Monday, December 16, 2024

  

Source: The Conversation

Three-quarters of Earth’s land has become drier since 1990.

Droughts come and go – more often and more extreme with the incessant rise of greenhouse gas emissions over the last three decades – but burning fossil fuels is transforming our blue planet. A new report from scientists convened by the United Nations found that an area as large as India has become arid, and it’s probably permanent.

A transition from humid to dry land is underway that has shrunk the area available to grow food, costing Africa 12% of its GDP and depleting our natural buffer to rising temperatures. We have covered several consequences of humanity’s fossil fuel addiction in this newsletter. Today we turn to the loss of life-giving moisture – what is driving it, and what we are ultimately losing.

Why is the land drying out so fast? It’s partly because there is more heat trapped in the atmosphere by greenhouse gases emitted from burning fossil fuels. This excess heat has exacerbated evaporation and is drawing more moisture out of soil.

‘Oil, not soil’

Climate change has also made the weather more volatile. When drought does cede to rain, more of it arrives in bruising downpours that slough the topsoil.

A stable climate would deliver a year’s rain more evenly and gently, nourishing the soil so that it can nurture microbes that hold onto water and release nutrients.

This is the kind of soil that industrial civilisation inherited. It’s disappearing.

“Soil is being lost up to 100 times faster than it is formed, and desertification is growing year on year,” says Anna Krzywoszynska, a sustainable food expert at the University of Sheffield.

“The truth is, the modern farming system is based around oil, not soil.”

Fossil fuels have unleashed agriculture from the constraints of local ecology. Once, the nutrients that were taken from the soil in the form of food had to be replaced using organic waste, Krzywoszynska says. Synthetic nitrogen fertilisers, made with fossil energy at great cost to the climate, changed all that.

Next came diesel-powered machinery that brought more wilderness into cultivation. Farm vehicles as heavy as the biggest dinosaurs now churn and compact the soil, making it difficult for earthworms and assorted soil organisms to maintain it.

Tractors and chemicals served humanity for a long time, Krzywoszynska says. But soil is now so degraded that no amount of fossil help can compensate.

“Across the world, soils have been pushed beyond their capacity to recover, and humanity’s ability to feed itself is now in danger.”

Green pumps and white mirrors

The primary way that we have been making up for lost food yield is turning more forests into farms. This is accelerating our journey towards a drier, less liveable world because forests, if allowed to thrive, create their own rain.

“Water sucked up by tree roots is pumped back into the atmosphere where it forms clouds which eventually release the water as rain to be reabsorbed by trees,” say Callum Smith, Dominick Spracklen and Jess Baker, a team of biologists at the University of Leeds who study the Amazon rainforest.

“In the Amazon and Congo river basins, somewhere between a quarter and a half of all rainfall comes from moisture pumped from the forest itself.”

Some experts have argued that the UN report understates Earth’s growing aridity by overlooking the water that is held in snow caps, ice sheets and glaciers. Climate change is melting this frozen reservoir, which also serves as a seasonal source of water.

“And as water in its bright-white solid form is much more effective at reflecting heat from the sun, its rapid loss is also accelerating global heating,” says Mark Brandon, a professor of polar oceanography at The Open University.

How do we adapt our relationship with the land to remoisturise the world? Krzywoszynska argues that there is no easy solution, but the future of food-growing “is localised and diverse”.

“To ensure that we eat well and live well in the future, we’ll need to reverse the trend towards greater homogenisation which drove food systems so far.”

The good news, according to Krzywoszynska, is that farmers are experimenting with methods that restore the soil even as they produce a diverse range of nutritious food. These innovators need rights and secure access to the land, the opportunity to share their experiences and financial and political support.

“Regenerating land is a win-win, for humans and their ecosystems, if we dare to look beyond the immediate short-term horizon,” she says.

Source: Socialist Project

On February 8, 2024, Earth reached a new milestone. The European Union’s Copernicus Climate Change Service reported that mean temperature in the previous 12 months had been more than 1.5 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels. As the Progressive International (2024) commented, “Just nine short years ago, the world’s governments agreed in Paris that they would limit global warming to below 1.5 degrees. ‘1.5 to stay alive’ was the mantra. They failed in record time.”



Refusing Ecocide

In fact, the World Meteorological Organization’s State of Global Climate 2023, issued in March 2024, reports a plethora of records broken, even smashed, for greenhouse gas levels, ocean heat and acidification, surface temperatures, sea level rise, glacier retreat, and Antarctic Sea ice cover (World Meteorological Organization, 2024). These ‘records’ are broken at our peril, and indeed, the human dimensions of climate change are also undeniable. As the report observes, in 2023 “heatwaves, floods, droughts, wildfires, and intense tropical cyclones wreaked havoc on every continent and caused huge socioeconomic losses” (World Meteorological Organization, 2024:iii).

The consequences were particularly devastating for vulnerable populations, as “extreme climate conditions exacerbated humanitarian crises, with millions experiencing acute food insecurity and hundreds of thousands displaced from their homes” (World Meteorological Organization, 2024). It is hardly surprising that nearly 80 percent of the world’s leading climate scientists, when polled in the spring of 2024, foresaw a global temperature increase of at least 2.5 degrees Celsius by end of century. The vast majority of the most knowledgeable people on our planet “expect climate havoc to unfold in the coming decades” (Carrington 2024).

