The mural will not be whitewashed: How dissident poet Joseph Brodsky continues to inspire free-thinking Russians
Posted 8 June 2020
Screen shot from Alexei Navalny's YouTube channel showing how Brodsky's graffiti is painted over in white on May 25, 2020.
The 80th anniversary of the birth of Russian poet and Nobel laureate Joseph Brodsky was marked this year in Russia by an incident on May 25 highlighting the special place writers still hold in Russian political culture.
Iosif Brodsky (known as Joseph Brodsky in the English-speaking world) holds iconic status in Russian-speaking culture: he is considered a master of Russian poetry, one of the very few approved of by that giant of Russian poetry of the 20th century, Anna Akhmatova. Brodsky won the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1987, one of the only six authors who write in Russian to receive the award (the others are Ivan Bunin, Boris Pasternak, Mikhail Sholokhov, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and Svetlana Alexievich). He is was also a political dissident who was finally allowed to leave the Soviet Union in 1972, after having been imprisoned, and detained in mental institutions and forbidden to publish.
Even though he was invited back to Russia after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, he never returned to his native land. Yet he became extremely popular in Russia—his work was widely published and studied, and even included in the Russian school curriculum. The anniversary of his birth, May 24, 1940, is an annual observance, and the celebration of what would have been his 80th year was anticipated this year.
One of the many tributes paid to Brodsky took the form of a photorealistic mural painted by artist Oleg Lukyanov on a wall on the street where the Brodsky museum is now located in St. Petersburg, which is also the location of the “one-and-a-half room” where he lived before being able to leave the country.
On May 25, however, the image was painted over in white by the administrator of the school to which the wall belongs. The school alleged that Lukyanov did not have permission from the city authorities to paint on the wall.
This tweet from the pro-government TV station REN TV shows the wall before and after:
В Петербурге объяснили, почему закрасили граффити-потрет Бродского. В аддминистрации отметили, что сам писатель вряд ли бы одобрил свое изображение на школьном заборе. И рассказали, что рисунок не был согласован с профильными комитетами города, поэтому и был замазан … pic.twitter.com/bmnh3XjfSv
— РЕН ТВ | Новости (@rentvchannel) May 25, 2020
In Saint-Petersburg the authorities explained why they painted over the graffiti-portrait of Brodsky. The administration noted that the writer, most likely, would ot have approved to have his image painted on the wall of a school. And they said there had been no prior agreement with the relevant committee of the city, thus is was painted over.
Literature as resistance: A well-established Russian tradition
But the matter did not end here. The Russian media and blogosphere rapidly shared the news, turning the wall into a symbol of freedom of expression in a country which for the last 20 years, under the influence of Vladimir Putin, continues to restrict artistic freedom and freedom of expression, and has become obsessed with controlling the public sphere.
By May 26 the white paint began to be covered by quotes from Brodsky himself, with fans also bringing candles and flowers. As the popular independent TJournal news platform tweeted (not without humor):
История с изображением Бродского в Петербурге не закончилась. Вчера граффити закрасили, но на его месте стали писать стихи, которые потом тоже закрасили.
Кажется, на всё это уйдёт много краскиhttps://t.co/Ks3qUHnlY0 pic.twitter.com/U0L33WR9aZ
— TJ (@tjournal) May 26, 2020
The story about Brodsky's image in Saint-Petersburg is not over. Yesterday the graffiti was painted over, but people started writing verses over it, before being painted over as well. It seems this story will require a lot of paint.
Memes and humor fuel the only remains of alternative political life
The backlash took on even larger proportions as writers, artists, and meme-makers jumped on the case to express their frustration with censorship in Russia and with the servile, cowardly reactions of public administrations to the appearance of any narrative that does not follow the Kremlin line, particularly in public space.
In Russian and Soviet history, there is a long list of writers, and particularly poets, who have displeased rulers and paid a high price because of their refusal to be censored: Pushkin, Mayakovsky, Pasternak, Akhmatova and many more—the list is long.
In this video, prominent authors including Aleksandr Genis and Tatiana Tolstaya—both renowned for their refusal to support Putin, unlike many other Russian intellectuals—discuss the issue in an online show called White Sound Tolstaya launched in April 2020 together with journalist Ksenya Burzhskaya. In this episode from June 4, Tolstaya dubs Putin “the Emperor”, while writer and journalist Yakov Gordin, explains Brodsky's current popularity in Russia among young people under 25.
Well-known Russian journalist and music critic Artemy Troitsky posted photoshopped images of the white-washed wall featuring among other things, a Bansky-style image in which Putin is depicted as the wall's cleaner:
Потрясающий перформанс на зависть Павленскому и Верзилову происходит стихийно в Питере. Сначала в ДР Бродского И.А. поклонники сделали художественный граффити. Затем его замазали белым (см.) и народ начал творить: от детородного слова до профессиональной графики в стиле Бэнкси. pic.twitter.com/d9GUgh7f5Z
— Артемий Троицкий (@aktroitsky) May 26, 2020
The meme featured in the tweet below draws a comparison between the censoring of the Brodsky mural and the recent amendments to the Russian Constitution that would further extend Putin's rule if approved in a July 1 vote (lower image):
Закрасили Бродского, Закрасим и Конституцию! pic.twitter.com/Y1mMkDWhvC
— Alex Galimov (@alexgalimov72) June 3, 2020
They painted over Brodsky, let's paint over the Constitution
And the image shared in this tweet shows one of Putin's typical television addresses to the nation, whitewashed over in the same manner as the Brodsky mural:
pic.twitter.com/PsRtItNPwr
— Net.gov (@Net_gover) May 26, 2020
Alexei Navalny, one of Putin's few political opponents, also commented on the case in an eight-minute video on his YouTube channel that has been viewed by over 100,000 people. In the video—which is titled called “Paint over. Destroy. Forbid”, a member of Navalny's team makes a long list of street art recently banned and painted over in Russia:
Written by Filip Noubel
Philippines media faces ‘eternal threat of punishment’ after cyber libel convictions
The Duterte administration's war on media has entered a new phase
Posted 18 June 2020
Rappler CEO Maria Ressa (center), former Rappler writer Reynaldo Santos Jr. (left), and lawyer Theodore Te (right) held a press conference after their hearing at the Manila Regional Trial Court. Photo by Kodao Productions, a content partner of Global Voices.
A Manila court convicted one of the Philippines’ leading journalists on charges of cyber libel in a case widely seen as the latest attack on dissenting voices and press freedoms in the country.
Manila Regional Trial Court Branch 46 Judge Rainelda Estacio-Montesa sentenced news website Rappler’s chief executive editor Maria Ressa and former reporter Reynaldo Santos Jr. to 6 months and 1 day up to 6 years in jail and ordered them each to pay P400,000 (about US$8,000) for moral and exemplary damages on June 15.
Ressa and Santos are the first journalists in the Philippines to be found guilty of cyber libel since the law was passed in 2012. They were allowed to post bail pending appeal under the bond they paid in 2019, which cost 100,000 pesos (2,000 US dollars) each.
Rappler, an independent website of international renown has been targeted by the administration of President Rodrigo Duterte. The court, however, found Rappler itself to have no liability in the cyber libel case.
Targeting Rappler
Press freedom advocates in the Philippines and across the world swiftly decried Ressa’s conviction as part of the Duterte administration’s campaign to terrorize and intimidate journalists.
