didn't regret calling the union. Without the organizing effort, she believed the problems at her store would never have been addressed. "It helped 100 percent," she said. But she also wasn't upset that the unionizing push had failed. "If we won, honestly I don't know anymore," she continued. "I don't know if it'd be different. Everything is just confusing."

Two weeks before Thanksgiving, Parsons received another bit of good news: Someone had posted on Parsons's employee group text chat that the store would be closed on the holiday, a change from previous years when it had been open for extended hours. "The union isn't involved, and they are still doing it," she said.

But it turned out that the company wasn't actually doing it. The store was open from 7 a.m. to 10 p.m. on Thanksgiving Day just as it had been the previous year, and Parsons was scheduled to work.

She didn't let it bother her. She needed the money. She worked an 11-hour shift and then rushed to the Big Y, where Bella was waiting.

- - -

The Washington Post's Abha Bhattarai and Jennifer Jenkins contributed to this report.
Buffalo worker blasts 'union-busting' Starbucks as results at 1 cafe are challenged

Dani Romero
Sun, December 12, 2021

Workers at one Starbucks (SBUX) Store in Buffalo, New York, won a contentious victory last week by becoming the coffee giant's first unionized workplace.

Yet after votes were counted by the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), a second cafe on Camp Road narrowly rejected the measure, an outcome organizers plan to challenge. Union organizers and their attorney claim there were “voices” that weren’t heard.

“I don't accept that as the full number at the end of the day, it being 12 [against] to 8 [in favor], just because as I know that there are people in my location that did not get their ballots counted,” Gianna Reeve, a shift supervisor at the Camp Road Starbucks, told Yahoo Finance on Friday.

Meanwhile, results from the third store were unclear as of Thursday's vote, because ballots were challenged during the counting process. However, Reeve is still counting it as a win.

“At the end of the day, it really doesn't matter. Honestly, if Camp Road [store] chooses to organize or not because the battle was getting from zero organized Starbucks locations to one Starbucks location organized and now we have two,” Reeve said.

The union had challenged six ballots during the vote count, deeming them as “the employee no longer works there.”
'Union busting' accusations

Starbucks workers speak to the media after union vote in Buffalo, New York, U.S., December 9, 2021. REUTERS/Lindsay DeDario

The ballots will need to be certified by the NLRB's regional director, which could take a week. The next hurdle will be negotiating a contract with Starbucks.

According to Reeve, Starbucks — which publicly opposed the union vote — had closed down one of the locations in the area, and allowed those employees from that store to work at the third cafe on Genesee Street for about two weeks. The company then “declared” them eligible to vote, according to Reeve.

“We've always kind of theorized that this was a union busting tactic from Starbucks to kind of stuff the ballots,” said Reeve.

“We are declaring victory at Genesee Street. We have the hurdle still of having to go through those challenges and say that we're having contested votes,” she added.

The next day following the vote count, managers left an emotional letter for workers at the Elmwood location, describing themselves as "saddened" by the outcome.


The historic vote for Starbucks signals the rising power of labor and workers in the workforce. Starbucks executives have lobbied hard to keep workers from unionizing in the Buffalo location for months by holding face-to-face meetings – a move that Starbucks Workers United blasted “union busting.”

However, that hasn’t stopped three other nearby stores, and one Arizona cafe, to follow Buffalo’s lead.

“There's no more time for an empty seat at the table. We have proven that here in Buffalo, and we're proving that across the country and not just in Starbucks,” Reeve said.

“Service workers across the country, we have seen the surge already and I hope that this serves as an inspiration,” she added.

Nationwide support for unions was at 68% — its highest since the 1960’s, according to a Gallup poll in August, with support among people ages 18 to 34 at 77%. Still, the union membership rate in the U.S. was roughly 11% in 2020, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, slightly higher than the prior year.

Dani Romero is a reporter for Yahoo Finance. Follow her on Twitter: @daniromerotv
Spanish island volcano eruption hits local record of 85 days


Ash covers the streets and houses in Las Manchas village as lava flows from the volcano, on the Canary island of La Palma, Spain, Dec. 6 2021. A volcanic eruption in Spain’s Canary Islands shows no sign of ending after 85 days. It became the island of La Palma’s longest eruption on record on Sunday, Dec. 12. (AP Photo/Emilio Morenatti, file)

MADRID (AP) — A volcanic eruption in Spain’s Canary Islands shows no sign of ending after 85 days, becoming the island of La Palma’s longest eruption on record Sunday.

The eruption has surged and ebbed since it first began spewing lava on Sept. 19. It has since destroyed almost 3,000 local buildings and forced several thousand people to abandon their homes.

On Sunday, after several days of low-level activity, the Cumbre Vieja volcano suddenly sprang to life again, producing loud explosions and blowing a vast cloud of ash high into the sky.

Scientists say volcanic eruptions are unpredictable. Spanish experts had initially said the La Palma eruption could last up to three months.

Mariano Hernández, the island’s senior government official, described the volcano as “stable” in recent days.

“The fact is that all the key indicators have been low,” he told Spanish public broadcaster RTVE. “But the scientists won’t say exactly when it might come to an end.”

He said experts continue to measure the number and magnitude of earthquakes in the area and local sulfur dioxide levels.


A soccer field is covered by black ashes as lava flows from the volcano, on the Canary island of La Palma, Spain, Monday, Dec. 6 2021. (AP Photo/Emilio Morenatti)

From Saturday to Sunday, authorities recorded 24 earthquakes, but none was felt by local people.

Despite the damage, no injuries or deaths have been directly linked to the eruption. Much of the area covered by rivers of lava, which are dumping molten rock into the sea, is farmland.

Life has continued largely as normal on most of La Palma, where a section of the southwestern side is hardest hit.

The volcanic Canary Islands, which are a favorite warm weather vacation site for Europeans, lie off Africa’s northwest coast.




A fissure is seen next to a house covered with ash on the Canary island of La Palma, Spain, Dec. 1 2021. A volcanic eruption in Spain’s Canary Islands shows no sign of ending after 85 days. It became the island of La Palma’s longest eruption on record on Sunday, Dec. 12. (AP Photo/Emilio Morenatti, file)