Tuesday, December 31, 2024

Jimmy Carter Told Trump How To Put America First, But Will He Do It?


With President Jimmy Carter’s passing and Donald Trump about to return to the White House, it’s a good time to recall a phone conversation that Carter had with Trump during his first term. Carter’s advice would serve Trump well if he really wants to fulfill his campaign promise to Put America First–something he failed to do in his first term.

In April 2019, Jimmy Carter told his church congregation in Georgia that President Trump had called him for advice about China. Carter said he told Trump that China was economically overtaking the United States as the world’s largest and most dynamic economy because the United States had spent decades wasting trillions of dollars to fight endless wars, while China had instead focused on economic development and lifted hundreds of millions of its people out of extreme poverty. “China has not wasted a single penny on war,” Carter said, “and that’s why they’re ahead of us, in almost every way.”

The next day, the White House confirmed that the two presidents “had a very good telephone conversation about President Trump’s stance on trade with China and numerous other topics.”

Some of Trump’s statements during the election campaign suggest that he hasn’t forgotten Carter’s advice. At the very least, he got the message that peace would be good for America, and that a lot of Americans understand that. Majorities of Americans have long supported a ceasefire in Gaza, and a plurality now support a negotiated peace in Ukraine, too. Trump promised to deliver on both. He even said that he would end the war in Ukraine in 24 hours, based on his good relations with leaders in Russia and Ukraine.

Americans may be more worried about problems closer to home than the Middle East or Ukraine, but President Carter connected the dots between U.S. war-making and our quality of life in America.

“And I think the difference is, if you take $3 trillion and put it in American infrastructure, you’d probably have $2 trillion leftover,” Carter explained to his congregation. “We’d have high-speed railroad. We’d have bridges that aren’t collapsing, we’d have roads that are maintained properly. Our education system would be as good as that of say South Korea or Hong Kong.”

What Carter described to Trump is the classic choice between “guns and butter” that faces every society. In the late 19th and early 20th century, the United States was a rising economic power, like China today. Europe’s imperial powers destroyed each other in the First World War, leaving even the victors, Britain and France, with multibillion dollar debts to J.P. Morgan and the U.S. Treasury. The United States’ economic success made it the world’s banker and industrial leader and gave it a decisive role in the history of the 20th century.

Today, it is the United States that has an unprecedented national debt of $36 trillion, and our military budget consumes 56% of federal discretionary spending, putting the squeeze on all our other needs. But we can still enjoy shared prosperity and a brighter future if Trump can do as Carter advised him and wean our government off its addiction to war.

So why are we not reassured by Trump’s promises to make peace and put America first? There are three things that worry us: his first-term track record; his second-term cabinet picks; and his aggressive rhetoric since the election (as opposed to what he said on the campaign trail).

Let’s start with his track record. Despite loud promises to tackle the entrenched interests of the “Deep State” and to “Drain the Swamp,” Trump’s first term was four years of Christmas Days for billionaires and corporate interests, starting with the military-industrial complex. In FY2025 inflation-adjusted dollars, Trump spent an average of $292 billion per year on Pentagon “investment” accounts, or payments to weapons makers and other military suppliers. That was a 24% increase over Obama’s second term.

Trump’s record tax giveaway to his billionaire buddies was not balanced by any cuts in military spending, which was as much of a sacred cow to him as to Bush, Obama and Biden. This toxic combination blew up the national debt, leaving nothing in the kitty for improving education, healthcare, public transportation or any of our society’s other critical needs. That tax cut will expire in a year’s time, but Trump has made it clear that he intends to give even greater tax breaks to his billionaire buddies.

Trump deserves credit for not starting any new wars during his first term, but his escalations of Bush’s and Obama’s wars made his first year in office in 2017 the heaviest year of U.S. and allied bombing since the First Gulf War in 1991, dropping more than 60,000 bombs and missiles on Iraq, Syria, Afghanistan, Yemen, Libya, Pakistan and Somalia.

Many Americans remember Trump’s shocking statement that “When you get these terrorists, you have to take out their families.” What the U.S. corporate media swept under the rug was that the Iraqi forces who captured the bombed out ruins of Islamic State’s stronghold in Mosul’s Old City took Trump at his word and killed all the survivors, including women and children, just as Israel is doing in parts of Gaza today. Maybe now Trump can understand that normalizing war crimes only leads to more war crimes, not to peace or stability.