The case against Ressa and Rappler was filed in 2017 by businessman Wilfredo Keng over a 2012 Rappler story covering his alleged links to Supreme Court Chief Justice Renato Corona, who was being impeached on corruption charges at the time.
Keng’s case was initially dismissed in 2017 because it was beyond the statute of limitations. Moreover, the article itself was published four months before the cybercrime law was enacted.
But the case was subsequently readmitted by the Philippine justice department, which extended the period of liability for cyber libel claims from one year to 12 years and argued the article was covered by the law because it was ‘republished’ in February 2014, when Rappler updated it.
While Duterte and his spokesmen deny any links to the cyber libel case, Rappler has been on the receiving end of regular ire from the president and his allies for actively investigating and exposing the administration's bloody war on drugs, social media manipulation and corruption.
Rappler reporters were banned from covering presidential press briefings in 2018, for what Duterte characterized as “twisted reporting” during a presidential address.
Pro-Duterte trolls deride Rappler as a peddler of “fake news” and hurl invective at its reporters.
The cyber libel case is but the first in a total of 8 active legal cases against Ressa and Rappler which include another libel case and tax violation allegations. All were filed after Duterte came to power in 2016.
The Duterte government moved to shut down Rappler in January 2018, claiming that it violated laws on non-foreign ownership of media outlets — a claim that is demonstrably false.
A protester calls for ‘mass testing, not mass silencing’ at a rally held on June 4, 2020, the day the Philippine Congress passed the anti-terror bill. Photo by Kodao Productions, a content partner of Global Voices
Curtailing dissent
The College of Mass Communication of the University of the Philippines (UP), the country’s premier state university, condemned the decision as a dangerous precedent that gives authorities the power to prosecute anyone for online content published within the past decade:
The State can prosecute even after ten, twelve or more years after publication or posting. It is a concept of eternal threat of punishment without any limit in time and cyberspace.
The National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP) said the charges that Rappler faces is only the latest in “a chain of media repression that has seen the forced shutdown of broadcast network ABS-CBN and a spike in threats and harassment of journalists, all because the most powerful man in the land abhors criticism and dissent.’’
The government forced the country’s largest television network, privately-owned ABS-CBN, off air last May after the pro-Duterte congress refused to renew the station’s broadcasting license.
Growing persecution of media comes against the backdrop of an anti-terror bill passed by the legislature that allows the president to create an anti-terrorism council vested with powers to designate individuals and groups as “terrorists.”
That designation in turn allows warrantless arrests and 24 days of detention without court charges, among other draconian provisions.
Authorities have brazenly denied the bill threatens freedom in the country.
AERIAL SHOT: 5,000 human rights advocates and activists observe physical distancing as they commemorate Philippine Independence Day and hold a ‘Grand Mañanita’ against the Duterte government's Anti-Terrorism Bill today, June 12, on University Avenue, University of the Philippines- Diliman, Quezon City. Photo and caption by Kodao Productions, a content partner of Global Voices
Holding the line
At a press conference after her court hearing, Ressa vowed to hold the line:
Freedom of the press is the foundation of every single right you have as a Filipino citizen. If we can’t hold power to account, we can’t do anything.
A few days before Ressa’s conviction, thousands defied the lockdown to join anti-terror bill protests in Manilla despite threats of violence from the police.
Protesters ironically described their demonstration as a “mañanita” — the word that Police General Debold Sinas, a Duterte ally, used to justify his birthday party celebration, which took place amidst severe restrictions on gatherings.
Double standards for Duterte allies and the weaponization of laws against critics were a constant theme in tweets that used the #DefendPressFreedom hashtag in response to the Ressa case.
Standing up for @mariaressa Ray and @rapplerdotcom not because I think they are above the law but because their case shows how the Duterte govt twists the law so it becomes a weapon against civil liberties. #DefendPressFreedom #HoldTheLine
— inday espina varona (@indayevarona) June 14, 2020
If they can do it to ABS-CBN and Maria Ressa (Rappler), they can do it to other media organisations and to anyone.#DefendPressFreedom pic.twitter.com/50IIJxbYaZ
— #SaveLumadSchools (@maykamaykaba) June 15, 2020
LOOK: Timeline on Maria Ressa's Cyber Libel Case
Today, June 15, the Manila Trial Court convicts Rappler CEO and executive editor Maria Ressa and former researcher-writer Rey Santos Jr of cyber libel.#DefendPressFreedom #StandWithRappler pic.twitter.com/68E0rgnPQz
— CEGP (@CEGPhils) June 15, 2020
Written byKarlo Mongaya
JULY 1 2020
Beijing's national security law to enter force in Hong Kong
Online rumours have predicted the immediate arrest of activists and other influencers
Posted 30 June 2020 12:52 GMT
National Security Law coming to Hong Kong. Image from the Stand News.
The National People's Congress (NPC) Standing Committee in Beijing has unanimously approved a national security law for Hong Kong — a move many expect to effectively end the autonomy the city enjoyed under “One Country, Two Systems.”
Throughout the legislative process, Beijing has refused to reveal to the public the draft of the law that will take effect in Hong Kong on July 1, 2020, the 23rd anniversary of the handover of Hong Kong to China.
Sources in Beijing have briefed media that under the new law, individuals convicted of “collusion with foreign forces” will face a lifetime in jail.
During the past few weeks, public figures within Hong Kong's establishment, such as university intellectuals, have been pressured to express their support for Beijing’s imposition of the national security law on the city.
Pro-Beijing groups claim that they have collected 2.9 million citizens’ signatures supporting the controversial legislation.
Yet this so-called support is blind faith — none of these supporters have even seen the draft text.
Draft a secret
Washington D.C.-based organization, the Hong Kong Democracy Council highlighted this “absurdity” on Twitter:
It cannot be overstated the absurdity that the CCP Standing Committee just voted to approve the new #NationalSecurityLaw at a special meeting – NO ONE – not even HK's Chief Exec has seen the texts of the new law.
Text is expected to be published AFTER it is already in effect. pic.twitter.com/cvYTqeioGg
— HKDC – Hong Kong Democracy Council (@hkdc_us) June 30, 2020
While the draft law was not disclosed to the public, the NPC revealed some of the details to the media in a briefing on June 20:
The law would criminalize acts including secession, subversion, terrorism and collusion with external forces.
The new law will override local legislation should any conflicts arise.
Beijing will set up an agency in Hong Kong to collect intelligence and “monitor supervise, coordinate and support” local government.
Some cases — “very few” as stressed by the NPC — will fall under Beijing's jurisdiction. This implies that the offenders could be put on trial in mainland China where a hearing can be conducted in secret.
The Hong Kong government will set up a commission chaired by the chief executive under Beijing's supervision to oversee the implementation of the new law.
The chief executive will appoint designated judges to preside over cases.
The latest source information from NPC suggested that breaking the law will carry a maximum penalty of life imprisonment.
Activist group Demosisto disbands
For the last two days, rumours have been spreading online that media tycoon Jimmy Lai and political activist Joshua Wong will be arrested as soon as the law is enacted on July 1:
Jimmy Lai and Joshua Wong to be arrested as soon as National Security Law is passed on 30th June, sources https://t.co/LSvJxg1wrz
— Dimsumdaily Hong Kong (@dimsumdaily_hk) June 28, 2020
At the same time, a fake video of an internal meeting of Wong's pro-democracy group Demosisto has circulated widely on Weibo and other social media platforms.
