Thursday, March 30, 2023

A Hazardous Decision: Supplying Ukraine with Depleted Uranium Shells


 
 MARCH 30, 2023
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Photograph Source: http://www.deploymentlink.osd.mil/du_library/du_balkans/images/fig1.gif – Public Domain

Should they be taking them?  Ukraine is desperate for any bit of warring materiel its armed forces can lay their hands on, but depleted uranium shells would surely not be a model example of use.  And yet, the UK, in an act of killing with kindness, is happy to fork them out to aid the cause against the Russians, despite the scandals, the alleged illnesses, and environmental harms.

An outline of the measure was provided by Minister of state for defence Baroness Annabel Goldie’s written answer to a question posed by Lord Hylton: “Alongside our granting of a squadron of Challenger 2 main battle tanks to Ukraine, we will be providing ammunition including armour piercing rounds which contain depleted uranium.  Such rounds are highly effective in defeating modern tanks and armoured vehicles.”

The response from the Kremlin was swift.  “If all this happens,” warned Russian President Vladimir Putin, “Russia will have to respond accordingly, given that the West collectively is already beginning to use weapons with a nuclear component.”  Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu also foresaw “nuclear collision”.

The statement from Vyacheslav Volodin, the speaker of the Russian lower house, shifted the focus from potential nuclear catastrophe to the field of medical consequences, reminding his fellow members that the use of such ammunition by the US in former Yugoslavia and Iraq had led to “radioactive contamination and a sharp rise in oncological cases.”

News networks were left trying to convey a picture to the public, much of it skimpy on the perilous consequences arising from using such munitions.  The BBC’s characteristic language of understatement notes that such uranium, stripped of much of its radioactive content, “makes weapons more powerful, but it is feared those weapons could be a threat to people in areas where they are used.”

Sky News had its own benign interpretation of the dangers, suggesting that DU, in emitting alpha particles, did not “have enough energy to go through skin, so exposure to the outside of the body is not considered a serious hazard.”  An admission as to the dangers had to follow.  “It can be a serious health hazard, however, if it is swallowed or inhaled.”

The US Department of Veterans Affairs outlines a few points on the matter in greater detail.  “When a projectile made with DU penetrates a vehicle, small particles of DU can be formed and breathed in or swallowed by service members in the struck vehicle.  Small DU fragments can also scatter and become embedded in muscle and soft tissue.”

Since their use in the Gulf War (1991), the Kosovo War (1999), the Iraq War (2003) and Afghanistan, the curriculum vitae of such weapons has become increasingly blotchy.  The use of such shells has been contentious to the point of being criminal, said to be carcinogenic and a cause of birth defects.  A study examining a civilian population sample from Eastern Afghanistan, published in 2005, revealed that “contamination in Afghanistan with a source consistent with natural uranium has resulted in total concentrations up to 100 times higher than the normal range for various geographic and environmental areas throughout the world.”

Subsequent field research, notably in Iraq, has found instances of serious birth defects, including congenital heart disease, paralysis, missing limbs and neurological problems.  While some of these outcomes can be attributable to other activities of the US military and its allies, the role of DU looms large.

The nature of such weaponry is also indiscriminate.  As a law firm representing US war veterans acknowledges, those involved in campaigns, notably in Iraq, “may have been exposed to depleted uranium as a result of being in a vehicle that was hit by a projectile, being exposed to burning depleted uranium, or salvaging the wreckage of a vehicle that was hit by a depleted uranium projectile.”

The Department of Veterans Affairs has also admitted that DU is a “potential health hazard if it enters the body, such as through embedded fragments, contaminated wounds, and inhalation or ingestion.”  It prefers, however, to treat each claim for disability that might have been the result of DU poisoning “on a case-by-case basis.”

The claimed lack of unequivocal evidence linking such projectiles to adverse effects on the environment and humans has been a consistent theme in investigations – and a boon for militaries using them.  A committee of reviewestablished by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia that covered, among other things, the use of these shells by NATO forces in the Kosovo campaign, proved less than satisfactory.

In recommending that no investigation be commenced regarding the bombing campaign – hardly a surprise – the members had to concede that NATO’s responses to any queries were “couched in general terms and failed to address specific incidents.”  The Committee also found no consensus on whether the “use of such projectiles violate general principles of the law applicable to use of weapons in armed conflict.”

The UN Sub-Commission on Human Rights proved more forthright on the issue, claiming in a resolution that DU are weapons with indiscriminate effects and should therefore be prohibited under international humanitarian law.  The UN General Assembly’s latest resolution on the matter, however, suggested a distinct lack of backbone, noting that “studies conducted so far by relevant international organizations have not provided a detailed enough account of the magnitude of the potential long-term effects on human beings and the environment of the use of armaments and ammunitions containing depleted uranium.”