When it comes to Trump’s new cabinet picks, he might have jettisoned some of the worst hawks in his last coterie, such as John Bolton, but some of his nominees for  top foreign policy jobs are awful, including Secretary of State nominee Marco Rubio, National Security Advisor nominee Mike Waltz and Secretary of Defense nominee Pete Hegseth.

Tulsi Gabbard is a more encouraging choice as National Intelligence Director, but as a House member, she voted for two thirds of Obama’s and Trump’s military spending bills, and was always a pushover for expensive new weapon systems. As we asked when she ran for president in 2020, which Tulsi Gabbard will we see in her new job? The one who opposes regime change wars and the new Cold War with Russia, or the one who couldn’t say no to nuclear-armed cruise missiles in 2014, 2015 or 2016? And who will Trump listen to? Tulsi Gabbard and JD Vance, who is more non-interventionist, or warmongers Rubio and Waltz?

We don’t want to place too much stock in Trump’s often contradictory public statements, but he has sounded very hawkish lately. If you believe everything Trump says, he wants to buy Greenland, invade Mexico to fight immigrants and drug gangs, annex Canada as the 51st state, put 25% tariffs on Canada and Mexico, and seize the Panama Canal and close it to China. In Trump’s last term he badgered NATO countries to increase their military spending to 2 percent of GDP, but now he is calling on them to spend a staggering 5 percent, far more than the 3.1 percent of GDP that the U.S. spent in 2024.

This is a test for the American people. Do we want a showman, tough guy president, playing ringmaster of the corporate media circus? Do we want a leader who threatens to invade Canada, Mexico, Panama (again) and Greenland, like an American Netanyahu dreaming of a Western Greater Israel? Or should we demand a president who really puts America First? A president who makes peace in Ukraine and the Middle East? A president who finally starts bringing our troops home from those 800 foreign military bases all over the world? A president who can look at a map and see that Guantanamo is in Cuba and the Golan Heights are in Syria?

As Jimmy Carter told Trump, by making peace and renouncing war and militarism he can actually put America First, save trillions of dollars and invest in America. The Democrats have had their chances to do right by the American people and they’ve blown it so many times we’ve lost count. So the ball’s in Trump’s court. Will he follow Carter’s sage advice?

Medea Benjamin and Nicolas J. S. Davies are the authors of War in Ukraine: Making Sense of a Senseless Conflictpublished by OR Books, with an updated edition due in March 2025.

Medea Benjamin is the cofounder of CODEPINK for Peace, and the author of several books, including Inside Iran: The Real History and Politics of the Islamic Republic of Iran

Nicolas J. S. Davies is an independent journalist, a researcher for CODEPINK and the author of Blood on Our Hands: The American Invasion and Destruction of Iraq.


Trump Should Pattern Presidency After Eisenhower


“God help the Nation when it has a President who doesn’t know as much about the military as I do.” – President Dwight D. Eisenhower speaking to his trusted White House Staff Secretary, Gen. Andrew Goodpaster.

These words are quoted in the book “Ike’s Bluff – President Eisenhower’s Secret Battle To Save The World” by Evan Thomas.

In the same paragraph as the words above are these: “When Defense Secretary Neil McElroy warned him that further cuts would harm national security, Eisenhower acerbically replied, ‘If you go to any military installation in the world where the American flag is flying and tell the commander that Ike says he will give him an extra star for his shoulder if he cuts his budget, there’ll be such a rush to cut costs that you’ll have to get out of the way.’”

President Trump did a good job leading this nation into four years of peace and prosperity during his first term. His next four years may be more difficult considering the challenges we face both at home and abroad.

Trump would do well to pattern his presidency after that of Eisenhower who gave the country eight years of peace and prosperity with the exception of a brief recession for a few months in 1958.

Eisenhower did it even though he had only had a Republican Congress during his first two years. He did it in significant part by being tough enough to issue 181 vetoes (only two of which were overridden), and issuing 484 executive orders.

Eisenhower was probably the most anti-war president we have ever had, and he brought the Korean War to an end. Hopefully, Trump will end this sad, unnecessary, stupid war in Ukraine.

The speech that Eisenhower is most remembered for is his farewell address given on national television on the evening of January 17, 1961. He talked of the “grave implications” of “an immense military establishment and a large arms industry.”

Then he added these famous words: “In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.”

Less famous are these words from the same speech: “The prospect of domination of the nation’s scholars by federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present – and is gravely to be regarded.”