Hothouse Earth

In 2018, a team of earth scientists introduced the term “Hothouse Earth,” in a widely cited article. They noted a rapid advance toward planetary thresholds at which “intrinsic bio-geophysical feedbacks in the Earth System … could become the dominant processes controlling the system’s trajectory” (Steffen et al. 2018:8254). These thresholds are called ‘tipping points’, beyond which climate change accelerates and becomes irreversible, in a cascade of positive feedback. The feedback processes include permafrost thawing, which releases methane (a greenhouse gas 84 times more impactful than CO2) and loss of polar ice sheets, which is not only elevating sea levels but weakening the albedo effect.1 As the planet warms, increased atmospheric methane and shrinking polar ice caps, triggered by global heating, amplify global heating.

There are other feedback loops. Climate chaos already underway (drought, wildfires) contributes to the die-back of tropical and boreal forests – turning ecosystems that have fixed carbon for millennia into grasslands and carbon bombs. Meanwhile, increasing volumes of atmospheric carbon precipitate as acid rain, reducing the oceans’ capacity to absorb carbon, and further heating the hothouse.2 Steffen et al noted that “Hothouse Earth is likely to be uncontrollable and dangerous to many … and it poses severe risks for health, economies, political stability … and ultimately, the habitability of the planet for human” (2018:8257). The challenge for humanity is to create “a ‘Stabilized Earth’ pathway that steers the Earth System away from its current trajectory toward the threshold beyond which is Hothouse Earth” (2018:8254).

Ecocide

The situation has been described as climate crisis, climate breakdown, climate emergency but, most ominously, as ecocide. In the scholarly literature, ‘ecocide’ emerged as a term in 1970 (Weisberg 1970) but was rarely invoked in the titles of academic articles and books until recent years.3 In his eponymously titled book, David Whyte defined ecocide as “the deliberate destruction of our natural environment” (2020:2), and pointed his finger directly at the profit-driven corporations that “are wrecking our world” (2020).

Stop Ecocide International, a movement organization campaigning to make ecocide an international crime, defines the term as “the mass damage and destruction of the natural living world,” literally “killing one’s home” (Stop Ecocide n.d.). Ecocide does not mean the end of nature, which is indifferent to any particular species, including ours. Nor is the prospect of ecocide a death sentence for all of humanity. Just as genocide – a term painfully familiar to us from contemporary Palestine – does not mean the annihilation of an entire ethnic group, ecocide implies the destruction of the conditions for a decent life for vast numbers of people. The growing numbers of climate refugees from regions that are already becoming uninhabitable – whether from sea level rise or desertification – confirm that ecocide is already upon us, in its earliest stage.

Ecocide is very much about the Earth’s prospects of supporting a large population of humans, but other species are already in sharp decline. Drawing on the most recent figures from the Living Planet Index,4 Patrick Greenfield (2022) notes that between 1970 and 2018 “wildlife populations have plunged by an average of 69%”; “the abundance of mammals, birds, fish, amphibians and reptiles is falling fast, as populations of sea lions, sharks, frogs and salmon collapse.” Indeed, the climate crisis is entirely entangled with the Sixth Extinction, the cumulative decline of living systems – and of biodiversity – as forests are cleared to make room for cattle grazing, reducing biodiversity, impairing the Earth’s ‘lungs’ from fixing atmospheric carbon and increasing carbon emissions. Elizabeth Kolbert writes, in her Pulitzer Prize winning The Sixth Extinction:

“Having freed ourselves from the constraints of evolution, humans nevertheless remain dependent on the earth’s biological and geochemical systems. By disrupting these systems – cutting down tropical forests, altering the composition of the atmosphere, acidifying the oceans – we’re putting our own survival in danger.” (2014:267)

Although the Sixth Extinction looms in the background, this book is laser-focussed on the single most urgent ecological and existential challenge of our time: the climate crisis, its human causes, and the possibilities for refusing this cardinal element of ecocide.

The climate crisis is a natural phenomenon, driven by human activities (which, as I will explain in Chapter 1, are also natural phenomena). This has led many earth scientists to argue that the planet has crossed into a new epoch, the Anthropocene – that of the ‘geology of mankind’ – (Crutzen 2002), “beginning around 1950, representing the emergence of human-industrialized society as the primary factor in Earth System change” (Foster 2024:249). Critical social scientists, however, have noted that this term can be misleading. It fails to identify the specific human agents, operating within social structures, who are the primary drivers of the crisis. Andreas Malm (2016:391) suggests, “this is the geology not of mankind, but of capital accumulation.”

Drive for Capital Accumulation

Certainly, the corporations that dominate the fossil fuel sector, and their predecessor firms, are the major culprits. In 2014, Richard Heede published an article documenting that between 1751 (before the invention of the steam engine) and 2010 the 90 biggest emitters – the ‘carbon majors’ – were responsible for 63% of cumulative worldwide emissions of greenhouse gases, with half of all emissions having been released since 1986. In the seven years following the 2015 Paris climate accord, the carbon majors increased their emissions; indeed 80% of global emissions from 2016 through 2022 “can be traced to just 57 corporate and state producing entities,” demonstrating “the outsized influence of a small group of producers that are increasing production” (InfluenceMap 2024:4, 26). Their investment decisions have directly caused the climate crisis, and continue to exacerbate it. The CEOs of these fossil-fuel producers could fit into a couple of school buses.