Little wonder, given such a muddled frame of mind, that the use of DU projectiles has persisted with some relish, despite an avalanche of studies warning of their dangers.  Nature abhors a vacuum and fills it accordingly with the mean and ghastly.  In November 2015, 5000 rounds of DU ammunition were used in an air raid on oil trucks used by Islamic State forces despite assurances from the US military that it had stopped using such weapons.  As to whether it will supply Kyiv with this hazardous product remains unclear – the Pentagon is proving reticent on the subject.

The Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament has attacked the UK’s decision.  Its General Secretary, Kate Hudson, outlined her concerns in a statement: “CND has repeatedly called for the UK government to place an immediate moratorium on the use of depleted uranium weapons and to fund long-term studies into their health and environmental impacts.”

Short of a clear treaty on the subject, preferably one with teeth, this is much wishful thinking.  The Ukrainian forces, however, should give the whole matter a second thought: the effects of such weapons will not distinguish between the users, the targets, and the civilians.  In the long run, it will also prove unsparing to the environment, which promises to be richly contaminated by the toxicity of such lingering munitions.

Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne. Email: bkampmark@gmail.com

Cancer as Weapon: Sowing Battlefields With Depleted Uranium


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 MARCH 29, 2023

Mark 149 Mod 2 20mm depleted uranium ammunition for the Phalanx CIWS aboard USS Missouri. Photo: US Navy.

With the UK’s unconscionable decision to send Depleted Uranium ammunition to Ukraine, it’s perhaps useful to revisit the environmental and health consequences of the US’s widespread use of such weapons in Iraq and Kuwait during the first Gulf War. This short essay is adapted from my book, Been Brown So Long It Looked Like Green to Me: the Politics of Nature.

At the close of the first Gulf War, Saddam Hussein was denounced as a ferocious villain for ordering his retreating troops to destroy Kuwaiti oil fields, clotting the air with poisonous clouds of black smoke and saturating the ground with swamps of crude. It was justly called an environmental war crime.

But months of bombing of Iraq by US and British planes and cruise missiles has left behind an even more deadly and insidious legacy: tons of shell casings, bullets and bomb fragments laced with depleted uranium. In all, the US hit Iraqi targets with more than 970 radioactive bombs and missiles.

It took less than a decade for the health consequences from this radioactive bombing campaign to begin to coming into focus. And they are dire, indeed. Iraqi physicians call it “the white death”-leukemia. Since 1990, the incident rate of leukemia in Iraq has grown by more than 600 percent. The situation is compounded by Iraq’s forced isolations and the sadistic sanctions regime, recently described by UN secretary general Kofi Annan as “a humanitarian crisis”, that makes detection and treatment of the cancers all the more difficult.

“We have proof of traces of DU in samples taken for analysis and that is really bad for those who assert that cancer cases have grown for other reasons,” said Dr. Umid Mubarak, Iraq’s health minister.

Mubarak contends that the US’s fear of facing the health and environmental consequences of its DU bombing campaign is partly behind its failure to follow through on its commitments under a deal allowing Iraq to sell some of its vast oil reserves in return for food and medical supplies.

“The desert dust carries death,” said Dr. Jawad Al-Ali, an oncologist and member England’s Royal Society of Physicians. “Our studies indicate that more than forty percent of the population around Basra will get cancer. We are living through another Hiroshima.”

Most of the leukemia and cancer victims aren’t soldiers. They are civilians. And many of them are children. The US-dominated Iraqi Sanctions Committee in New York has denied Iraq’s repeated requests for cancer treatment equipment and drugs, even painkillers such as morphine. As a result, the overflowing hospitals in towns such as Basra are left to treat the cancer-stricken with aspirin.

This is part of a larger horror inflicted on Iraq that sees as many as 180 children dying every day, according to mortality figures compiled by UNICEF, from a catalogue of diseases from the 19th century: cholera, dysentery, tuberculosis, e. coli, mumps, measles, influenza.

Iraqis and Kuwaitis aren’t the only ones showing signs of uranium contamination and sickness. Gulf War veterans, plagued by a variety of illnesses, have been found to have traces of uranium in their blood, feces, urine and semen.

Depleted uranium is a rather benign sounding name for uranium-238, the trace elements left behind when the fissionable material is extracted from uranium-235 for use in nuclear reactors and weapons. For decades, this waste was a radioactive nuisance, piling up at plutonium processing plants across the country. By the late 1980s there was nearly a billion tons of the material.

Then weapons designers at the Pentagon came up with a use for the tailings: they could be molded into bullets and bombs. The material was free and there was plenty at hand. Also uranium is a heavy metal, denser than lead. This makes it perfect for use in armor-penetrating weapons, designed to destroy tanks, armored-personnel carriers and bunkers.