He added: “Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite.”

In Eisenhower’s first major speech after his inaugural address, he spoke to the American Society of Newspaper Editors in Washington on April 16, 1953. This was probably the most anti-war speech ever given by an American President.

He said: “Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired signifies, in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed. This world in arms is not spending money alone. It is spending the sweat of its laborers, the genius of its scientists, the hopes of its children… This is not a way of life at all… it is humanity hanging from a cross of iron.”

This speech is quoted above Eisenhower’s grave and is also quoted in a book by Brett Baier entitled Three Days In January – Dwight Eisenhower’s Final Mission.”

Throughout most of my life, I assumed that dropping the bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki ended World War II and saved American lives. In Baier’s book, he writes this about plans to drop atomic bombs: “The idea sickened Ike.”

He told of a meeting with Secretary of War Henry Stimson: “I voiced to him my grave misgivings, first on the basis of my belief that Japan was already defeated and that dropping the bomb was completely unnecessary, and secondly because I thought our country should avoid shocking world opinion by the use of a weapon whose employment was, I thought, no longer mandatory as a measure to save American lives… Japan was, at that very moment seeking some way to surrender with a minimum loss of face.” He later expressed his “strong disagreement” to Truman.

Trump will probably feel pressure from the military-industrial complex, the Israel Lobby, and even some people around him and members of Congress who want to be modern-day Winston Churchills and fight some war someplace.

I hope that President Trump will be strong enough to resist these pressures and that he will leave office after his second term known as a president of peace like Eisenhower.

Reprinted with author’s permission from the Knoxville Focus.

John James Duncan Jr. is an American politician who served as the U.S. representative for Tennessee’s 2nd congressional district from 1988 to 2019. A lawyer, former judge, and former long serving member of the Army National Guard, he is a member of the Republican Party.



Greenland Redux: Trump and America’s Continuing Obsession



 December 31, 2024
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Greenland is visible from space. Arctic Sea ice is not shown.

History shows that empires acquire territories in various ways.  Dynasties link arms through marriage, as the Habsburgs were famous for doing.  Territories are pinched by means of arms or stolen through sham contracts and undertakings.  They might also be purchased.

The United States made much of the vast property sale in acquiring an empire.  The Louisiana purchase of 1803 for a mere $15 million was daring, opportunistic and extra-legal.  It was also initiated by a US president who had romantically insisted that the fledgling republic confine itself to the agricultural good deeds of a model yeomanry.  But Thomas Jefferson could be cunningly devilish, and France, then under the firm rule of Napoleon Bonaparte, worried him.  “There is on the globe one single spot, the possessor of which is our natural and habitual enemy. It is New Orleans.”

Boney, his interests more focused on Europe, was open to giving up the land for a fee.  The natives, naturally, were not consulted.  Jefferson, having previously advocated the need to observe the Constitution with pious dedication, ignored it on the issue of purchasing territory, there being no allowance for it in the document.  And so the first signs of the imperial presidency showed.

In 1868, the hungry eye of US officialdom showed that conquering and controlling the continent was not merely a matter of westward expansion that would eventually see, in the lofty observation of Frederick Jackson Turner, its closing.  Acquisitive desires pointed to Iceland and Greenland as possible eastward options.

A 1868 publication for the US State Department compiled by Benjamin Mills Peirce takes more than a fleeting interest in the resources of Iceland and Greenland, acknowledging the treaty with Denmark which was intended to cede control of the Caribbean islands of St. Thomas and St. John  to the US.  The 1868 report encouraged the acquisition of Greenland for two important reasons: commercial opportunities arising from exploiting the natural abundance of “whale, walrus, seal, and shark, cod, ivory-cod, salmon, salmon-trout, and herring” and the political soundness of attaining a territory flanking “British America on the Arctic and Pacific”.  Greenland could thereby “become a part of the American Union” and diminish British influence in the area.

The treaty with Denmark concerning the Danish West Indies was a reminder that things were not going to be smooth.  The acquisition of what would become the US Virgin Islands was the brainchild of Secretary of State William Henry Seward, a move seen by the US State Department as admirably benign.  The treaty’s fate was chequered: initial rejection by the US Senate, directed mostly at Seward’s support for President Andrew Jackson during his impeachment proceedings, followed by Danish rejection in 1902.  There was also some rancour about whether a plebiscite would be held for local inhabitants, given Danish fears about what would befall the black inhabitants under US rule, one hardly famed for its generosity to the swarthy races.