It claims that the organization combined with the government of the United States to overthrow the Chinese Communist party. This has led to a general belief that Joshua Wong and other key members of Demosisto are prime targets of the new security law.
Soon after the law was passed on June 30, four keys member of Demosisto — Wong, Nathan Law, Jeffrey Ngo and Agnes Chow — announced their resignation from the organization on social media. The group has reportedly disbanded and will cease all operations.
Former Hong Kong Chief Executive and current vice-chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference Leung Chun-ying moreover has invited people to report and facilitate the arrest of suspects and “fugitives” who have fled Hong Kong:
1/2 Ex-#HongKong leader Leung Chun-ying has offered bounty of up to HK$1m from the 803 Fund to encourage people to report & facilitate the arrests of those who violate the national security legislation. https://t.co/v14oZLwtbC pic.twitter.com/1hETXCQ6hn
— Hong Kong Free Press HKFP (@HongKongFP) June 30, 2020
July 1 rally banned but set to go ahead anyway
Hong Kong police has banned the annual July 1 rally organized by Civic Human Right Front (CHRF), citing pandemic control regulations — the same pretext used to ban the candlelight vigil to commemorate the Tiananmen square crackdown on June 4.
Despite the ban, pro-democracy activists continue to mobilize for the rally, while CHRF has filed an appeal against the ban.
On June 29, a day before the national security law was passed, Raphael Wong, chairman of the League of Social Democrats urged Hongkongers to overcome their fear and carry on protesting on July 1.
Wong said that Chinese authorities “want the activists to go exile, so that they lose their moral authority and political impact.”
Translation
Original Quote
So just leave the fear aside and do what needs to be done: protest, vote. See which side has more support. They said they have 2.93 million people supporting them, we will show that we have 3.92 million people say ‘no’ to the law. Whether we manage to get more than or less than 35 seats in the upcoming Legislative Council election, we will get more votes. If we have more people in the street, their threats will become a joke. Hongkongers, carry on!
The details of the July 1 rally are as follows:
#71Rally
FIVE DEMANDS, NOT ONE LESS
RESIST NATIONAL SECURITY LAW
Date｜1st July 2020, Wednesday
Starting Point｜Victoria Park
Assemble｜2PM
Start｜3PM
End Point｜Tim Mei Avenue, Admiralty
*Letter of No Objection Pending pic.twitter.com/jikKDUc11o
— Civil Human Rights Front 民間人權陣線 (@chrf_hk) June 25, 2020
CHRF has hosted the July 1 rally since 2003 and this is the first time the police has banned the event. On June 4, thousands of Hongkongers defied a police ban and spontaneously gathered at Victory Park for the vigil to remember the Tiananmen victims.
The rally on July 1, when the national security law will already be in effect, will be the strongest test yet of Hongkongers’ determination to resist an incoming authoritarian regime.
Written byOiwan Lam
What is it like to be a mainland Chinese living in Hong Kong and supporting the protests?
The Facebook-based 'Tree Hole Project' is a support group for this demographic
Posted 29 June 2020
Image from the Stand News.
As Hong Kong marks a year since the beginning of the anti-China extradition protests, Hong Kong online media outlet Stand News curated a series of articles to reflect on the opposition movement. In the following report, Stand News interviewed a number of mainland Chinese who faced threats and stress as a result of their support for the Hong Kong protests. The original Chinese report below was published on June 16 2020. The following edited version is translated by Winnie Ko and published on Global Voices under a content partnership agreement.
Huaming (a pseudonym), is a mainland Chinese who arrived in Hong Kong as a student in 2014 — the same time that massive pro-democracy protests, better known as the Umbrella Protests, were exploding.
Since then the city’s political environment has undergone radical changes. His study in Hong Kong gave him the opportunity to experience a unique social movement. He regularly shared observations about everyday and political life in Hong Kong via his Weibo account.
On the morning of November 17, 2019, when the Hong Kong Police Force decided to seal off the Hong Kong Polytechnic University Campus, Huaming woke up and he noticed his Weibo account was full of comments. One person scolded him for being “pro-Hong Kong independence” and “young trash”. Another threatened him: “Dude, when are you returning to China? I will pick you up from the airport.”
Doxxing
Since July last year, many mainlanders who expressed support or sympathy for Hong Kong’s anti-China extradition law movement were doxxed and reported to schools, employment units, party branches and even police authorities.
This process has seen their names, family pictures and telephone numbers publicly disclosed. Cyber-bullying can turn into real life harassment. In some cases, they were called on by the Chinese Public Security after they returned to China, while their families in China were also interrogated by the authorities. The malicious comments on his social media led Huaming to conclude that he had been reported.
I did a search on my user account on Weibo and found a user with hundreds of thousands of followers had screenshotted one of my posts and exposed me as a mainlander studying in Hong Kong. (The user's post noted) that I support the demands of young people while making no contribution to (Chinese society).
Huaming deactivated his account immediately and the online harassment died down after a few days. He also changed the public name of his WeChat account, deleted nearly all the articles he had written and sorted through his contact list:
I blocked about 300 to 400 accounts with suspicious names, those with the Chinese flag as profile pictures and people with a warrior-like tone.
He then changed his name on Facebook, edited the privacy settings and deleted all texts and pictures related to the Hong Kong protests.
Suffocation
In the past year, stories about mainlanders who support Hong Kong’s anti-China extradition movement having their personal data exposed by colleagues, friends or even relatives on social media, have become commonplace.
Quite often, conversations on personal timelines or chat rooms were screenshotted as evidence of their “political betrayal” of the “motherland.”
Under Weibo's official hashtag “motherland’s anti-Black clad operation” (祖國反黑), there are many doxxed posts and numerous “cockroaches lists” (Hong Kong Police called protesters “cockroaches”). These posts are often shared tens of thousands of times.
The most popular doxxing outlets on Weibo are “Dawn Cicadas” (孤煙暮蟬), with six million followers, and “God’s eagle” (上帝之鷹), with 2.2 million followers. Huaning said:
Once they set you as target, their followers dig up all your personal information.
Yunqi Wang, a mainlander using a pseudonym, describes a “suffocating” existence. Wang came to Hong Kong in 2015. She graduated from university and enrolled in a Law PhD program just as the anti-extradition movement began.
The majority of her fellow students come from the elite class in the mainland. They considered it normal that Beijing should project supreme power over Hong Kong despite “One Country Two Systems.”
While she disagrees with such views, she could not express her opinion in class:
Because it is safer not to speak up. You pay a high price for expressing your views. What if they took a picture and reported you?
She increasingly feels that there is a wall between herself and her friends and family.
There is a big information gap between us. Many people learned about the events in HK because the journalist from (Chinese state-owned) Global Times was beaten up. They would ask, how can you turn a blind eye to such violence? A good friend from secondary school scolded me, I deleted friends one by one — it hurt.
In November, wracked by emotional stress, she decided to suspend her studies.
My mental status has been affected by the movement and I haven't been well. I attended the remembrance event of the university student Tsz-lok Chow after he passed away. The siege of the Chinese University of Hong Kong came on top of everything else and my emotions reached a tipping point. I felt that I couldn’t hold on anymore.
Many involved in the protest movement have experienced mental health challenges. But for mainland allies, these feelings have been amplified by incidents of discrimination.