When the tank-busting bombs explode, the depleted uranium oxidizes into microscopic fragments that float through the air like carcinogenic dust, carried on the desert winds for decades. The lethal dust is inhaled, sticks to the fibers of the lungs, and eventually begins to wreck havoc on the body: tumors, hemorrhages, ravaged immune systems, leukemias.

In 1943, the doomsday men associated with the Manhattan Project speculated that uranium and other radioactive materials could be spread across wide swaths of land to contain opposing armies. Gen. Leslie Grove, head of the project, asserted that uranium weapons could be expected to cause “permanent lung damage.” In the late, 1950s Al Gore’s father, the senator from Tennessee, proposed dousing the demilitarized zone in Korea with uranium as a cheap failsafe against an attack from the North Koreans.

After the Gulf War, Pentagon war planners were so delighted with the performance of their radioactive weapons that ordered a new arsenal and under Bill Clinton’s orders fired them at Serb positions in Bosnia, Kosovo and Serbia. More than a 100 of the DU bombs have been used in the Balkans over the last six years.

Already medical teams in the region have detected cancer clusters near the bomb sites. The leukemia rate in Sarajevo, pummeled by American bombs in 1996, has tripled in the last five years. But it’s not just the Serbs who are ill and dying. NATO and UN peacekeepers in the region are also coming down with cancer. As of January 23, eight Italian soldiers who served in the region have died of leukemia.

The Pentagon has shuffled through a variety of rationales and excuses. First, the Defense Department shrugged off concerns about Depleted Uranium as wild conspiracy theories by peace activists, environmentalists and Iraqi propagandists. When the US’s NATO allies demanded that the US disclose the chemical and metallic properties of its munitions, the Pentagon refused. It has also refused to order testing of US soldiers stationed in the Gulf and the Balkans.

If the US has kept silent, the Brits haven’t. A 1991 study by the UK Atomic Energy Authority predicted that if less than 10 percent of the particles released by depleted uranium weapons used in Iraq and Kuwait were inhaled it could result in as many as “300,000 probable deaths.”

The British estimate assumed that the only radioactive ingredient in the bombs dropped on Iraq was depleted uranium. It wasn’t. A new study of the materials inside these weapons describes them as a “nuclear cocktail,” containing a mix of radioactive elements, including plutonium and the highly radioactive isotope uranium-236. These elements are 100,000 times more dangerous than depleted uranium.

Typically, the Pentagon has tried to dump the blame on the Department of Energy’s sloppy handling of its weapons production plants. This is how Pentagon spokesman Craig Quigley described the situation in chop-logic worthy of the pen of Joseph Heller.: “The source of the contamination as best we can understand it now was the plants themselves that produced the Depleted uranium during the 20 some year time frame when the DU was produced.”

Indeed, the problems at DoE nuclear sites and the contamination of its workers and contractors have been well-known since the 1980s. A 1991 Energy Department memo reports: “during the process of making fuel for nuclear reactors and elements for nuclear weapons, the Paducah gaseous diffusion plant… created depleted uranium potentially containing neptunium and plutonium”

But such excuses in the absence of any action to address the situation are growing very thin indeed. Doug Rokke, the health physicist for the US Army who oversaw the partial clean up of depleted uranium bomb fragments in Kuwait, is now sick. His body registers 5,000 times the level of radiation considered “safe”. He knows where to place the blame. “There can be no reasonable doubt about this,” Rokke told Australian journalist John Pilger. “As a result of heavy metal and radiological poison of DU, people in southern Iraq are experiencing respiratory problems, kidney problems, cancers. Members of my own team have died or are dying from cancer.”

Depleted uranium has a half-life of more than 4 billion years, approximately the age of the Earth. Thousand of acres of land in the Balkans, Kuwait and southern Iraq have been contaminated forever. If George Bush Sr., Dick Cheney, Colin Powell and Bill Clinton are still casting about for a legacy, there’s a grim one that will stay around for an eternity.

Jeffrey St. Clair is editor of CounterPunch. His most recent book is An Orgy of Thieves: Neoliberalism and Its Discontents (with Alexander Cockburn). He can be reached at: sitka@comcast.net or on Twitter @JeffreyStClair3


China and Brazil strike deal to use own currencies for trade instead of dollar

Beijing has similar currency deals with Russia, Pakistan and several other countries

China and Brazil have reached a deal to trade in their own currencies, ditching the US dollar as an intermediary, the Brazilian government said on Wednesday, Beijing's latest salvo against the almighty greenback.

The deal will enable China, the top rival to US economic hegemony, and Brazil, the biggest economy in Latin America, to conduct their massive trade and financial transactions directly, exchanging yuan for reais and vice versa instead of going through the dollar.

“The expectation is that this will reduce costs … promote even greater bilateral trade and facilitate investment,” the Brazilian Trade and Investment Promotion Agency, or ApexBrasil, said in a statement.

China is Brazil's biggest trading partner, with a record $150.5 billion in bilateral trade last year.