But the carbon majors are enabled by other actors and institutions. At the Corporate Mapping Project, a community-university research and public engagement project I co-directed from 2015 to 2023 (Carroll and Daub 2015; Carroll 2021), we mapped the various connections between the fossil-fuel sector and the economic, political, and cultural organizations that enable and legitimate its activities, focussing on the case of Canada, a major fossil-fuel producer. In Chapter 4, I reflect on some of our findings, which reveal a “regime of obstruction” that enables and protects the revenue streams and fixed-capital investments of fossil-fuel corporations and blocks meaningful climate action. The key actors in this regime include the banks and institutional investors that finance the industry, the captured regulators that green-light new investments, the government ministries in regular dialogue with industry lobbyists, and a range of organizations that legitimate the industry, from think tanks, industry groups, and business councils to corporate and astro-turf media and business schools.

This book focusses on these centres of economic, political, and cultural power. I analyze how their actions have driven the climate crisis, and why the ruling economic and political bloc, based in the advanced capitalist west, or global North, is incapable of steering humanity to a safe destination. Ecocide, however, is not inevitable. In recent decades, many initiatives have appeared in resistance and opposition to ecocidal practices. These include:

  • grassroots movements and street actions to raise consciousness and pressure governing elites, such as Extinction Rebellion and Fridays for Future;
  • more organized popular opposition grounded in the left, such as like Trade Unions for Energy Democracy, the Global Ecosocialist Network, and the Climate Justice Alliance;
  • online platforms that offer critical policy analysis focussed on the fossil-fuel industry and its allies, enablers, and legitimators, such as Oil Change International, InfluenceMap and the Climate Social Science Network; and
  • alternative media focussed on the ecological crisis, such as DesmogGreen Left, and Climate&Capitalism.

However, in the dominant institutions, including the annual Convention of the Parties (COP) that governs the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, corporate interests predominate, fettering the transformations that are obviously necessary. At COP 28, held in Dubai in December 2023, a record number of fossil fuel lobbyists (2,456 in all) outnumbered all national delegations but those of the host and host-designate. Dwarfing all official Indigenous representatives 7-to-1, those lobbyists found ready allies among the many fossil-fuel employees embedded in the national delegations of France, Italy, and other Northern countries (Corporate Europe Observatory 2023). Not surprisingly, COP 28, like all previous COPs,

“failed to agree on the need to phase out fossil fuels and to set a deadline for doing so. Instead, the final document suggests that states may – with no obligations – ‘draw down’ fossil fuel production. The demands from over 120 countries to completely eliminate new fossil fuel production were ignored.” (Progressive International, 2023)

The chasm between the urgency of serious climate action, understood by many, and the stasis of climate policy at global and national levels is palpable. Why this stasis, and what is to be done?

What Is To Be Done?

This book addresses these questions, in two parts. The first develops a critical perspective on fossil capitalism and climate breakdown, drawing primarily on the historical materialist framework first introduced by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. This framework directs our attention toward a ‘trifecta of power’ at the centre of capitalism as a way of life, illuminated via three core concepts. Capitalist accumulation, the economic aspect, is driven by the private profit motive toward endless growth and increasing inequities. Imperialism, the geo-political-economic aspect, entails the domination of the global South by advanced capitalist states as they strip the land of resources and super-exploit cheap labour. Finally, hegemony, the cultural and political aspect, organizes popular consent to the capitalist way of life, particularly in the global North.

In Chapter 1, I unpack that trifecta, and apply it in recounting the century-and-a-half epoch from the Industrial Revolution to the close of World War Two, during which fossil capitalism was fully established. Chapter 2 takes up the post-war era – the ‘golden years’ of economic prosperity, consumer capitalism and class compromise, from the mid-1940s into the 1970s, during which the Great Acceleration took shape, exponentially increasing carbon emissions and trending toward ecological overshoot.5 The final chapter in Part 1 brings us up to date. Powered by fossil fuels, capital has subjected the world to its predatory logic, eventuating in today’s deep civilizational crisis. In the 1980s and 1990s, the economic crisis of the 1970s was resolved through neoliberal policies of deregulation, privatization and austerity, as capital became more globalized and financialized. Although the global financial meltdown of 2008 discredited neoliberalism, no alternative has gained favour in the centres political-economic power. As climate breakdown becomes increasingly visible, and as a diverse array of movements for climate justice and sanity intensify hegemonic struggle, the neoliberal zombie stumbles toward the precipice.

The book’s second part appraises solutions to the climate crisis that have been proposed from various quarters. In these chapters I examine how proposed remedies square with our core analytical concepts of accumulation, imperialism and hegemony. This engagement with alternatives begins in Chapter 4 with a critique of the ‘false solutions’ comprising Climate Capitalism: attempts to regulate fossil capital via market mechanisms or to create techno-fixes, as in changing the energy source without addressing the socio-ecological relations at the heart of the crisis. The rejection of these approaches, which remain within the logic of accumulation, imperialism and bourgeois hegemony, leads to the final two chapters. Chapter 5 explores three alternatives that move us in the right direction, yet fail to provide the comprehensive approach that the civilizational and climate crisis actually demands. These projects – the Green New Deal, Degrowth, and Buen Vivir – each contain currents that could converge upon a refusal of ecocide.