Some pro-protest shops specified that they would not serve customers from the mainland after the outbreak of COVID-19:
I don’t know what the definition of a Hongkonger is. If they refer to someone residing in Hong Kong and speaking Cantonese, that is me! Glory Café [a famous pro-protest restaurant] made it clear that it doesn’t serve customers from the mainland or those who speak Mandarin. This made me think — I treat Hongkongers as comrades, but do they treat me as one of them? I wasn’t actually accepted…I am not patriotic in China, I hate the nation and the party, but in the eyes of Hongkongers I am a Chinese. My identity is vague, whether as a Chinese or as a Hongkonger.
‘Tree Hole Project’
Conflicts between the mainland and Hong Kong are not new. Liqi Zhou (pseudonym) moved to Hong Kong with his parents while he was in high school and has experienced the ups and downs in mainland-Hong Kong relations over the past two decades.
Zhou said these relations worsened gradually, and attributed this to the varying degrees of repression imposed by Beijing on Hong Kong since the handover.
Unfortunately, he said, resentment that should be targeted at the regime is often heaped onto individuals.
Last November, Zhou started collecting anonymous articles from the Facebook page “Mainland students who support Hong Kong protests.” This has widely become known as the “Tree Hole Project”.
We know that there is more than one voice in China, we care about the minority who are between the gaps, speaking Mandarin and from the mainland, yet feel connected with Hong Kong, and therefore feeling its pain. We know you face pressure from the friends and relatives, omnipresent propaganda, persecution, doxxing, punishment and the spread of antagonism inside Hong Kong. Life is tough. We know you find it difficult to join the front lines and peaceful protests — even saying something publicly comes with immense pressure. This Tree hole is to let everyone know, no one is an island nor an outsider.
Who are the ‘rioters’ facing jail time after the anti-China extradition protests in Hong Kong?
Defendants can expect six to 10 years in jail unless they plead guilty
Posted 20 June 2020 0:39 GMT
Screen capture from the Stand News youtube video.
Hong Kong's anti-China extradition protests are now a year old. Hong Kong online media outlet Stand News curated a series of articles to reflect on the opposition movement. Global Voices is publishing edited versions of these posts under a content partnership agreement. The original Chinese report below was published on June 12, 2020, on the Stand News.
A key turning point of the Hong Kong anti-extradition movement in 2019 was the June 12 protests that took place near the Legislative Council.
In order to stop the Legislative Council (Legco) from enacting the Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Legislation (Amendment) Bill 2019, better known as the China extradition bill, tens of thousands peaceful protesters gathered outside government headquarters. Later that afternoon, a minority of the protesters attempted to charge the Legco building.
In response, riot police indiscriminately deployed tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse the protesters, including against those situated in peaceful sit-in areas.
On the same day, Stephen Lo, the city's then-police commissioner, defined the June 12 protests as a “riot”, implying that those who participated could be subjected to a charge carrying a maximum term of 10 years in jail.
Chief Executive Carrie Lam stood by the commissioner's judgment and the riot label. However, a majority of Hong Kong citizens disagreed with the definition.
Four days later, on June 16, two million Hongkongers took to the street chanting slogans that included “students are not rioters,” “we are not rioting”. The five major demands of the anti-extradition movement also included “the withdrawal of the riot label.”
However, the government has not responded to the demands and protesters continue striking. The number of arrested protesters continues to rise.
The Stand News submitted an inquiry about the number of arrests to the police authority.
Between June 9, 2019, and May 31, 2020, Hong Kong police arrested 8,986 individuals during protests. So far, the department of justice has pressed charges against 1,808 protesters and the most frequent charge is “rioting”.
In one court case heard at a district court on May 4, a 21-year-old lifeguard who participated in the June 12 protest pleaded guilty to a charge of rioting.
The magistrate stressed that the anti-extradition protesters “directly undermined the rule of law” and “disregard law and the safety of police officers.” As a result, the sentence has to take account of public interest and act as a deterrent to future crimes, the magistrate said.
The starting point for riot charge sentencing is six-year-imprisonment. However, as the defendant pleaded guilty, the sentence was reduced to four years in jail.
The 612 individuals presently facing rioting charges will have to go through similar judicial processes.
Once they are found guilty, they will have to spend a few years of their youth in jail, their plans for the future put on hold.
Below is an infographic of the age profile of 598 “rioters” who have their cases registered at courts (14 of the 612 cases have not reached court yet).
Age 11-15 (14 cases); Age 16-20 (207 cases); Age 21-30 (324 cases); Age 31-40 (37 cases); Age 41-50 (11 cases; Age 51 and above (2 cases). Image from the Stand News.
The average age of defendants is 23. The oldest is 61 and the youngest just 13. Fourteen of the “rioters” are under 16 years old. Around a third are younger than 20.
The infographic below shows that just over 38 percent of the “rioters” are students:
Student: 38.29%; Catering sector: 4.85%; Construction sector: 4.68%; White collar: 4.35%; Service sector: 2.68%; Education sector: 1.51%; Medical sector: 1.34%; Others: 20.40%; Unemployed: 5.69%; None disclosed: 16.22%
Below is a breakdown of their arrests.
More than 46 percent of the arrests took place during violent clashes between protesters and riot police at the Polytechnic University on November 18, 2019:
June 12, 2019, protests outside legislative council — 1 case
June 26, 2019, protests outside the Police Headquarter — 1 case
July 14, 2019, clashes with police in Shatin — 3 cases
July 28, 2019, protests in Western Hong Kong island district — 42 cases
August 5, 2019, clashes with police in Wong Da Sin district — 1 case
August 11, 2019, clashes outside Tsim Sha Tsui police station — 29 cases
August 13, 2019, peaceful sit-in at Hong Kong International airport — 3 cases
August 24, 2019, protests in Kwun Tong district — 3 cases
August 29, 2019, protests outside Shum Shui Po police station — 17 cases
August 31, 2019, protests in Hong Kong Island district — 17 cases
September 7, 2019, clashes at Shatin Metro station — 2 cases
September 21, 2019, assembly at Yuen Long Metro station — 3 cases
September 21, 2019, protests in Tuen Mun district — 1 case
September 22, 2019, shopping mall protests in Shatin — 3 cases
September 22, 2019, clashes outside Mongkok police station — 2 cases
September 29, 2019, protests at Admiralty district — 99 cases
October 1 2019, China national day, guerrilla-style protests in various districts across Hong Kong — 49 cases
October 6, 2019, protests against mask ban — 28 cases
October 13, 2019, protests in Tseung Kwan O district — 2 cases
November 3, 2019, clashes in Mongkok — 1 case
November 10, 2019, clashes in Mongkok — 1 case
November 11, 2019, roadblock action at Chinese University of Hong Kong — 9 cases
November 13, 2019, roadblock action in Sheung Shui district — 2 cases
November 16, 2019, clashes in Mongkok — 6 cases
November 18, 2019, police siege of the Polytechnic University — 284 cases
January 19, 2020, assembly at Central district — 3 cases
Taking Hong Kong's temperature: What future for the protest movement?
As crackdowns on protesters have expanded, so too has their 'repertoire of contention'
Posted 18 June 2020
Watery protest in Hong Kong. Image from the Stand News.