The deal, which follows a preliminary agreement in January, was announced after a high-level China-Brazil business forum in Beijing.

Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva was originally scheduled to attend the forum as part of a high-profile China visit, but had to postpone his trip indefinitely on Sunday after he came down with pneumonia.

The Industrial and Commercial Bank of China and Bank of Communications BBM will execute the transactions, officials said.

China has similar currency deals with Russia, Pakistan and several other countries.

Updated: March 29, 2023, 10:52 p.m.
Macron takes to the hills for long view on better water management

Issued on: 30/03/2023 -


The usually partially submerged Chanteloube railway viaduct is above the water line at the lake Serre-Poncon in southern France, 14 March 2023. France recorded the longest such winter drought since record-keeping began in 1959. © Daniel Cole/AP

French President Emmanuel Macron will be in the French Alps on Thursday to present a plan to improve water management, a resource threatened by droughts and global warming.

"With climate change, the water cycle in France has undergone significant changes in recent decades", underlined the Elysée, ahead of the visit to Savines-le-Lac.

Multiple droughts, the reduction in the level of groundwater and changes to the rhythms of rains in recent years have all affected access to water.

"These changes affect many sectors such as agriculture, energy, leisure or industry" and require "a move towards a more sober, more resilient and better concerted system," underlined the presidency.

Macron will be accompanied by the Ministers of Ecological Transition Christophe Béchu and Agriculture Marc Fesneau.

Farmers in drought-stricken southwest France invoke Saint-Gaudérique for rain

Wastewater recycling
 
"Almost all French departments were affected by restrictions, and 700 municipalities experienced difficulties in drinking water supply” in 2022, Béchu said earlier this year.

The average consumption of 150 litres of water per person per day is not sustainable, he added.

Macron will propose a series of measures aimed at redefining the country's water management policy, in conjunction with elected officials and local authorities.France rolls out five-year 'anti-drought' plan to save water

The plan includes measures to increase the rate of reuse of wastewater. In France, less than two percent of wastewater from homes, toilets or washing machines is repurposed for agriculture. This compares to eight percent in Italy, 14 percent in Spain and 85 percent in Israel.

The President of the Paca-Sud region, Renaud Muselier, announced that prefects were already drawing up regulations to roll out the "Blue Gold" plan, designed to develop the reuse of wastewater for agriculture and industry.
Fight over water storage

Macron's visit to the Alps comes against a backdrop of tension amid ongoing strikes and rallies over his government's contested pension reform, as well as violent protests against plans to build water reservoirs in hundreds of locations around France, notably in the western town of Sainte-Soline.

The concept involves collecting and storing rainwater that naturally infiltrates the subsoil in winter, providing a stable supply of water for farmers to use in spring and summer.France sees growing divide over irrigation reservoirs

Supporters of the basins say they will help farmers to irrigate their crops in times of drought.

But critics say they are water grabs. The citizens' group Bassins, no merci (Reservoirs no thank you) sees a clear link between rivers drying up and the construction of water reservoirs.

The collective was present at the weekend in Sainte-Soline, where police were accused of using heavy handed tactics.

Two demonstrators remain in a coma with head injuries and their families have filed legal complaints.
India welcomes its first newborn cheetahs in more than 7 decades

By Tara Subramaniam and Manveena Suri, CNN
Thu March 30, 2023

The four cubs were born to rehabilitated cheetahs from Namibia at India's Kuno National Park wildlife sanctuary.Eli Walker/Cheetah Conservation Fund


More than 70 years after cheetahs were declared officially extinct in India, the country is now home to four newborn cheetahs, India’s Environment Minister announced Wednesday.

The cubs were born to Siyaya and Freddie, two of the eight rehabilitated cheetahs brought from Namibia to India’s Kuno National Park in the central state of Madhya Pradesh last September as part of a government plan to re-home 50 of the big cats in India over the next five years.

Taking to Twitter, Environment Minister Bhupender Yadav called the birth of the cheetahs a “momentous event in our wildlife conservation history.”

India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi also welcomed the announcement, calling it “wonderful news.”

The announcement of the baby cheetahs’ arrival comes just days after one of the Namibian cheetahs, a female named Sasha, died of kidney disease.

While cheetahs were declared extinct in India in 1952, they now roam one of the country’s national parks once again.

The group that arrived from Namibia in September consisted of three male and five female adult cheetahs, including Sasha and Siyaya, according to a news release from Namibia’s Cheetah Conservation Fund (CCF).

The animals were moved from quarantine enclosure to acclimatization zones in November last year and later released into the park.

In February, a dozen more cheetahs – seven males and five females – were brought in from South Africa, which has signed an agreement with India to introduce dozens of cheetahs to the country over the next decade.

Cheetahs are India’s only large carnivore to have gone extinct.

Under British colonial rule, forests across India were cleared to develop settlements and set up plantations, resulting in the loss of habitat for big cats, including the cheetah.