The challenge lies in pulling these social forces into a coherent hegemonic project with a mass base. Chapter 6 takes up this challenge. I argue for a democratic eco-socialism that breaks decisively from both fossil capitalism and Climate Capitalism. A capacious eco-socialist project directly confronts the trifecta of power that is at the heart of ecological degradation and social injustice. It is our best bet, against lengthening odds, in refusing ecocide. •

This is an excerpt from William K. Carroll Refusing Ecocide: From Fossil Capitalism to a Liveable World, (London: Routledge, 2025).

References

  • Canada. 2011. Canada’s State of the Oceans Report, 2012. Ottawa: Fisheries and Oceans Canada.
  • Carrington, Damian. 2024. “World’s Top Climate Scientists Expect Global Heating to Blast Past 1.5C Target.” The Guardian. Retrieved May 13, 2024.
  • Carroll, William K. 2021. “Introduction.” in Regime of Obstruction, edited by W. K. Carroll. Edmonton: AU Press, pp. 3–31.
  • Carroll, William K., and Shannon Daub. 2015. “We’re Putting Fossil Fuel Industry Influence under the Microscope.” Corporate Mapping Project. Retrieved May 1, 2024.
  • Corporate Europe Observatory. 2023. “Record Number of Fossil Fuel Lobbyists Granted Access to COP28 Climate Talks.” Corporate Europe Observatory. Retrieved May 2, 2024.
  • Crutzen, Paul J. 2002. “Geology of Mankind.” Nature 415(6867):23–23. doi:10.1038/415023a
  • Earth Overshoot Day. 2024. “How Many Earths? How Many Countries?” Earth Overshoot Day. Retrieved April 30, 2024.
  • Foster, John Bellamy. 2024. The Dialectics of Ecology: Socialism and Nature. New York: Monthly Review Press.
  • Greenfield, Patrick. 2022. “The Biodiversity Crisis in Numbers – a Visual Guide.” The Guardian. Retrieved April 26, 2024.
  • Heede, Richard. 2014. “Tracing Anthropogenic Carbon Dioxide and Methane Emissions to Fossil Fuel and Cement Producers, 1854–2010.” Climatic Change 122(1–2):229–41. doi: 10.1007/s10584-013-0986-y
  • InfluenceMap. 2024. “The Carbon Majors Database: Launch Report.” Retrieved May 28, 2024.
  • Kashiwase, Haruhiko, Kay I. Ohshima, Sohey Nihashi, and Hajo Eicken. 2017. “Evidence for Ice-Ocean Albedo Feedback in the Arctic Ocean Shifting to a Seasonal Ice Zone.” Scientific Reports 7(1):8170. doi: 10.1038/s41598-017-08467-z
  • Kolbert, Elizabeth. 2014. The Sixth Extinction. New York: Henry Holt and Company.
  • Malm, Andreas. 2016. Fossil Capital: The Rise of Steam Power and the Roots of Global Warming. Verso.
  • Progressive International. 2023. “PI Briefing No. 50 COP Out.” Progressive International. Retrieved May 2, 2024.
  • Progressive International. 2024. “PI Briefing | No. 6 | 1.5 to Stay Alive?” Progressive International. Retrieved May 28, 2024.
  • Steffen, Will, Johan Rockström, Katherine Richardson, Timothy M. Lenton, Carl Folke, Diana Liverman, Colin P. Summerhayes, Anthony D. Barnosky, Sarah E. Cornell, Michel Crucifix, Jonathan F. Donges, Ingo Fetzer, Steven J. Lade, Marten Scheffer, Ricarda Winkelmann, and Hans Joachim Schellnhuber. 2018. “Trajectories of the Earth System in the Anthropocene.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 115(33):8252–59. doi:10.1073/pnas.1810141115
  • Stop Ecocide. n.d. “What Is Ecocide?” Stop Ecocide. Retrieved May 28, 2024.
  • Weisberg, Barry. 1970. Ecocide in Indochina: The Ecology of War. San Francisco: Canfield Press.
  • Whyte, David. 2020. Ecocide: Kill the Corporation before It Kills Us. Manchester: Manchester University Press.
  • World Meteorological Organization. 2024. “State of the Global Climate 2023.” Retrieved May 2, 2024.