The First World War finally saw the Danish West Indies formally transferred on March 31, 1917, along with $25 million in gold coin, an outcome assisted in some part by the bullying antics of US Secretary of State Robert Lansing.  The Secretary was not shy in hinting that occupying the islands to prevent them falling into German hands was a distinct possibility.

Interest in acquiring Greenland was further kindled by the Second World War.  Again, worries about Germany featured, given its uneventful occupation of Denmark in 1940.  The United States subsequently built the Thule Air Base in 1943.  The Truman administration, at the conclusion of the war, failed to bait the Danes with a purchase price of $100 million, though the base continued to function under US control and the kingdom’s blessing.

During President Donald Trump’s first term, the purchase obsession resurfaced like an itch, with any acquisition of Greenland being likened to a “large real estate deal.”  Denmark, he advised, carried it “at a great loss.  And strategically for the United States, it would be nice.”  By most accounts, this had less to do with realpolitik than real estate.  According to Peter Baker and Susan Glasser’s account of Trump’s first term, Denmark would receive the benighted territory of Puerto Rico in the exchange.  They also suggest that the cheeky proposal came from the president’s longtime friend Ronald Lauder, heir to the Estée Lauder cosmetics empire.  Typically, Trump insists it was all his idea.

Trump subsequently found the Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen unimpressed, unwilling, and “nasty”.  For her part, the Danish PM had decided that “the time when you buy and sell other countries and populations is over. Let’s leave it there.”

Trump’s imminent return to the White House has revived old idiosyncrasies.  Over the holiday period in December 2024, he had moments of Jeffersonian fancy, promising to take over the Panama Canal, which he regarded as being operated illegally, albeit lovingly, by “the wonderful soldiers of China”, turning Canada into the 51st State with former hockey professional Wayne Gretzky installed as governor, and purchasing Greenland.

The president-elect’s choice of US ambassador to Denmark is seemingly premised on wooing Copenhagen, with Trump declaring Washington’s ownership of the territory “an absolute necessity.”  The views of Greenland’s Prime Minister Múte Egede suggest that such a project is unlikely to succeed.  “Greenland is ours.  We are not for sale and will never be for sale.”  It’s dangerous to be so unequivocal in the field of politics.

In April last year, the Thule Air Base was renamed the Pituffik Space Base in a fit of advertised cultural sensitivity. The Department of Defense claimed that this better recognised “Greenlandic cultural heritage” and more appropriately reflected “its role in the US Space Force.”  Greenlandic cultural heritage otherwise plays little role in the imperial vision of the base, with the US Space Force insisting that it “enables Space Superiority”, performing missile warning, missile defence roles, and space surveillance missions.

In the scheme of things, owning Greenland in any official sense hardly matters, and the second Trump administration would be wise to just let the Danes deal with the icy mass and its incumbent problems.  Washington already has what it needs – and more besides.


Sinking Mike Pompeo: Tucker Carlson, 


Assange and Trump


December 30, 2024
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Photograph Source: Gage Skidmore – CC BY-SA 3.0

Mike Pompeo’s role in the first Trump administration as both director of the Central Intelligence Agency and US Secretary of State will be forever associated with the venom and desperation he had in targeting Julian Assange, a publisher who drove him to distraction and engendered mania.  As the chief founder of WikiLeaks, Assange had regularly published troves of classified documents uncovering the messy muddles, messes and more sinister features of the US imperium.

When WikiLeaks published the CIA Vault 7 files in March 2017, disclosing a suite of hacking tools used by the organisation, Pompeo became insensible.  CIA operatives had thought themselves invulnerable to such publishing revelations, unlike their wobbly counterparts in the State Department and the Pentagon.  The report from the CIA’s WikiLeaks Task Force might have encouraged some of the bureaucratic boffins in government to improve: WikiLeaks had, effectively “brought to light multiple ongoing CIA failures”, a fault that enabled a CIA employee to pilfer 180 gigabytes of information, constituting “the largest data loss in CIA history”.

The report goes on spelling out the need for reform.  “We must care as much about securing our systems as we care about running them if we are to make the necessary revolutionary change.”  That said, all bureaucracies treat the exposure of failings through an external airing as treasonous, a compromise that rents the thick cloak of secrecy.  Most importantly of all, it often shows officials as clumsy, doltish and undeserving of their position.