Hong Kong's anti-China extradition protests are now a year old. Hong Kong online media outlet Stand News curated a series of articles to reflect on the opposition movement. Global Voices is publishing edited versions of these posts under a content partnership agreement. The original Chinese version of the post below was written by Francis Lee, Professor in the School of Journalism and Communication at the Chinese University of Hong Kong.
The month of June marks the one-year anniversary of Hong Kong's anti-China extradition protests.
Since the outbreak of COVID-19 in late January, the Hong Kong police has banned all public assemblies and rallies, citing disease control regulations known as the Prohibition on Group Gathering.
The regulation has made it impossible for any organization to call for massive protests. The risk for individual protesters braving the streets, meanwhile, is growing, as Beijing prepares to impose a game-changing national security law on Hong Kong.
Today, the protests are much smaller than they were in June 2019, when hundreds of thousands of people regularly took to the streets in the biggest anti-government demonstrations in history.
But opinion polls show that Hong Kong people’s anger towards the police and government authorities remains unchanged.
Running the numbers
A recent poll conducted by The Chinese University of Hong Kong's Center for Communication and Public Opinion Survey* in late May showed 45.8 percent of interviewees felt zero trust towards the government and 47.5 percent felt zero trust towards the police.
Against the backdrop of the national security law controversy, 41.4 percent expressed zero satisfaction with the implementation of “One Country Two Systems” in Hong Kong.
Over 60 percent of the interviewees opposed Beijing’s decision to enact a new national security law, bypassing Hong Kong Legislature. This finding differs markedly from Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam's claim on June 16 that only a small minority opposed the law.
The interviewees in the poll were also asked if they support or oppose the continuity of the anti-China extradition protests, regardless of form or strategy. The poll found that 39.1 percent support the protests with 39.2 percent opposed. Supporters of the pro-China establishment claimed the result indicates that the movement is losing support. That interpretation may not reflect the reality, however.
Historically, polls have shown that around 20-25 percent of Hong Kong citizens did not support anti-extradition protests in the first place. The global COVID-19 pandemic meanwhile has exerted further pressures on the city's economy, further weakening the appeal of protests.
With that in mind, the fact that the protests that brought the city to a months-long standstill have retained support from a solid two-fifths of respondents is nothing short of remarkable.
This result bears comparison with a poll in November 2014, two months after the debut of pro-democracy Umbrella Protests.
That poll saw 70 percent of interviewees support the termination of the massive peaceful sit-in protests.
Responses in the CCPOS survey differ significantly across age groups.
Among those aged 15-24, the rate of support for continuing anti-China extradition protests is 71.9 percent. In the next age category, 25-39, support drops to 51.9 percent. The protests have only 35.6 percent support in the 40-59 age range and 20.3 percent support among those aged 60 and older.
For some who oppose the continuation of the anti-China extradition protests, opposition is strategic rather than hostile towards protests per se.
Commentaries on various social media outlets in recent weeks have highlighted doubts that protests can generate positive effects in the current repressive political environment, since riot police are able to use as much force as is needed to overwhelm and arrest protesters.
These commentaries often stress that with Beijing determined to dismantle ‘One Country, Two Systems’, Hong Kong's future depends on diplomatic interplay between the U.S and China, rather than on street protests.
This cost and effect calculation is particularly evident in responses regarding Beijing’s imposition of a national security law on Hong Kong.
Although 63.5 percent of interviewees worried that the law would harm Hong Kong citizens’ freedom and rights, only 59 percent of those same respondents supported the continuity of the anti-China extradition protests, while 15.1 percent opposed further protests.
Expanding the ‘repertoire of contention’
Although restrictions enforced during the COVID-19 pandemic have limited the scale of protests, they have not stopped them completely. Beginning in late April, a number of “protest song” flash mobs sprang up in major shopping malls.
Moreover, small monthly protests were held to commemorate the Yuen Long Mob Attack Incident (July 21, 2019) and the Prince Edward Station Attack Incident (August 31, 2019) — two incidents that spotlighted excessive police force against protesters.
On May 24, thousands participated in an illegal rally against Beijing’s decision to impose the national security law on the city — the first large protests since COVID-19 restrictions went into force.
Then, on June 4, tens of thousands joined up for an annual candlelight vigil in Victoria Park and a dozen other districts across Hong Kong. This year was the first time the vigil was outlawed by authorities, who cited disease control restrictions.
Finally, on June 9, thousands of protesters rallied in Central district to mark the anniversary of the one million-strong rally against the China Extradition Bill.
All these actions have taken place despite the likelihood of arrests for participating in illegal assemblies.
Doubts over the sustainability of the anti-China extradition protests have been raised since the protests were less than a month old.
But as the crackdown on protesters has expanded, so too has their repertoire of contention.
Eventually, massive mobilizations in June gave way to district-level rallies and the setting up of Lennon Walls all around Hong Kong in July, followed by the peaceful sit-in at the city's International Airport and the formation of human chains across the city in August 2019.
When schools restarted in September 2019, school campuses and shopping malls turned into protest sites.
After the victory of the pro-democratic alliance in the district elections in November, supporters of the movement have started advocating for the idea of a “yellow economic circle”, wherein pro-establishment businesses are subjected to popular boycotts, while “yellow”, or pro-movement businesses, receive popular support.
Supporters have also called for the setting up of professional groups and labour unions to prepare for a future general strike.
This is the likely future direction of the protests, with resistance seeping into everyday activities, leaving the establishment facing a long war of attrition.
Then again, disease control restrictions cannot last forever, and the possibility that Hong Kong will once more witness massive mobilizations — the increased cost of collective action notwithstanding — cannot be discounted.
* Disclaimer: The author of this post, Dr. Francis Lee, is the main coordinator of the CCPOS poll, which surveys 800-1200 respondents and has been published on a monthly basis since June last year.
Remembering Marco Leung, the first to die in Hong Kong's anti-China extradition protests
After his death, Leung’s yellow raincoat became a protest symbol
Posted 16 June 2020 12:05 GMT
Marco Leung. Image from the Stand News, Global Voices’ content partner.
Supporters of the anti-China extradition movement in Hong Kong count around a dozen unnatural deaths related to last year's protests.
The majority of the deceased committed suicide — at least six individuals left suicide notes expressing their support of the protests and frustration towards the government.
The most shocking incidents were the deaths of Marco Leung Ling-kit on June 15 and Chow Tsz-lok on November 3.
Marco Leung, 35, was the first to die during the protests.
He fell from Pacific Place, a shopping mall, while he was hanging up a protest banner at 4 PM on June 15, a week after a one million-strong demonstration failed to convince the city's leadership to withdraw the bill.
Marco Leung Ling-kit ( 梁凌杰 )
2019-06-15 Passing away 1 Year 😭
Black shirt + White ribbon 🙏🏻#StandWithHongKong 🙇🏻♀️🙇🏻♀️ pic.twitter.com/kYATHxtIX7
— Apple (@Apple68335100) June 14, 2020
Leung was wearing a yellow raincoat displaying the words “(Chief Executive) Carrie Lam killed Hong Kong, Cops were cold blooded.” (林鄭殺港 黑警冷血).
On the banner he wrote:
Translation
Original Quote
Complete withdrawal of the China-extradition bill. We are not rioters. Release the students and the injured. Step down Carrie Lam. Help Hong Kong. No Extradition to China. Make Love, No shoot!