Endnotes

  1. As Kashiwase et al. (2017:8170) explain, “Ice-albedo feedback is a key aspect of global climate change. In the polar region, a decrease of snow and ice area results in a decrease of surface albedo, and the intensified solar heating further decreases the snow and ice area.”
  2. Each year, about one third of the carbon dioxide (CO2) in fossil fuel emissions dissolves in ocean surface waters, forming carbonic acid and increasing ocean acidity. Over the next century or so, acidification will be intensified near the surface where much of the marine life that humans depend upon live’ (Canada 2011:10).
  3. From 1970 to 1990 ‘ecocide’ appeared in titles of 49 articles and books in the Google Scholar database. The term was used in titles of 187 publications between 1991 and 2010. From 2011 to 25 April 2024, 770 academic publications included ‘ecocide’ in their titles (393 since 2021; search conducted on 25 April 2024).
  4. livingplanetindex.org, accessed 26 April 2024.
  5. The Global Footprint Network estimates that “humanity is using nature 1.7 times faster than our planet’s biocapacity can regenerate. That’s equivalent to using the resources of 1.7 Earths.” For everyone on the planet to live like the average American or Canadian would require 5.1 Earths (Earth Overshoot Day 2024).

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Bill Carroll established the Interdisciplinary Program in Social Justice Studies at the University of Victoria in 2008 and served as its director from 2008 to 2012. His writings can be found at onlineacademiccommunity.uvic.ca/wcarroll.

Source: The Guardian

Back in early August, I reported on the arrest of two climate activists outside the New York headquarters of Citibank, one of the world’s largest fossil fuel financiers and target of a campaign known as Summer of Heat.

John Mark Rozendaal, a former music instructor at Princeton University, and Alec Connon, director of the climate nonprofit group Stop the Money Pipeline, were detained for 24 hours and charged with criminal contempt, which carries up to seven years in prison. Why? Rozendaal was playing a Bach solo on his cello while Connon sheltered him with an umbrella – which police claimed broke the conditions of a temporary restraining order that related to another bogus charge of assault (that was later dropped).

Mary Lawlor, the UN special rapporteur on human rights defenders, took up the pair’s case, and together with three other UN experts wrote a formal letter to the US government explaining their fears that the charges were without foundation, and appeared to be a punishment for participating in peaceful protests on the climate crisis and human rights.

Lawlor and the other UN experts wrote to US authorities: “Please indicate what steps have been taken and measures put in place to ensure that all human rights defenders taking peaceful action to promote measures to mitigate climate change and a just transition can carry out their work free from fear of threat, violence, harassment or retaliation of any sort.”

Last week, Lawlor made the letter public after they failed to respond – it’s customary to give states 60 days to respond privately to special rapporteurs before communications are published.

“Authorities should be listening to defenders, but they are not … they are being met with criminalisation,” Lawlor told me. “The climate crisis is a human rights crisis, but states aren’t responding as they should.”

Rozendaal and Connon pleaded guilty to “disorderly conduct” for playing the cello and holding an umbrella. They were among thousands of climate activists who over the summer participated in a series of nonviolent protests calling on Citibank to stop financing the oil and gas industry and increase funding for renewables. Many activists were arrested but most cases were dismissed, with just a handful proceeding through the courts.

Amid continuing fossil fuel expansion, activists in the US and around the world have turned to protests and nonviolent civil disobedience – such as blocking roads and chaining themselves to trees and equipment as a way to slow down construction – to raise public awareness and press for more urgent climate action by governments, corporations and financiers. In response, peaceful climate activists are facing trumped-up criminal and civil charges amid mounting evidence of collusion between corporations, lawmakers and state security forces.

Around a third of the climate activists Lawlor’s team helped between May 2020 and the end of 2023 had faced criminal or civil action in retaliation for their work. They’ve dealt with even more cases this year, as deploying the justice system against environmental and climate defenders is a modus operandi being adopted by democracies and autocratic states alike.

Earlier this week, 15 student activists in Uganda were granted bail after spending a month in jail. The students were charged with common nuisance while attempting to deliver a petition to parliament to stop the 900-mile transnational east African crude oil pipeline. In the UK this June, five supporters of the Just Stop Oil climate campaign received record sentences after being found guilty of conspiracy to cause gridlock on the M25 motorway. In fact, on Wednesday the Guardian reported Britain has the dubious honour of leading the world in arrests of environmental protesters, at “nearly three times the global average rate”.

In the US, Energy Transfer Partners, the company behind the Dakota Access pipeline, is suing Greenpeace for $300m related to the 2016-17 Standing Rock protests. The case is scheduled to go to trial in North Dakota in February and, if the jury sides with the company, it could create a new legal precedent that would have major ramifications for environmental groups organising against fossil fuels. In Atlanta, Georgia, 61 social and climate justice activists opposed to the construction of a massive police training facility on an urban forest have been charged with racketeering – a crime usually used to prosecute those involved in organised crime. Meanwhile, US president-elect Donald Trump, whose cabinet nominations include several climate deniers, has vowed to quell protests and “drill, baby, drill”.

The global crackdown against climate activists and groups is one to watch next year. It is clearly part of the fossil fuel industry’s strategy to crush dissent and keep burning the planet.

 

Source: Jineolojî.eu


The tagline of Iran’s recent prowomen’s movement is translated from a Kurdish slogan which neatly captures the ideology of the region’s feminist politics. Here a mural displays the Kurdish original. HERZI PINKI/CREATIVE COMMONS

The hostility of Turkey and its gangs against women reveals the two-line war in Syria. People’s leader Abdullah Ocalan, predicted for the 21st century: “Either Socialism or Barbarism”. We can interpret this as “Jin, Jiyan, Azadî” (Woman, Life, Freedom) or “Men, State, Violence”.