An avenging Pompeo, flushed with spite, went on a crusade against leakers and those aiding them, seeking more serious measures against WikiLeaks.  In his April 2017 speech to the Center for Strategic and International Studies, he first designated WikiLeaks a “hostile non-state intelligence service”, a classification that lowered the threshold in terms of what was permissible against a publishing outlet.  Implicit was the suggestion that the United States, through its various channels, would actively and aggressively pursue the organisation as an information guerilla misfit prey to foreign powers.

Pompeo even emitted a few smoke signals that Assange would not be able to avail himself of those blessed protections available under the First Amendment to the press.  “Julian Assange has no First Amendment freedoms.  He’s sitting in an embassy in London.  He’s not a US citizen.”  In time, a seedy term intended to diminish, if not scuttle the notion of press protections, began circulating in the chatter of Espionage Land: information broker.

In that most revealing Yahoo News report, published in September 2021, Pompeo and various other agency chiefs were, in the words of a former Trump national security official, “completely detached from reality because they were so embarrassed by Vault 7”.  Within months, the US intelligence community was monitoring the communications and movements of targeted WikiLeaks personnel.  Audio and visual surveillance of Assange was avidly pursued.

Some few months after revealing his intentions regarding WikiLeaks, Pompeo decried the emergence of a cult of “worship” that had grown around “Edward Snowden, and those who steal American secrets for the purpose of self-aggrandizement or money or for whatever their motivation may be”. Typical of Pompeo: the information disclosed was irrelevant to motivation, the central tenet of the US Espionage Act of 1917.

Be it through means conventional or otherwise, the WikiLeaks publisher, then a political asylee in London’s Ecuadorian Embassy, was to be extradited to the United States and tried, or, short of that, abducted or assassinated.  (Under a plea deal, Assange was eventually convicted under one count of conspiracy to obtain and disclose national defence information under the Espionage Act.)

As the noble scribblers at Yahoo News go on to reveal at some length, using material gathered from interviews with more than 30 former US officials, various scenarios, encouraged by Pompeo, were encouraged. Discussions took place on whether it was possible to extrajudicially remove Assange from the Ecuadorian Embassy under the CIA’s operational doctrine of “offensive counterintelligence”.  Three officials also reveal that killing the publisher was discussed at various meetings as a possibility.  At points, the cooling restraints on such heated lunacy were placed by various National Security Council lawyers.

With the return of Donald Trump to the White House, whose campaign was aided, in no small part, by various figures sympathetic to Assange’s publishing efforts, the eyes shifted, once again, to Pompeo.   Would the now leaner figure (he boasted in 2022 to shedding 90 pounds over six months) make a return, probably as Defense Secretary?  Not if Tucker Carlson could help it.

The former Fox News host made sure to get to Trump’s ear during the election campaign to remind him about Pompeo’s soiled résumé.  In a Wall Street Journal piece this month, Carlson’s efforts at reputational sabotage are mentioned.  Certain neoconservative markings of Pompeo were pointed out: a tendency towards warmongering; the obsession with Assange and a contemplated plot to assassinate him.  Donald Trump Jr., the eldest son of the president-elect, also threw in his lot, warning that bringing those like Pompeo into the fold again would hamper his father’s free hand.  The Make America Great Agenda was not to be cramped.

The WSJ piece was hardly sensational.  Carlson had publicly aired his dislike for Pompeo in an April interview on The Joe Rogan Experience podcast.  As CIA director, “he plotted the murder of Julian Assange.  So he is a criminal as far as I’m concerned.”

Carlson also spoke of receiving threatening calls from Pompeo’s lawyers after speaking about the JFK files on his Fox News show.  “His lawyer called me and said, you know, you should know that anyone who tells you the contents of classified documents has committed a crime.”  In Carlson’s opinion, Pompeo “pressed” the president to keep documents relevant to the CIA’s involvement in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy “secret”.  Be that as it may, Carlson’s account from Pompeo’s lawyer on discussing classified documents certainly tallies with the worldview of the secrecy goon himself.

At the moment, there is much ado about Trump’s various appointments.  They constitute a Flemish painting of characters: the vulgar and the violent; the self-contradictory and the untrained; the stained and the falsely pure.  They are threaded by a suspicion that the National Security State has become a canker on the Republic’s foundations.  They are also unlikely to dismantle it, whatever the aspirations.  Keeping Pompeo out of the stable, however, could be seen as a work in progress.

Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne. Email: bkampmark@gmail.com