The Hong Kong government continued to refuse to withdraw the Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Legislation (Amendment) Bill 2019, better known as the China extradition bill.
In response, on June 12, thousands of protesters charged towards the Legislative Council (LegCo).
Riot police cracked down on the protest with tear gas and rubber bullet rounds. Authorities labeled the protests as riots, a definition that left the protesters facing sentences of up to ten years in jail.
Marco Leung's individual protest was a reaction to the government's refusal to listen to people's demands and its labelling of citizens as rioters.
He fell to his death after a rescue team launched an attempt to pull him inside the shopping mall. Leung's death shocked all of Hong Kong.
The following day, two million people took to the streets, calling for Carrie Lam to step down as leader along with five other demands reflected in Leung's last stand: Complete withdrawal of the China extradition bill! Stop labeling protests as riots! Drop charges against protesters! Conduct independent investigations into excessive use of police force! Implement universal suffrage for both Legislative Council and the Chief Executive!
Since his death, Leung’s yellow raincoat has become a protest symbol, while protesters have vowed that they will carry on his path and force the fulfilment of his demands.
梁凌杰 1984/3/7 – 2019/6/15
享年35歲。🕯 pic.twitter.com/CAVJm96Syu
— Huckebein (@JOSHUAHUCKEBEIN) June 15, 2020
Leung Ling-kit. 1984/3/7 – 2019/6/15. Aged 35 years old.
It had been a year since you left us. I remeber that you were the first person who say Five Demand. Hong Kongers never forget. 梁凌杰義士，他是被政權推下去。 未能忘記，亦不會忘記. pic.twitter.com/9E71RUM4th
— Linghk
❤ (@lingliberaty) June 15, 2020
It has been a year since you left us. I remember that you were the first person who said the Five Demands. Hong Kongers never forget. Marco Leung Ling-kit, a fighter for justice, he was pushed to fall by the regime. I can’t forget and will never forget.
Authorities drag feet
Another protester, Chow Tsz-Lok, 22, fell from a car park during a riot police operation around midnight on November 8, 2019.
The death was suspicious as Chow was sending out text messages to fellow protesters, containing information about the whereabouts of riot police at the time of his death.
Moreover, he only fell from the third level to the second level of the car park — just a few meters in height. Many believe that he was murdered.
The Coroner’s Court is still yet to launch inquiries into the causes and circumstances of both Leung and Chow’s deaths.
Leung’s father told journalists that Hong Kong police has delayed handing over the investigative report to the court.
Ahead of the anniversary of Marco Leung’s tragic fall, Civil Human Rights Front, a coalition of local non-governmental organizations, urged citizens to commemorate Leung by putting flowers outside the Pacific Place shopping mall.
Thousands answered the call, despite the heavy presence of riot police.
We shall never forget! https://t.co/xGfGZCji2Y
— HK dreamer (@hkfajie) June 15, 2020
15/06
17:20金鐘現場 pic.twitter.com/Ex5ycQvAbw
— 貓婆婆(1) (@chowkinwah2) June 15, 2020
Eventually, the queue grew to such a size that people had to wait for two hours to place the flowers outside the shopping mall.
#hk – the queue to pay tribute to deceased protester Leung Ling-kit extending all the way from Pacific Place to Hong Kong Park pic.twitter.com/nbQdL4tazA
— Lok. (@sumlokkei) June 15, 2020
The crowds outside the mall continued into the early hours of June 16, while pro-democracy district councillors set up temporary memorials in other parts of the city to allow local residents to pay their tributes.
The number one cause for suicide is untreated depression. Depression is treatable and suicide is preventable. You can get help from confidential support lines for the suicidal and those in emotional crisis. Visit Befrienders.org to find a suicide prevention helpline in your country.
Written byOiwan Lam
Protest art in the streets of Tripoli: An interview with Lebanese artist Batool Jacob
Street art during the anti-government protests in Lebanon
Translation posted 29 June 2020
Batool Jacob. Photo taken with permission from her Instagram.
Since the demonstrations against the Lebanese government began on 17 October 2019, street art has increasingly become another form of protest. Artist and activist Batool Jacob, together with a group of artists from Tripoli, took her artwork to the streets as urban art spread across walls in unison with the voices protesting across cities.
Last October, when the Lebanese government wanted to implement a tax on the WhatsApp call service and other social media platforms, thousands of Lebanese people went out to protest in different cities. For them, this new measure disproportionately affected the poor majority. Although the government withdrew the measure, protests continued, denouncing political corruption, the sectarian system that establishes fixed quotas for seats based on religion, the economic crisis, as well as defending the rights of women and minority groups, including Syrians. The government fell on 29 October, but when a new government was formed in January 2020, it was received with fresh protests. Since the protests began, the government detained more than 450 people, many of whom have reported being tortured.
The city of Tripoli and its northern area, home to a predominantly Muslim population, played a central role in the protests. Previously these areas had experienced a lack of media coverage, and so protests in Tripoli have also contributed to erase stereotypes related to poverty and instead highlighted the community's artists, spokespeople, youth, and the unity of its people.
Within this context, GV author Marta Closa Valero interviewed Batool Jacob, a self-taught artist from Tripoli. Batool, who painted street-art during the protests in 2019, now continues to make art from her home as the country eases the lock-down due to COVID-19.
Marta Closa Valero: Many works made by Lebanese artists can be found on social media related to these protests, such as the cultural arts space “Art of change ” in Beirut. You have done similar work in Tripoli, how has this movement emerged?
Batool Jacob: Street art is a new technique for me, the first job I did was in January together with my friends Ghiath Al Robih, a Syrian Palestinian artist living in Tripoli, and Nagham Abboud, also a Tripoli artist. It's interesting because its the first time in the city that a group of artists have come together for a common cause, to show the revolution and to fight for freedom of expression. Before, each area had its own art exhibitions but there wasn't unity.
“The fall of the Lira”, by Batool Jacob, Ghiath Al Robih and Nagham Abboud. Photo by Joao Sousa, used with permission.
MCV: What was the motive for doing the first artwork together? What did you want to show?
BJ: The work was mostly Ghiath's idea. It consisted of a 3D painting on the ground in the square of the Tripoli revolution. We represented the Lebanese pound falling into the abyss. It is a simple way of portraying what we were living through in real time, we were losing the value of state currency without the government doing anything to save the situation.
MCV: Individually and with the group, what are the main themes that you want to transmit through your work?
BJ: Our main topic is the revolution, to show how people are oppressed and the harsh conditions that we live in, the Lebanese government does not provide us with basic rights. For this reason, as artists we are looking to do something that cannot be underestimated, that is, we want to put on record the demands of the protests and ensure that our voices are heard. We don't want to lose our right to express ourselves, we have a responsibility to do everything that we can to express our message.
Photo credit to @pixmotion in the Instagram account of Jacob. Used with permission.
MCV: Considering that the street is a masculinized space, have you ever felt that it is more difficult to make street art as a woman?
BJ: Being a woman and wanting to make street art or any other artistic discipline that involves performing on the street is more difficult for a woman. In Lebanese society there are different mentalities, and oppression towards women does exist. Society thinks of women as being confined to the home, cooking and taking care of children. In this way our outlook diminishes considerably. It is this mentality that does not accept a woman on the street painting or performing other forms of art, such as dance. As a woman you are allowed to make art at home and then take it to a gallery, since it does not carry negative consequences because there is no public display. However, when it translates into street art, there is a public exhibition and then you can find yourself in negative situations, with lewd eyes, intimidation and people with a bad opinion of you. This leads many women to not make the leap to street art. Despite these aspects, I would like to give courage to all Lebanese women to take to the streets and carry their skills with them.