Hegemonic forces have used the ongoing third world war, whose center is the Middle East, to put a new plan into action in Syria as of November 27. According to information from local sources, since the summer, the gangs that have been holding training camps in Idlib and Rehyanli, have put forth a new version of their training course: “train and equip” and then have been releasing their trainees into the field in Syria.

The events that are taking place in the last days of 2024 at a mind-boggling speed indicate how the year 2025 will pass. Of course, within this plan, every hegemonic power has a new plan of its own. Are the democratic forces in Syria and the Middle East capable of protecting their people, women, cultures, nature and the future against these plans however the situation plays out? We will answer this question in due time, but now let’s look at the aspirations of the hegemonic powers who try to conquer not only our land, but also our hearts and minds.

Whose war is this?

Who is the brain behind this army of men, who we women know well. Who sets them in motion, and what do they want? The patriarchal hegemonic states that everyone knows and speaks of by name today, a hundred years after the first world war, are once again trying to divide the Middle East. This war began in 2011 with the start of the Syrian Civil War. The level of conflict and the methods of war have changed as a result of proxy wars and the paramilitary forces sent to fight in them.

Each time they failed, they changed their name and clothes

From the day the war started until now, the crimes of ISIS, who were crafted by imperialist countries and brought to the region, were committed before the eyes of the whole world. Al Qaeda evolved into Al Nusra and subsequently Hayet Tahrir Al Sham (HTÅž) and ISIS. After their defeat by the YPJ/YPG, the remnants of ISIS and HTS surrendered to their partner Turkey, and united with gangs of the same mentality. Each time they failed, they changed their names and clothes. The Free Syrian Army (FSA), which is affiliated with Turkey, was ‘trained and equipped’ by the hegemonic forces, and then sent to the region, under its other name, the Syrian National Army (SNA). It contains about thirty different gangs.

It is on women’s bodies that this war is waged

Wherever these gangs invaded, they waged war on women’s bodies and attempted to conquer the area. In this country where the war is still ongoing, it is impossible to report crimes against women with data or statistics. The United Nations stated in a report published in 2018 that thousands of women and children have been raped during the war. The UK-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights revealed in a report that since March 2018, 106,000 civilians, and 353,900 people total have lost their lives. The 56,900 people who are missing and presumed dead are not included in this number.
According to this agency, the deaths of about 100,000 people have not been documented. It is estimated that 40 percent of the dead are women and children. Half of Syrian refugees are also women. It is known that refugee women in the countries of Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan are forced into prostitution and sold into marriage for money.

They became messengers of death, women became guardians of life

In every city, district, town and village where these gangs invaded, they left behind beheaded people; women who were seen as loot, and who faced rape. They devastated nature. They looted houses and not one person told them to stop. Only the Kurdish forces fought and stopped them. From this grew the resistance of all population groups and women against these gangs. This was the attitude of all the men and women against those gangs. With the power of the intellect and action of the democratic, ecological and women’s liberation paradigm of the people’s leader Abdullah Öcalan, with the 40-year resistance culture of the PKK, with the 30-year line of the women’s freedom movement behind them, the Kurds were ready to face these forces head on. At the same time, with their achievements in every front where they fought, they spread the word that the Middle East has no need for dark forces.

While these gangs and their sponsors brought death and massacres to every place they reached, the women’s liberation movement brought life and freedom to every place it reached. The philosophy of life was crowned with the Rojava Revolution and by the Women’s Revolution of Rojava was defined. Step by step it grew, from equal representation, to co-leadership, from self-defense to the participation in the Autonomous Administration, becoming a model for the women of the world.

In the Syrian civil war, the people of Rojava chose neither foreign powers nor the anti-democratic Syrian regime. They opted for the third path based on the paradigm of ‘Democratic Autonomy’ and ‘Democratic Nation’, which was developed by the imprisoned leader of our movement Abdullah Öcalan, and started the Rojava Revolution in 2012. Step by step, they expelled the forces of the Syrian regime from their cities, and declared self-administrated cantons. Self-defense and self-government systems were created. The women’s self-defense force, the Women’s Defense Forces (YPJ), announced its formation on April 4, 2013. The Rojava Revolution became an alternative model in the Middle East and always it continued to develop. With this resistance and the knowledge of equal representation and self-defense, Rojava became an example of living together and thus took on the historical responsibility associated with this visibility as the whole world looked on. It made a great impact on the people and especially on women. The butterfly of freedom flew from Rojava, left its seal in the 21st century with the magical formula of ‘Jin Jiyan Azadi’ in East Kurdistan, causing this slogan to become universal. This magic, on the path of women’s freedom, carried the meaning and symbol that the 21st century would become the century of women. From Indonesia to India, from Kenya to Catalonia and Abya Yala (Latin America), this became the method and slogan of the people’s struggle against colonialism.

