By Jaroslaw Adamowski and Elisabeth Gosselin-Malo
Oct 16, 2023
:quality(70)/cloudfront-us-east-1.images.arcpublishing.com/archetype/BUZC6M6JSJES7BGZEZ3GNTAN4E.jpg)
Master Sgt. Tristan McIntire, 40th Flight Test Squadron, marshals the F-15EX, the U.S. Air Force’s newest fighter aircraft, to a stop at Eglin Air Force Base, Fla., on March 11, 2021. Manufacturer Boeing hopes to sell the warplane type to Poland.
(Samuel King Jr./Air Force)
WARSAW, Poland, and MILAN — As Poland awaits the first units of its 2020 order of 32 F-35 fighter jets, Warsaw is considering further expanding its combat aircraft fleet with a purchase of 32 additional warplanes, according to Polish defense officials.
“We own 48 F-16s. We have ordered 32 — two squadrons — of F-35s. Next year, the first units will be in the hands of Polish pilots. We have ordered 48 FA-50s,” National Defense Minister Mariusz Błaszczak told local broadcaster Radio Dla Ciebie last month. “But it is not enough, we need at least two more squadrons of … multi-role aircraft. What kind of aircraft will they be? We are working on this.”
In line with many other countries across the region, Poland has boosted its efforts to buy new gear for the nation’s armed forces in the aftermath of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine which began in February 2022.
Local defense experts have pointed out that for the Polish air force to secure sufficient operational capabilities, its pilots must be capable of countering Russian Sukhoi Su-34 fighter bombers and Sukhoi Su-35 fighter jets. That puts aircraft designed to establish air superiority on top of the wish list.
In that category, “realistically, only two options are available on the market,” Tomasz Smura, program director at the Warsaw-based Casimir Pulaski Foundation, told Defense News. He was referring to the Eurofighter Typhoon, manufactured by a European consortium jointly run by Airbus, BAE Systems UK and Italy’s Leonardo, and the F-15EX Eagle II, made by Boeing.”
Boeing, for its part, is using the promise of air superiority, which neither side has in Ukraine, as a selling point for its offering. Tim Flood, the company’s senior director for global business development for Europe and Americas, told Defense News at last month’s DSEI defense expo in London that the need to control the skies is “one of the lessons from the war in Ukraine.”
Should Poland decide to acquire F-15EX fighters for its armed forces, the aircraft could become a “perfect combination with the F-35s,” according to Flood.
The American aircraft has a good shot given Poland’s procurement history of preferring U.S.-made systems and the political ties that they bring, though the possibility of a more pro-European Polish government following Sunday’s national election could change that calculus.
Earlier this year, the country placed orders for 116 M1A1 Abrams tanks as part of a deal nearing $1.4 billion, on top of an earlier purchase of 250 M1A2 Abrams tanks. Additionally, in August, Washington approved the sale of 96 AH-64E Apache helicopters to Poland for an estimated $12 billion.
“Regarding previous procurement decisions and the fact that the Polish government is keen on U.S. cooperation, I would rather consider the F-15 as a front runner,” Smura said.
Competing against the American defense giant is the Eurofighter. The manufacturer consortium has been marketing the aircraft in Poland for over half a decade without much chance previously, but the situation may change as the Polish government appears to be ready to pick a fighter.
Speaking at the Polish Radom Air Show 2023 in August, Costa Panvinirosati, head of marketing for Eurofighter at Leonardo, said the country represented “a really good” opportunity for future sales of the aircraft.
The company appears to be banking on its existing ties with Warsaw and potential benefits a European fighter could offer over a U.S. one. The country already operates sixteen M-346s, the second largest fleet of Leonardo’s jet trainers in Europe.
“Leonardo is often seen as an Italian defense company, but in fact has had a large presence in Poland for many years. It has around 3,000 employees there and this level is increasing thanks to new programs, like the AW149 helicopter that will be produced here,” Panvinirosati was quoted as saying in a press release.
Smura agrees that the Eurofighter may be more interesting from an industrial point of view for Poland, as “Europeans are usually more open for the transfer of technology, and it could facilitate cooperation over future projects like the Tempest.”
Leonardo was unavailable to comment on its Polish campaign and whether any formal bid would entail local production of some components of the Eurofigher.
About Jaroslaw Adamowski and Elisabeth Gosselin-Malo
Jaroslaw Adamowski is the Poland correspondent for Defense News.
Elisabeth Gosselin-Malo is a Europe correspondent for Defense News. She covers a wide range of topics related to military procurement and international security, and specializes in reporting on the aviation sector. She is based in Milan, Italy.
WARSAW, Poland, and MILAN — As Poland awaits the first units of its 2020 order of 32 F-35 fighter jets, Warsaw is considering further expanding its combat aircraft fleet with a purchase of 32 additional warplanes, according to Polish defense officials.