Photo from Jacob's Instagram. Used with permission.
MCV: These last weeks have seen protests in Tripoli again. What was the motive for the protests and what is your position as an artist and activist?
BJ: The latest protests have emerged as a result of the rapid increase in the cost of living, the prices of basic products have increased a lot. People no longer have anything to lose, so they are projecting their anger towards the banks, since they are at the top of the institutions that rob the citizens. Personally, I do not think that this reaction is favorable to recover our money. I do believe in the union of the entire Lebanese population to put pressure on the government and to stifle this chaos.
Photo credit @ahmed_photo86, shown Instagram account of Batool. Used with permission.
MCV: Seeing the current situation in Lebanon, what is your position with regards to the future?
BJ: The current situation does not make me feel good for the future. I want to have hope but reality shows us that the situation is getting worse. The surge of COVID-19 cases and the lack of preventative measures on the part of the people can make the situation even worse. Despite this, I wish Lebanon freedom and stability, with my art I will continue to do as much as I can to help raise awareness and transmit the messages of our protests.
Written byMarta Closa Valero
Translated byClara Guest
Israel appoints its first Ethiopian-born minister, Pnina Tamano-Shata
Ethiopian Jews still struggle for acceptance in Israeli society
Translation posted 8 June 2020
Portrait of Pnina Tamano-Shata, used under license under CC BY-SA 3.0
Israel has just appointed its first black minister, Pnina Tamano-Shata, from the Ethiopian Jewish community. Despite this encouraging gesture, the community still faces discrimination and racism in Israel.
It has been a remarkable journey for Tamano-Shata, who was appointed minister of immigration and integration on May 1, 2020. Born in Ethiopia, in what's known as the Falasha or Beta Israel community, she spent her first few years in a refugee camp in Sudan.
At the age of three, she was repatriated to Israel as part of a clandestine transfer operation organized by Tel Aviv with the support of Washington, known as Operation Moses. She was among 7,000 Ethiopian Jews who arrived in Israel between November 20, 1984, and January 6, 1985.
Once settled in Israel, she integrated well into society, studied law and worked as a journalist and lawyer. She also became involved in civil society groups, becoming vice-president of the National Association of Ethiopian Students in 2004, and a member of the executive committee of Transparency International from 2015 to 2018.
She then started a political career and was elected to the Knesset, the Israeli parliament, where she served as a representative of the secular party, Yesh Atid, from 2013 to 2015.
Her social and political commitment earned her recognition in Israel as well as abroad. In 2016 she won the Unsung Award prize, awarded by the Drum Major Institute, an American nongovernmental organization that fights for human rights and racial equality.
The ultimate recognition came in May 2020 after she was reelected to Knesset on March 2, then appointed minister of immigration and integration. When asked about her appointment, she said:
Translation
Original Quote
I am delighted and proud to take on the role of minister of immigration and integration. For me, it is a landmark and the closing of a circle for this 3-year-old girl who immigrated to Israel without a mother, crossing the desert on foot; growing up in Israel, and in the struggles that I have led and that I still lead for the community, integration, acceptance of others and against discrimination and racism; up to my public mission inside and outside the walls of the Knesset and today to the role of minister of immigration and integration.
Immigration is the beating heart and soul of the State of Israel. I will work diligently to encourage immigration from countries all over world and to lead the reform of the immigrant absorption process in Israel.
The other side of the coin: Institutional racism
Even though Tamano-Shata is optimistic, the situation of black people in Israel remains difficult, given that the Ethiopian Jewish community, estimated to have more than 130,000 members or 2 percent of the population, is still subjected to racism. As this article recalls, numerous scandals bear witness to widespread racism against black people, of which Tamano-Shata herself was a victim:
Translation
Original Quote
In 1996, during a nationwide collection campaign, the Israeli blood transfusion centre threw away all the donations from Ethiopian immigrants for fear that they may be carriers of AIDS. Humiliated and angry, the Ethiopian Jewish community organised a huge rally in Jerusalem outside the Prime Minister's office, which descended into clashes with the police.
However, these clashes did not lead to any changes. In 2013, whilst Tamano-Shata was a member of parliament, she decided to donate blood as part of a donation campaign organised by the Magen David Adom [Israel's national blood bank service] within the parliament building in Jerusalem. An official from the organisation was filmed on camera explaining to Tamano-Shata that “according to the Ministry of Health's guidelines, it is not possible to accept blood of Ethiopian Jewish origin”. The MP protested during an interview on the private television channel 10 against ‘this affront to an entire community based on the colour of our skin.’
Another far-reaching scandal was that the forced contraception of Ethiopian women that was revealed in 2013, as this article explains:
Translation
Original Quote
For five years, the government denied that it had implemented a contraceptive system for Ethiopian immigrant women, forcing them to accept an injection of the contraceptive agent Depo-Provera if they wanted to enter Israeli territory.
The Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI) called for an investigation and an end to these injections. The director general of the Ministry of Health ordered for these contraceptive injections to stop. The Ethiopian Jews or Falashas are Israeli citizens and have long been segregated from other Jewish communities.
Another example of the violence and racism suffered by the Ethiopian Jews is the case of Damascus Pakada, an Israeli soldier born in Ethiopia. One day in April 2015, he was returning home in military uniform to celebrate his birthday. He was arrested and beaten by two police officers and, for no reason, thrown into prison.
Thanks to video footage of the incident, he was later released from prison and the police officers were arrested on suspicion of excessive use of force. This incident provoked demonstrations by the Ethiopian Jewish community. Pakada was later honored by the army and received by the prime minister.
At the time, President Reuven Rivlin admitted that Israel had committed serious errors that had traumatized Jews of Ethiopian origin:
Translation
Original Quote
The protesters in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv have revealed an open, bleeding wound in the heart of Israeli society. We must directly address this open wound. We have made mistakes, we did not open our eyes enough and we did not listen enough.
Despite these scandals and the statements from Rivlin, anti-Falasha and anti-black racism continue, as reported in July 2019 by the French union activist, Pierre Lemaire:
Translation
Original Quote
Since 1997, eleven black Israelis have died during confrontations with the police. According to the Association of Ethiopian Jews, prosecutions of Israeli-Ethiopians have increased by 90% since 2015. What's more, 90% of young black people who appear in court are convicted, compared to only a third of other Israelis.
After the announcement of Tamano-Shata's appointment as the new minister, many Israelis shared their feelings on social media.
For Chely Lobatón,Tamano-Shata's presence is the only good thing about the new government:
Pnina Tamano-Shata getting the Aliyah and Integration Ministry is one of the few good things about the incoming government. As Israel's first black cabinet member and an Ethiopian immigrant herself, I hope it means easier absorption for African Jews. https://t.co/zu7U5BCiGO
— Chely Lobatón (@chelylobaton) May 28, 2020
Igor Delanoë, from the Franco-Russian Observatory, notes:
#Russie-#Israel /Nouveau cabinet israélien: le ministère de l'Aliyah et de l'Intégration échoit à Pnina Tamano-Shata, d'origine éthiopienne. Jusqu'à présent, ce portefeuille revenait à une personnalité politique russophone. Par ailleurs, un nvl ambassadeur devait ê nommé à Moscou
— Igor Delanoë (@IgorDelanoe) May 18, 2020
#Russia- #Israel / New Israeli cabinet: the Ministry of Aliyah (Immigration) and Integration passes to Pnina Tamano-Shata, of Ethiopian origin. Until now, this portfolio belonged to a Russian-speaking political figure. In addition, a new ambassador should be appointed to Moscow.