‘Gang export’ against the Rojava model

In opposition to the Rojava model that has become a line in the Middle East; the religious fanatic, nationalist, sexist ideologies of capitalist modernity have been set in motion. The Turkish state emerged on its own initiative as a representative of this ideology. It brought in gangs from both inside and outside to implement misogynist, political Islamist and racist-fascist policies on Syrian soil. The export of these gangs is not only limited to Syria, it has exported gangs to Libya, Sudan, Somalia and many other parts of the world. Its goal was to spread its policies that are nothing but hostile to women and to the people of the world. Since it is not our topic, we won’t go into it too much, but those who are interested can research where in Africa the gangs of the Turkish state are stationed and how they commit crimes against the people. Everyone knows that one of the biggest financiers and supporters of the Syrian Civil War is the Turkish state. The oil and economic relations to jihadist gangs have come to light as well as the ideological ties with these gangs are detailed in many documents of international organizations.

Al Nusra, defeated by YPJ, returned under the name of HTS

In these days, with the process that started with the occupation of Aleppo, many parties including the European countries saw HTS, which is the current name of Al Qaeda and Al Nusra, as the ‘soft’ candidate of the Syrian government. The very first attacks of this organization were carried out in Serêkaniyê against Rojava, and were defeated by the self-defense forces, which included YPJ. ISIS emerged and was unleashed into Syria, and with the help of imperialist states and regional hegemonic forces. In October 2014 they attacked the canton of Rojava, Kobanê. YPJ organized as a self-defense force and took its place in the war to defend Kobane. When Kobanê was liberated, the first flag that was raised was that of YPJ. YPJ, which includes thousands of women organized for self-defense, fought against ISIS in Manbij, Tabqa, Raqqa and Deir ez-Zor and played a major role in liberating those cities.

In Afrin the line of women’s freedom has been targeted

On January 20, 2018, the Turkish state attacked the canton of Afrin with the approval of the hegemonic powers. The Turkish state’s relationship with the paramilitary forces it used in Syria was revealed with the attack on Afrin. About 25 ISIS gangs were also involved in the attacks, under the name Free Syrian Army. The whole world watched this brutal state attack against a small city. Afrin was occupied by the Turkish state and its gangs on March 18. Just as it is everywhere else, so was it in Afrin: the first targets of the invaders were women. The footage of the torture that was carried out on the body of YPJ fighter Barîn Kobanê was released by the Turkish state and its affiliated gangs. From this footage it was clear how great the rage and hatred of the Turkish state and its affiliated gangs is against women. An unknown number of girls were abducted in Afrin. Women were raped. The incidents against women grow with every day that passes.

Human Rights Organization Efrin stated that 30 percent of attacks in the city are against women and reported that many of them are girls. The report states that 500 women were murdered in different ways, 60 women were sexually assaulted. According to the report; The fate of thousands of women who were abducted by the “military police” belonging to the Turkish state is not known, some of those women were released in exchange for a ransom. After the city was occupied, 500,000 people, half of whom were women, left the city because they knew how brutal the gangs were, and continued their lives in the Shehba-Til Rifat refugee camps. In particular, the members of Sultan Murat’s Gang committed many brutal acts against Kurdish women in Afrin. In the city where demographics were changed, women and Kurds did not remain. Thousands of women faced rape, women cannot go out without men’s permission and the crimes of the gangs have been expanding.

Hevrin Khalef’s killers are in Aleppo

On October 9, 2019, the Turkish state and ISIS-affiliated gangs, including the Syrian National Army (SNA), launched an invasion offensive against the Rojava cities of Serêkaniyê and Girê Spî. The Turkish state and its gangs have committed war crimes against hundreds of women. Let’s bring some of them to mind. The initial target of the invaders were again women. On October 12, the co-chair of the Syrian Future Party, Hevrin Khalef, was ambushed in her vehicle and murdered on the M4 road. Gangs published their crime on digital media accounts. In the UN reports, it was shown that Hevrin Khalef was murdered by the Ahrar Sharkiye gang. This gang, belonging to the Turkish state, has joined the war in Aleppo today.

On October 26, the body of YPJ fighter Amara Rênas was tortured and this was filmed on camera by mercenary gangs affiliated with the Turkish state. The groups that carried out and recorded this torture shared it on digital media accounts. According to the data received by the Human Rights Organization of Cizre Region; many women were abducted from village in the Girê Spî region. Also, black veils were imposed on women. In Serekaniyê, where people from different ethnic and religious groups lived together peacefully before the occupation, 5 Chechen, 50 Arab and 120 Kurdish women were abducted by the gangs of the Turkish occupying state between 2019 and 2022, according to reports by human rights organisations.

Those who feast with wolves weep with shepherds

In Syria, where human lives are reduced to commodities and traded for profit without regard for humanity, certain forces—who have been active participants in causing the war—periodically publish reports under the guise of human rights, presenting the balance sheet of the conflict. These same powers, embodying the proverb “Those who feast with the wolves, and weep with the shepherds,” reveal their hypocrisy by issuing reports that expose how this geography has been turned into a living hell.

The head of the UN Syrian Investigation Commission, Paulo Serêgio Pinheiro, in an interview he gave in 2023, admitted that the Turkish state and its affiliated gangs targeted the Kurdish areas and said: “In Afrin, Serekani and its surroundings, the Syrian National Army belonging to the Turkish state takes people hostage, commits atrocities, and commits war crimes such as torture and rape against the people. Many people were killed in air and ground attacks. Moreover, in Kurdish areas, looting, encroachment on people’s homes, and displacement of people continue unabated. All societies in these places and existing cultures are under attack. UNESCO heritage sites were looted and destroyed with bulldozers.”