Considered less dangerous than tigers and relatively easy to tame, cheetahs were also frequently used by Indian nobility for sport-hunting.


Today, the spotted felines are found in southern and eastern Africa, particularly in Namibia, Botswana, Kenya, and Tanzania, according to the World Wildlife Fund (WWF).

But the endangered cats used to have a much larger range. Historically, cheetahs roamed throughout the Middle East and central India as well as most of sub-Saharan Africa. Habitat loss, poaching, and conflict with humans have greatly reduced their populations.

There are now fewer than 7,000 cheetahs left in the wild, according to the WWF.

 

Sexual violence as weapon of war

Sexual violence is being used systematically by the Russian military in Ukraine to achieve the political goals of the Russian leadership, and is not just the result of ‘indiscipline’ or abuse of power.

War-time sexual violence has existed for as long as wars themselves. Memory about mass sexual crimes during World War II still lives – for example, those committed by Wehrmacht and its allies on the occupied territories, by the Imperial Japanese Army (the phenomena of the so-called ‘comfort women’), by the Red Army in Hungary and Germany, etc. Despite the vast scale of those crimes, the post-war tribunals didn’t pay due attention to punishing the guilty, mostly for political reasons and the overall underestimation of the role sexual violence plays in war.

A pivotal shift in international laws regarding this issue happened only in the 1990s. It was the result of trials concerning the genocides in Rwanda and ex-Yugoslavia, where hundreds of thousands of people suffered sexual violence, mostly women and girls. Since then, wartime sexual violence has started to be treated as ‘war crimes’, ‘crimes against humanity’ and ‘crimes of genocide’. Wartime sexual crimes began to be characterized as a ‘method’, ‘tool’, ‘weapon’, or ‘tactic’ of war or genocide.

Since the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022, the topic of sexual violence has flooded the media, political, military, human rights advocacy, and research discourses. Their focuses are forms and consequences of sexual violence committed by Russian servicemen in Ukraine. This article focuses on the nature and function of sexual violence, and the question of whether Russia uses sexual violence as a weapon in its war against Ukraine.

Warning: this text contains depictions of sexual violence.

Photo by Karol Szejner via Wikimedia Commons

Challenges of documenting

Because Russian aggression against Ukraine is ongoing, the picture of the crimes committed by Russian soldiers is incomplete. Sexual violence is a part of the large-scale and systematic crimes being perpetrated against the Ukrainian population (according to the Ukrainian Prosecutor General’s Office, more than 71 thousand offences have been committed so far). But unlike the destruction of architectural objects, murders, and injuries which can be seen visually and documented, sexual violence is among the most hidden consequences of the war.

Despite that, information about sexual violence committed by Russian servicemen is now documented by Ukrainian and international human rights organizations, particularly the UN, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, the Center for Civil Liberties, JurFem, LaStrada, Women’s Perspectives and others who provide support to the victims. Many publications in foreign media contain interviews with victims themselves. Another important source of information are the intercepted calls of Russian servicemen, which are regularly published by the Ukrainian Security Service. In them, occupiers discuss various crimes committed on Ukrainian territory, including sexual ones.

Data on sexual violence and its perpetrators is also spread by the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Prosecutor General’s Office. In particular, they report to Ukrainian society about the number of cases investigated, charges put forward, and first sentences. They also inform about coordination between different state institutions and cooperation with western partners to oppose war-caused sexual violence and help the victims. However, not all officials showed a proper level of responsibility while communicating this sensitive subject.

In April 2022, the former ombudswoman Ludmyla Denisova came under criticism from media workers and NGOs. She was advised to ‘choose every word more carefully and thoroughly’, especially when talking about sexual violence against children, and report about the procedural actions concerning every case publicized. Soon, Denisova was fired from the ombudswoman’s position. That bolstered further speculations about the topic of sexual violence during the war. Both the number of cases voiced by Denisova – she claimed hundreds of incidents back at the beginning of April – and their truthfulness were put in doubt. She found out about most of them from calls on the hotline for psychological help for those who suffered because of the war, created with the support of UNICEF. Denisova explained that she couldn’t pass all information known to her to law enforcement because she didn’t have consent from the victims.

The ‘Denisova case’ demonstrated the challenges Ukrainian society faces with documenting, investigating, and communicating war crimes. The rights and interests of victims and their close ones should be at the centre of these processes. There are human tragedies behind every published case, which is why each one deserves proper attention and checking. Silence and devaluation are precisely Russia’s strategy in its information war against Ukraine. Kremlin politicians and propagandists used the ‘Denisova case’ to undermine all information published by the Ukrainian side concerning sexual crimes committed by Russian servicemen in Ukraine.