Ironically, the former minister of immigration and integration, Sofa Landver, who is of Russian origin and Tamano-Shata replaced, said in 2012, “You should say thank you to us for welcoming you,” in response to a previous wave of demonstrations by young Israeli-Ethiopians.
Written byAbdoulaye Bah
Translated by Emma Dewick
Remembering Amadou Diallo, a Guinean victim of police brutality in the USA
Black Lives Matter protests remind the world of Diallo's plight
Posted 22 June 2020
Amadou Diallo anti-police brutality march in front of the White House, February 15, 1999, Elvert Xavier Barnes Protest Photography via Flickr CC BY 2.0.
The recent surge of Black Lives Matter protests in the United States highlights a long history of police brutality targeted against Black Americans.
On May 25, George Floyd, a Black man, was killed by a white police officer in Minneapolis, Minnesota. Since his death, protesters and activists have taken to the streets, speaking out the names of countless others who have died at the hands of the police, including the assassination of young Guinean Amadou Diallo who came to the USA to study.
Diallo, 23, was brutally shot 41 times at the entrance of his apartment on February 4, 1999, by four New York City plainclothes police officers who were part of a now-defunct “street crimes unit.” The four say Diallo was a rape suspect and that they thought he had a gun on him — he was only carrying his wallet, however.
The four cops, Edward McMellon, Sean Carroll, Kenneth Boss and Richard Murphy, were all charged with second-degree murder, but were all acquitted — as is often the case that police benefit from total impunity in American courts. This acquittal enraged many Americans of all races and led to national protests.
Police officer Boss remains on the police force but was “reassigned his gun” in 2012. Officer Carrol offered an “emotional apology” to the family, but not until much later, according to writer Janus Marton.
New York “has been the world’s greatest experiment in multiculturalism for centuries, drawing ambitious people with dreams and talent from across the country and the world to its five boroughs,” recalls Marton, who remembers how the four officers’ trials took place in Albany, a nearby city, because of concern that they “could not obtain a fair trial in the Bronx,” the New York City borough where Diallo was killed.
Decades after Diallo's murder, Black Lives Matter protesters remember the circumstances of his brutal killing by New York City police officers, citing New York Governor Andrew Cuomo for his passivity on police accountability.
Jesse McKinley, Albany bureau chief for the New York Times, wrote:
NEW: Families of victims of NYPD police killings – Amadou Diallo, Ramarley Graham, Kimani Gray, among others – issue scathing letter to @NYGovCuomo, saying he has been “one of the most consistent obstacles” to police accountability.
Letter here: https://t.co/oFTSof5SE3
— Jesse McKinley (@jessemckinley) June 15, 2020
Amadou Diallo anti-police brutality march in front of the White House, February 15, 1999, Elvert Xavier Barnes Protest Photography via Flickr CC BY 2.0.
Who was Amadou Diallo?
Diallo was born in Liberia to Guinean parents, Saikou Diallo and Kadiatou Diallo, as the oldest of four, explains Ayodale Braimah, an African writer. His parents exported gemstones between Africa and Asia, giving Diallo the chance to study in various countries, including Thailand, where he lived for a time with his mother after his parents divorced.
Kadiatou Diallo, Amadou's mother, is a fighter who married at the age of 13 and was pregnant with Diallo at 16. She educated herself and started a business in Thailand.
As an English student, he was drawn to American culture. In 1996, Diallo followed his family to New York City and started a business with a cousin. He worked for a while as a street vendor with aspirations to study English and computer science.
A grieving mother, a grieving city
Kadiatou Diallo, Diallo's mother, was in Guinea when she received the news that her son had been shot by police officers. She traveled to the USA and started fighting for his memory, becoming “a symbol of the struggle against police brutality” in the United States who uses her experience to empower others, wrote Charisma Speakers, a blogger.
“Mrs. Diallo humanizes the tragedy of racial profiling and police brutality and continues to aggressively work with community leaders to bring about change,” Charisma Speakers continued.
The Diallo family sued the New York Police Department in a $61 million wrongful death lawsuit and eventually settled for $3 million, according to Alexander Starr with Public Radio International, who wrote about the legacy of Diallo's killing in 2014, on the fifth anniversary of his death: “They used some of that money to create the Amadou Diallo Foundation and scholarship fund in 2005,” and students continue to receive scholarships until today.
On the fourth anniversary of Amadou Diallo's death, New York City unveiled a sign for Amadou Diallo Place in the Bronx to honor his memory.
Kadiatou Diallo has worked with 100 Blacks in Law Enforcement Who Care, a legal advocacy group to improve policing in New York City, and has also worked with local politicians to pass a racial profiling law in Albany, New York.
In 2004, Kadiatou Diallo wrote an award-winning book called, “My Heart Will Cross This Ocean: My Story, My Son, Amadou.” She was featured in the documentary, “Death of Two Sons,” in 2006, and “Every Mother’s Son,” about three mothers who each lost an unarmed child at the hands of the New York Police Department.
Diallo's tragedy has inspired more than 20 songs, five docuseries and two films.
Black Lives Matter today
The Black Lives Matter protests that erupted in response to George Floyd's murder by police prompted many Twitter users to invoke the name of Amadou Diallo, over 20 years since the brutal killing.
Clara || BLM (@quiteclara) recommends a docuseries on Diallo's case:
Netflix's docuseries “Trial by Media”, ep.3 “41 Shots”.
4 NYPD officers in 1999 shot 41 shots at Amadou Diallo, 19 of which struck and killed him, outside his apartment. Diallo was unarmed. All 4 officers were charged with second-degree murder, but all 4 were found not guilty.
— clara || BLM (@quiteclara) June 16, 2020
Clint Smith, a writer and teacher, tweets “enough is enough”:
I’m old enough to remember AMADOU DIALLO and ABNER LOUIMA. Enough is enough. More than 20 years later we have not turned the page. Stop telling black people what they should have done or what they should do to not get killed. It’s the other way around.
— Marla Wolfson (@marla_vous) June 15, 2020
So African (@Mx_chichi), an anthropologist, writes:
This is the same New York police that promoted Kenneth Boss of of the men who killed Amadou Diallo. After shooting Diallo 41 times & bullets hitting his body 19 times. The NY cops involved were never held accountable. They said “bas! Tumesema sorry!” & They were “forgiven” https://t.co/ObcCcrVU9u
— So African (@Mx_chichi) June 10, 2020
Felonious Munk, an Ethiopian American comedian, writer and actor, recalls the names of other Black American men who were killed at the hands of police in the United States:
Obama was president when Mike Brown, Eric Garner, amd Tamir Rice we're killed. Clinton was president when Amadou Diallo (and countless others) were killed. Who do we vote for to get them to stop killing Black people with impunity? https://t.co/BNUblvl3E9
— Felonious Munk 
(@Felonious_munk) May 30, 2020
Written by Abdoulaye Bah