In this region, they cannot easily do whatever they like

It should be clearly stated that the chronological statistical data we have given above is the tip of the iceberg to show who is fighting against whom in Syria today. Despite all the attacks of occupation, displacements, demographic changes, rapes, murders, kidnapping and imprisonment of women; the Rojava revolution has remained on its feet. The Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria has proven that the trinity of man-state-violence in the Middle East, is not our fate. As a part of this line of resistance, undoubtedly the struggle that is going on in the mountains of Kurdistan has a great connection with the line of peoples’ and women’s self-defense. The Turkish state and its backing forces had to realise once again that they cannot do everything they want so easily in this region, especially in Kurdistan.

October 7 and legitimizing violence

Exactly at this point, all fascist patriarchal state forces around the world are in the process of waging a new war to divide the region with unlimited violence of the dominant male mentality. Through the hands of the Turkish state, the guardian of hegemony in the Middle East, they are once again trying to keep this geography engulfed in violence. In fact, the spark that ignited this process was the Hamas-Israeli conflict on October 7, and since then, the trampling of human dignity and the unlimited use of violence have been increasingly legitimized. In short, the dominant forces in this war have agreed, providing covert support to one another, with the implicit message: “No matter what you do to the people and women, no one will hold you accountable”. Another aspect of this agreement is the growth of patriarchy. The forces of the system, through their direct involvement in proxy wars and the use of gang militias as intermediaries, are wielding violence without limits against humanity, aiming to cultivate patriarchy and male dominance above all other values.

Women know the truth of these gangs hiding behind their new image

It is necessary to understand the true face of the war that began on 26 November 2024 against Aleppo, continued with the occupation of Hama, Homs and led to the fall of the Assad regime in Damascus. The hegemonic powers have revitalised HTS and SNA by giving them a new image. They want to suffocate the region of the Rojava Revolution, which has blossomed with the struggles and efforts of women, and turn it into a hell. There is a saying; ‘In wars, the truth is murdered first’.

Nowadays, amidst the dust and chaos, on the maps there is a race to acquire land. On those maps, on the screens, places marked with a dot, and instructions are given for their capture. Millions of people live in these places, represented simply as dots on a map, and in the mind of the dominant male, there is no concern for these millions of people or for the situation of women there. No one cares about the plight of the millions of people living there, especially the situation of women. All that matters is the spoils to be gained by the outside players. This oldest memory of this land, the sickness that has plagued it for so long, only increases the imperial appetite for more.

Since the beginning of the civil war in Syria, this image has become familiar. Now it presented anew as a revival of warring herds of men whose beards have been trimmed a little more. But no matter how much image work is done, all the people living in this region, especially women, recognize from their own experience the misogyny in the mentality of these herds of men that manifests itself in hostility towards women. Even if they present themselves in a newly coloured image.

Past and future are colliding in the present

In Syria and across the world, the ongoing third world war must be analyzed through the lens of war politics, where, beyond economic and interest-related aspects, the greatest struggle lies between two opposing life philosophies. Regardless of the developments since 2011, efforts to revert to the starting point persist. Yet, the progress made so far clearly shows that no other force in the region stands for the people and for women, apart from the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), and the Women’s Protection Units (YPJ). All these organisational models represent a current embodiment of the historical resistance of thousands of years. The collective social memory of the past and the aspirations for the future are in the ‘present’ locked in intense conflict.

This geography, where the agricultural culture of women in Til Khalaf clashed thousands of years ago with the patriarchal culture of Al Ubeyd, has become a battleground. It is a geography which was and is simultaneously dedicated to fostering egalitarian societies, but which at the same time has established slave systems. By understanding the lessons of the past and the ongoing events today, we have the chance to shape a brighter future.

“Either Socialism or Barbarism”

The people’s leader Abdullah Ocalan stated; “In the 21st century, either barbarism or socialism will prevail.” We can interpret this in the sense: “Either Jin Jiyan Azadî (women, life, freedom) or Men, State, Violence will prevail.” Hegemonic wars are essentially always about capital and power based on the ruling male mentality of domination. According to this mentality, money and power represent the main object of human knowledge, speech and every form of human will. Groups that remain outside of power, such as societies and women, are objects that can be exploited in all possible ways. The displacement of millions of people from their homes and lands, severing them from their socialization and culture, breaking their hopes, and scattering them to all corners of the world; all this is carried out with deliberate intent. Individuals and communities stripped of faith, hope, and spirituality become vulnerable to all forms of evils. Today, the war in Syria reveals the tragedies we live with: efforts to dissolve the strength of the social fabric and erase the historical memory. Through this war, there is an attempt to turn people into an enemy of themselves and to destroy the future of society, through anger and despair.

With the knowledge that those who resist are are the ones who truly create history, from now it is clear that the way out of this crisis is possible with the democratic, ecological paradigm based on women’s freedom, and the signs of this are emerging day by day.


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The Jineolojî Academy is part of the University of Rojava and develops specific curricula and popular education programs outside the university. These programs have been an important site of unlearning internalized patriarchal norms and practices.