The specificity of sexual crimes in Russia’s war against Ukraine

After the occupation of Crimea by Russia and the beginning of the war in Donbas, the Ukrainian prosecutor’s office and police started documenting sexual crimes related to the conflict.1 Between 2014 and 2017, the Eastern Ukrainian centre for civic initiatives collected information about 175 cases of sexual violence against men and women by illegal military formations. It included rape and threats of rape, sexual torture, forced nudity, threats of sexual nature, forced prostitution, threats and attempts at castration, etc. But after the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine, sexual violence committed by Russian servicemen acquired a different scale, intensity and character.

First, sexual violence became widespread. It is difficult to talk about the exact number of victims. The Ukrainian Prosecutor General’s Office is currently investigating around 155 cases of sexual violence. And that number is merely the tip of the iceberg in the context of the overall scale of sexual violence, because it includes only cases with clear consent on procedural actions by the victims.

Most victims aren’t willing to testify for various reasons. Some are afraid of stigmatization, victim-blaming and mistrust. Some people want to push painful memories out to avoid traumatizing themselves and their close ones. Some don’t believe in justice. Others are afraid to testify while the war is ongoing because they live in fear of occupiers returning and possible revenge for shedding light on their crimes. Some lack the resources to start a long and exhausting fight for justice. Thus, the number of those who suffered from sexual violence may be not hundreds but thousands, considering how many Ukrainians are now in Russian captivity or on temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine.

Second, sexual violence has become a tool of terror not against certain groups but against the whole population of the occupied Ukrainian territories. The victims are now not only women and men, but also children and the elderly. After breaking into the home of 75-years old Ludmyla near Kherson, the Russian soldier brutally beat and raped her. Another 83-year-old woman was raped by a Russian soldier in front of her husband, bedridden due to an illness.

According to the UN data, the youngest currently known victim is only four years old. Instances of gang-raping girls aged 9 to 11 are known in Bucha, Kyiv region. It’s also known from the talks among the Russian military, intercepted by the Ukrainian Security Service, that 10 of their soldiers raped a 12-year-old girl in the Luhansk region, and three others – a 16-year-old girl. Among the victims, there are also boys, particularly an 11-year-old, raped in front of his mother.

Third, sexual crimes are committed with outstanding and demonstrative cruelty. This is evidenced not only by the age of the victims and the presence of the members of vulnerable groups among them – children or the elderly ­– but also by the dynamics and manifestations of that violence. In many cases, it is not a brief act but may go on for hours, days or weeks, taking the form of sexual torture to satisfy the aggressor. It is especially typical for sexual violence in places of forced detention.

The UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine documented in its report the testimony of a man who was kept near Olenivka in the Donetsk region. He stressed that occupiers attached wires to his genitalia and nose: ‘They simply had fun and were not interested in my replies to their questions.’ Victoria, 42-years-old from Kyiv region, was raped all night long, despite begging her attackers to let her go. It’s also typical that men are murdered who try to defend their wives – along with the raped women themselves. Some victims had their teeth knocked out, hair cut off, limbs brokenface and neck cutfingernails torn out. A separate kind of cruelty is raping children in front of their parents and vice versa.

This is enough to affirm that sexual violence committed by Russian servicemen has features of a weapon in the war against Ukraine.

Carnival of violence

Sexual violence by Russian soldiers should be viewed not as a separate phenomenon but as part of the wide repertoire of violence against the civilian population on occupied Ukrainian territories. Sexual violence is one way to demonstrate authority, to terrorize, humiliate, intimidate, and demoralize the ‘enemy’, and to reduce their will to resist. That’s why it takes grotesque and demonstrative forms.

Perpetrators act in ways that make the victims realize the meaning of the violence for their torturers. The perpetrators’ vocabulary, for example, underlines the political significance of violence. Victims are let know that they have been targeted because of their political views, their Ukrainian national identity, or their relatives’ affiliation with the Ukrainian military or governmental institutions. For instance, on 3 April 2022 a mother of four in the Kherson region was raped for 12 hours by two Russian soldiers, who called her a ‘Banderite’, possibly because her husband was serving in Ukrainian Armed Forces at the time.

According to Iryna Didenko, a prosecutor in the Prosecutor General’s Office, there are known instances of Russian occupiers purposefully targeting wives of Ukrainian servicemen, possibly to try to undermine their morale and masculinity. Another demonstrative form of sexualized violence was shaving the heads of Ukrainian servicewomen. One of them, Anastasia, recalled: ‘They made us undress fully and squat in the presence of men. Shaved us bald.’ Pictures of the women released from Russian captivity on 2 April 2022 shocked not only their relatives and colleagues. Visual marks of torture committed against them were of a message to the Ukrainian community in general about the values and intents of the enemy, which shuns no methods to achieve its goal.