“We own 48 F-16s. We have ordered 32 — two squadrons — of F-35s. Next year, the first units will be in the hands of Polish pilots. We have ordered 48 FA-50s,” National Defense Minister Mariusz Błaszczak told local broadcaster Radio Dla Ciebie last month. “But it is not enough, we need at least two more squadrons of … multi-role aircraft. What kind of aircraft will they be? We are working on this.”
In line with many other countries across the region, Poland has boosted its efforts to buy new gear for the nation’s armed forces in the aftermath of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine which began in February 2022.
Local defense experts have pointed out that for the Polish air force to secure sufficient operational capabilities, its pilots must be capable of countering Russian Sukhoi Su-34 fighter bombers and Sukhoi Su-35 fighter jets. That puts aircraft designed to establish air superiority on top of the wish list.
In that category, “realistically, only two options are available on the market,” Tomasz Smura, program director at the Warsaw-based Casimir Pulaski Foundation, told Defense News. He was referring to the Eurofighter Typhoon, manufactured by a European consortium jointly run by Airbus, BAE Systems UK and Italy’s Leonardo, and the F-15EX Eagle II, made by Boeing.”
Boeing, for its part, is using the promise of air superiority, which neither side has in Ukraine, as a selling point for its offering. Tim Flood, the company’s senior director for global business development for Europe and Americas, told Defense News at last month’s DSEI defense expo in London that the need to control the skies is “one of the lessons from the war in Ukraine.”
Should Poland decide to acquire F-15EX fighters for its armed forces, the aircraft could become a “perfect combination with the F-35s,” according to Flood.
The American aircraft has a good shot given Poland’s procurement history of preferring U.S.-made systems and the political ties that they bring, though the possibility of a more pro-European Polish government following Sunday’s national election could change that calculus.
Earlier this year, the country placed orders for 116 M1A1 Abrams tanks as part of a deal nearing $1.4 billion, on top of an earlier purchase of 250 M1A2 Abrams tanks. Additionally, in August, Washington approved the sale of 96 AH-64E Apache helicopters to Poland for an estimated $12 billion.
“Regarding previous procurement decisions and the fact that the Polish government is keen on U.S. cooperation, I would rather consider the F-15 as a front runner,” Smura said.
Competing against the American defense giant is the Eurofighter. The manufacturer consortium has been marketing the aircraft in Poland for over half a decade without much chance previously, but the situation may change as the Polish government appears to be ready to pick a fighter.
Speaking at the Polish Radom Air Show 2023 in August, Costa Panvinirosati, head of marketing for Eurofighter at Leonardo, said the country represented “a really good” opportunity for future sales of the aircraft.
The company appears to be banking on its existing ties with Warsaw and potential benefits a European fighter could offer over a U.S. one. The country already operates sixteen M-346s, the second largest fleet of Leonardo’s jet trainers in Europe.
“Leonardo is often seen as an Italian defense company, but in fact has had a large presence in Poland for many years. It has around 3,000 employees there and this level is increasing thanks to new programs, like the AW149 helicopter that will be produced here,” Panvinirosati was quoted as saying in a press release.
Smura agrees that the Eurofighter may be more interesting from an industrial point of view for Poland, as “Europeans are usually more open for the transfer of technology, and it could facilitate cooperation over future projects like the Tempest.”
Leonardo was unavailable to comment on its Polish campaign and whether any formal bid would entail local production of some components of the Eurofigher.
About Jaroslaw Adamowski and Elisabeth Gosselin-Malo
Jaroslaw Adamowski is the Poland correspondent for Defense News.
Elisabeth Gosselin-Malo is a Europe correspondent for Defense News. She covers a wide range of topics related to military procurement and international security, and specializes in reporting on the aviation sector. She is based in Milan, Italy.
Will a New Arms Race Help America Fend Off China and Russia?
In a response to the report, the Federation of American Scientists think tank pointed out that the recommended armament efforts would goad Russian and China into producing even more warheads and weapons systems in response.
The think tank argued the range of U.S. strike options has never been more flexible and cast doubt on the report's "false dichotomy between conventional and nuclear forces. Furthermore, the commission's insistence on making U.S. nuclear arms buildup a prerequisite to any future agreements to limit proliferation "constitutes a recommendation to participate in an arms race, and then figure out how to control those same arms later."
"If U.S. adds warheads to [intercontinental ballistic missiles] and [submarine-launched ballistic missiles] and builds more ballistic missile submarines, B-21 bombers and [long range stand off] missiles, what does Commission expect Russian and China to do?" former U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine Steven Pifer wrote on social media of some of the reports more specific recommendations.
ON 10/16/23
The U.S. urgently needs to revamp its conventional and nuclear weapons capabilities if it hopes to deter—or defeat—Russia and China in coming years, according to a report released on Friday by a bipartisan congressional committee.
The report is the product of a yearlong review by the Congressional Commission on the Strategic Posture of the United States for 2027-2035, when the country will face two nuclear peer adversaries with revisionist agendas in Beijing and Moscow. This sea change has put Washington on the back foot and requires a "whole-of-government" effort to reclaim a strategic advantage, the report says.