Sexual violence of Russian servicemen against LGBT+ people in Ukraine also has a political tone. It is motivated not only by the homophobia of particular soldiers but possibly also by the aggressive anti-gender rhetoric and policies of Putin’s Russia in recent years. Kremlin propaganda pictures Ukraine as ‘a testing ground for unnatural phenomena’ and ‘satanism’, against which Russia is ‘forced’ to wage a ‘spiritual’ and righteous war.

As a result, Russian soldiers don’t conceal their enmity towards people with non-traditional sexual orientation in the occupied territories of Ukraine, and use rape as a way to punish and humiliate them. This is evidenced by the ‘LGBTQ and the war’ report, prepared by the ‘Our World’ centre in November 2022. One of the victims recalls that two Russian soldiers broke into her home in the Kherson region during the night: ‘Are you those “pinks”? though there was no pretext besides the fact that K. looks masculine. We were raped – me and my girlfriend – with the use of physical force.’ Another part of the report mentions that after finding out about the homosexuality of a 31-year-old man in Mariupol, occupiers sent him to the penitentiary in Olenivka, Donetsk region. They disclosed information about his sexual orientation there, and because of that, he suffered multiple cases of sexual violence.

A characteristic feature of Russian occupiers’ sexual crimes is that they ‘need’ the public to maximize the harm. This is what distinguishes wartime sexual violence from that committed in times of peace, where it’s usually done secretly to conceal the crime and thus to avoid responsibility. Criminals often don’t think about responsibility in the occupied territories. They are interested foremost in asserting their power and achieving both personal and military-political goals. This is why violence takes public forms and happens in the presence of relatives, friends, neighbours or other people who are with the victim in a shelter or places of detention.

The presence of witnesses, especially close friends and relatives, causes the victim additional suffering and time traumatizes eyewitnesses, because usually they aren’t able to help. They are made to observe the torture silently and helplessly. As a result, witnesses become victims themselves and may live through trauma, similar in intensity and symptoms to the trauma of the so-called ‘primary’ victims. For example, a boy aged 6 from Mariupol, whose mother was raped in front of him, went grey-haired; and a 15-year-old who watched violence against his mother had suicidal thoughts.

Sexual violence and military goals

Sexual violence becomes a tool of war when it serves the tactical and/or strategic interests of a fighting army, rather than just the individual interests of particular soldiers; in other words, when it is not just the result of a lack of discipline, but a factor intended by the aggressor to bring the achievement of military-political goals closer.

Commanders are aware that their subordinates commit sexual violence on occupied territories against the civilian population or prisoners of war, but don’t oppose it effectively. They don’t implement preventive enlightenment or disciplinary action, and they don’t punish the perpetrators properly. Wayne Jordash, a British lawyer who consults Ukrainian prosecutors, stated that he saw the signs of commanders’ acquiescence in 30 cases he had reviewed.

In some cases, commanders organized rape themselves. That happened with 42-year-old Victoria from the Kyiv region. She recalls that among three soldiers who knocked on her door during the night, there was a commander. He ordered the woman to go with them, explaining: ‘Our boys have had some drinks and they want to relax.’

Some commanders try to use sexual violence as kind of a reward for their soldiers, a way to encourage them and boost their morale, especially with poorly motivated soldiers like the mobilized ones. At the same time, sexual violence may be perceived by commanders as an acceptable and ‘safe’ way to channel soldiers’ rage and frustration caused by defeats on the battlefield and unhappiness with the conditions of service.

Hence, it’s not a coincidence that Russian soldiers committed many crimes against civilians when retreating from territories such as Lyman in the Donetsk region. Gang rape also acts as a tool to form cohesion and collective values in the army – a shared experience of crimes as something that brings soldiers closer. Considering that many people who ended up in the Russian army, especially since the start of mobilization in September 2022, didn’t previously know much about the war and probably didn’t plan to participate in it, sexual violence (as well as other crimes) might be a form of ritual for military socialization.

Gang rape as a way to form fraternity among Russian soldiers can be seen in the memories of a man who witnessed rapes in Irpin:

I didn’t hear anyone order this, but also, no one tried to stop them. On the contrary, they were encouraging each other; it was a joke to them. They were speaking Russian so we could understand them. I can’t remember the exact words, but I remember it meaning something like ‘our senior command allows us to do whatever we want unless you go to Bucha, because no one is waiting for you in Bucha.’ I still don’t know exactly what that meant, but I can presume they belonged to a unit that was headquartered there but was coming to Irpin to act like this.

According to the witness, soldiers stripped, beat and raped women. They killed four of them and ordered the eyewitness to put their bodies in a truck, which they later set on fire.

Commanders may encourage sexual crimes in order to scare and demoralize the opponent. Illustrative in this respect was the video of the castration and killing of a Ukrainian prisoner of war, published on Russian social media on 28 July 2022, probably committed by 29 year-old Ocur Suge-Mongush from Tuva. According to investigators from the Bellingcat and Conflict Intelligence Team, the same criminal belongs to the Chechen group ‘Akhmat’ and appears in various propaganda videos.

After the publication of the video of castration, which has the characteristics of a war crime, there were no statements by the Russian military command assessing the actions of the executor and his partner, who was filming. Neither the Russian military prosecutor’s office, nor any other institution or politician made a statement about an opened criminal proceeding. According to the probable perpetrator himself, FSB released him after two days of investigation, saying that everybody depicted on video, executor of the crime included, were ‘Ukrainian soldiers’.

In other cases, the Russian authorities not only protect their soldiers from criminal prosecution for war crimes in the occupied territories of Ukraine but also openly reward them, which simultaneously serves as an encouragement for new crimes, particularly for other military units. That happened with the 64th motorized brigade stationed in Bucha, which became notorious for multiple instances of sexual violence, even against children. By Putin’s decree of 18 April 2022, it received an honorary guards status for ‘mass heroism and honor, firmness, and bravery’.

‘That’s a lie’: official Russian discourse

From the moment when first accounts about rapes started circulating, Russian officials started denying everything. ‘We strongly refute it’, said Putin’s press secretary Dmitri Peskov on 1 March 2022, reacting to the statement by the International Criminal Law about the Russian army’s war crimes in Ukraine. A few weeks later, he claimed, ‘We don’t believe the information [of Ukrainian Prosecutor General’s Office] about raped women at all. That’s a lie.’

On the international stage as well, Russian officials categorically deny that Russian soldiers committed sexual crimes in Ukraine. For example, at the UN meeting about the situation in Ukraine on 4 April 2022, a Russian representative claimed that such information was spread to ‘distort facts and discredit the special military operation’.

Another UN meeting on 6 June 2022 started with a report by Pramila Patten, Special UN Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict. She talked about 124 cases of sexual violence related to the Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine. In response, the Russian representative Vasily Nebenzya claimed there was ‘no proof’ to support such accusations, which were the ‘favourite tactic of the Kyiv regime and its western colleagues’. When Patten published information that Russian soldiers use Viagra during rapes, the Russian Ministry of foreign affairs released an official ‘refutation’, voiced by Maria Zakharova. According to Zakharova, such claims were ‘a perverted fantasy’, and they are ‘impossible to comment on seriously’.

We can see similar rhetoric of absolute denial of sexual crimes committed by the Russian army in Ukraine in Russian media space. In June 2022, the propagandist Olga Skabeeva, in her talk show ‘60 minutes’ on the central Russian channel ‘Russia’, said that ‘it’s known for a fact that nobody raped anybody. In any case, not a single person accusing Russian soldiers of that has voiced neither name, nor surname, nor place of the event, nor time of the rape.’

The host probably knew that the Ukrainian Prosecutor General’s Office had already transferred to court the case of the rape of a woman. The suspect was Mikhail Romanov, a serviceman of the 239th regiment of 90th tank division of Russian armed forces.

Other Russian media people also stick to the official ‘lack of proof’ version. Vladimir Solovyov, the Kremlin’s top propagandist, wrote in his Telegram channel on 4 May 2022 that ‘informational henchmen of the Banderites are hyping an old “myth” about the Russian army being rapists’. In Solovyov’s view, it was nothing else than a reanimation of the ‘Goebbels propaganda’ that ‘appeared in Nazi Germany near the end of the war’ about Russian soldiers raping all German women aged between 8 and 80.

Solovyov drew parallels between the ‘fictional’ sexual crimes of Russian soldiers in 1945 with those of the Russian army in Ukraine now. In his desire to convince the audience of the falsehood of accusations against Russian soldiers then and now, the Kremlin propagandist resorted to the denial of one of the most documented and researched sexual crimes in the history of warfare, namely those committed by the Red Army in occupied Germany. According to Antony Beevor’s research, about 100 thousand women were subjected to sexual violence by the Red army soldiers in Berlin alone; 10 thousand of them died, mostly by suicide.

Sexual violence by the Russian military in Ukraine after the start of the full-scale invasion on 24 February 2022 isn’t just a ‘by-product’, the result of bad discipline, low morale, or abuse of power by individual soldiers and officers. Its systematicity, scale, organization and forms prove the conscious and deliberate use of sexual violence to achieve the military-political goals of the Russian leadership. That is why investigating and punishing the guilty should be a priority not just for Ukraine but also for international institutions, to help the victims, and achieve justice and durable peace.

 

The perpetrators were on both sides of the conflict, for example, members of the dissolved Ministry of Internal Affairs ‘Tornado’ company, some of whom were sentenced for rape. The UN pointed to the instances of sexual violence used by Ukrainian law enforcement employees against detainees in Donbas.

Published 14 March 2023
Original in Ukrainian
Translated by Yuriy Chernata
First published by Spilne

Contributed by Spilne © Marta Havryshko / Spilne

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