The global "security environment" has deteriorated over the past decade, the authors wrote. Russia is upgrading its nuclear arsenal, the largest in the world, with talk in Moscow of a possible nuclear strike amid the country's ongoing war in Ukraine causing widespread concern.
Meanwhile, Beijing has its sights set on becoming the world's top military power by 2049, the centennial of the People's Republic of China. The country is building up its nuclear stockpile at an unprecedented rate, with its estimated 400 warheads in 2021 set to balloon to 1,000 by 2030, the report notes.
China is also expanding its reach in other domains, including cyber espionage, electronic warfare, space and biological and chemical materials with weapons potential. The world's second-largest economy, with its formidable "Rocket Force" and the world's largest navy by ship count, is doubling down on its ability to deny American military forces access to potential flashpoints in the Asia-Pacific, such as Taiwan.
The U.S. urgently needs to revamp its conventional and nuclear weapons capabilities if it hopes to deter—or defeat—Russia and China in coming years, according to a report released on Friday by a bipartisan congressional committee.
The report is the product of a yearlong review by the Congressional Commission on the Strategic Posture of the United States for 2027-2035, when the country will face two nuclear peer adversaries with revisionist agendas in Beijing and Moscow. This sea change has put Washington on the back foot and requires a "whole-of-government" effort to reclaim a strategic advantage, the report says.
The global "security environment" has deteriorated over the past decade, the authors wrote. Russia is upgrading its nuclear arsenal, the largest in the world, with talk in Moscow of a possible nuclear strike amid the country's ongoing war in Ukraine causing widespread concern.
Meanwhile, Beijing has its sights set on becoming the world's top military power by 2049, the centennial of the People's Republic of China. The country is building up its nuclear stockpile at an unprecedented rate, with its estimated 400 warheads in 2021 set to balloon to 1,000 by 2030, the report notes.
China is also expanding its reach in other domains, including cyber espionage, electronic warfare, space and biological and chemical materials with weapons potential. The world's second-largest economy, with its formidable "Rocket Force" and the world's largest navy by ship count, is doubling down on its ability to deny American military forces access to potential flashpoints in the Asia-Pacific, such as Taiwan.
A Russian nuclear submarine on its way to St. Petersburg to participate in the 100th anniversary of the Russian Navy. Russia is upgrading its nuclear arsenal.
MICHAEL BAGER/AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES
The authors forecast these U.S. rivals will continue to step up cooperation via weapon transfers and joint exercises, even if they stop short of a formal military alliance. In the face of this dual threat, the authors made recommendations for a "safe, secure, reliable, effective" deterrent to nuclear conflict.
For starters, Washington must quicken the pace of its nuclear force modernization, the report said. This would include replacing aging nuclear delivery systems, increased funding for the industrial base underpinning nuclear production, and new training programs to support the resulting labor demand.
The committee also said the U.S. and allies should ensure they are equipped with ample non-nuclear weapons, such as conventional missiles for precision strikes to deter or defeat "simultaneous Russian and Chinese aggression in Europe and Asia." Otherwise, the country would have to lean more on the threat of nuclear war for deterrence, the authors said.
Defense analysts in some quarters have pushed back on these recommendations, however, with some saying it would commit the country to a new arms race.
The authors forecast these U.S. rivals will continue to step up cooperation via weapon transfers and joint exercises, even if they stop short of a formal military alliance. In the face of this dual threat, the authors made recommendations for a "safe, secure, reliable, effective" deterrent to nuclear conflict.
For starters, Washington must quicken the pace of its nuclear force modernization, the report said. This would include replacing aging nuclear delivery systems, increased funding for the industrial base underpinning nuclear production, and new training programs to support the resulting labor demand.
The committee also said the U.S. and allies should ensure they are equipped with ample non-nuclear weapons, such as conventional missiles for precision strikes to deter or defeat "simultaneous Russian and Chinese aggression in Europe and Asia." Otherwise, the country would have to lean more on the threat of nuclear war for deterrence, the authors said.
Defense analysts in some quarters have pushed back on these recommendations, however, with some saying it would commit the country to a new arms race.
In a response to the report, the Federation of American Scientists think tank pointed out that the recommended armament efforts would goad Russian and China into producing even more warheads and weapons systems in response.
The think tank argued the range of U.S. strike options has never been more flexible and cast doubt on the report's "false dichotomy between conventional and nuclear forces. Furthermore, the commission's insistence on making U.S. nuclear arms buildup a prerequisite to any future agreements to limit proliferation "constitutes a recommendation to participate in an arms race, and then figure out how to control those same arms later."
"If U.S. adds warheads to [intercontinental ballistic missiles] and [submarine-launched ballistic missiles] and builds more ballistic missile submarines, B-21 bombers and [long range stand off] missiles, what does Commission expect Russian and China to do?" former U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine Steven Pifer wrote on social media of some of the reports more specific recommendations.
No comments:
Post a Comment