Cambodia holds lopsided election before historic transfer of power

Story by By Prak Chan Thul • July 22,2023

Cambodia holds lopsided election ahead of historic transfer of power

© Thomson Reuters

By Prak Chan Thul

PHNOM PENH (Reuters) -Vote counting was underway in Cambodia on Sunday in a one-sided election certain to prolong the ruling party's dominance, clearing the path for a historic leadership transition and the end of the reign of one of the world's longest-serving premiers.


Hun Manet, son of Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen, attends the final Cambodian People's Party (CPP) election campaign for the upcoming general election in Phnom Penh

© Thomson Reuters

The contest was effectively a one-horse race, with Prime Minister Hun Sen's Cambodian People's Party (CPP), a political behemoth with a vast war chest, facing no viable opponent after a ruthless, years-long crackdown on its rivals.

Polls closed with a turnout of 78.3%, according to the National Election Committee, with 7.6 million people voting in a much-criticised contest between CPP and 17 mostly obscure parties, none of which won seats in the last election in 2018. There were no Western observers.

Former Khmer Rouge guerrilla Hun Sen, 70, has led Cambodia for 38 years and has brushed off all Western concern about the election's credibility, determined to prevent any obstacle in his carefully calibrated transition to his anointed successor and eldest son, Hun Manet.



Hun Manet, son of Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen, attends the final Cambodian People's Party election campaign in Phnom Penh

© Thomson Reuters

No timeframe had been given for the handover until Thursday, when the self-styled strongman signalled his son "could be" prime minister next month, depending on "whether Hun Manet will be able to do it or not". He needs to win a National Assembly seat to become prime minister, which is likely.

Elephants trudge through the jungles of eastern Cambodia    Duration 3:49  View on Watch

LIKE FATHER, LIKE SON?

Hun Manet, 45, dressed in a green safari shirt, smiled and posed for selfies with supporters after voting in the capital Phnom Penh before a throng of media.

He ducked questions on the prospect of becoming premier and whether he would rule differently from his father. "No comment please, no comment please. I've just come to vote," he said in English, smiling.

Analysts had expected the transition to come mid-term, giving time for Hun Manet to earn legitimacy with the public and political elite.

"Transferring power while he is still physically and mentally well allows Hun Sen to strongly protect his son from any internal challenges," said Gordon Conochie, adjunct research fellow at La Trobe University and author of a new book on Cambodia's democracy.

"As long as Hun Sen is around, nobody will move against Hun Manet."

Hun Manet has given few media interviews and no clues over his vision for Cambodia and its 16 million people.

He earned a master's degree at New York University and a doctorate at the University of Bristol, both in economics, and attended the West Point military academy, helping him rise through the ranks of Cambodia's military to army chief and deputy armed forces commander.

Major powers will be watching closely for signs of whether Hun Manet will maintain the authoritarian status quo of his father or pursue greater liberalisation and a more Western style of democracy.

A key focus will be if he seeks to steer Cambodia out of the orbit of China and patch up ties with the United States that have perennially been strained by his father's iron-fisted approach.

Hun Manet received a rock-star reception at a big rally on Friday, where he promised a vote for the CPP was for a bright future and warned of unspecified "extremist" attempts to "destroy the election".

'PEACE AND PROSPERITY'

The rhetoric echoes that of Hun Sen in his vitriol against opponents and pre-emptive strikes since May that have included disqualifying the CPP's only meaningful rival, the Candlelight Party, over a paperwork technicality.

Authorities also banned self-exiled opposition figurehead Sam Rainsy and 16 allies from voting and contesting elections for two decades for urging Cambodians to destroy their ballots.

Some did that on Sunday, posting pictures of their ballots on social media, some with writing that disparaged Hun Sen and called him a coward. Another said "U.N. pls help".

Election committee spokesperson Hang Puthea said it was too soon to know how many invalid ballots there were. Two people had been detained, he said, for "little irregularities".

The CPP's selling point has been its rural development and ensuring peace and stability after decades of war, which helped spur average growth of more than 7% until 2019, creating jobs in garment manufacturing and construction.

"I don't really need more from the new leader," voter Nin Sinath, 58, said on Hun Sen's succession. "I have what I want now, we have peace and prosperity for the people already."

(Reporting by Prak Chan Thul; Additional reporting by Chantha Lach; Writing and additional reporting by Martin Petty; Editing by Robert Birsel and William Mallard)

XYZ Films Boards North American Sales for South African Freedom Documentary ‘London Recruits’ (EXCLUSIVE)

Story by Naman Ramachandran • Variety - July 22,2023

XYZ Films Boards North American Sales for South African Freedom Documentary ‘London Recruits’ (EXCLUSIVE)© Provided by Variety


XYZ Films will represent documentary “London Recruits” for North American sales, it was revealed at the ongoing Durban FilmMart.

Directed by Gordon Main, the film sheds light on a pivotal moment in South Africa’s history. In 1970, the struggle against the apartheid government in South Africa developed a new secret weapon. Oliver Tambo hatched a plan to infiltrate young British activists into the country, posing as tourists. Their mission, in the face of brutal lockdown by the racist regime, was to help inspire ordinary South Africans to join a liberation movement that would never give up till freedom was won.

To mark the partnership, Ronnie Kasrils, now 86, the former underground African National Congress (ANC) freedom fighter at the heart of the story, participated in detonating a bucket “leaflet bomb” outside the market hotel. These were the devices deployed in 1970 by amateur secret agents that Kasrils recruited in London on orders from Tambo. The devices brought messages of hope from the banned ANC to the South African population at large.

The film is produced by Jacintha de Nobrega (“Deep End”), Robyn Slovo (“Tinker Tailor Soldier Spy,” “McMafia”), Geoff Arbourne (“Forever Pure,” “African Apocalypse”), Colin Charles (“The Surveyor”),

James Barrett (“A Change in the Weather”) and Felix Gill (“78/52″).

XYZ Films’ Todd Brown said: “XYZ couldn’t be more thrilled to be working alongside Gordon and Geoff to bring “London Recruits” to audiences. This is truly one of those so unbelievable it has to be true stories, a real-life espionage tale told with urgency, insight and style. Quite simply, it’s a remarkable story told impeccably well, and we can’t wait for audiences to experience it.”

Main added: “If you were looking for the perfect company to represent this film – XYZ would be at the top of your list. From our very first conversations with them, we could tell that they just ‘got’ the movie. Sealing the relationship here in Durban, where we shot so much of it, is a fitting tribute to the talent here on the ground in KwaZulu Natal who helped turn our story into a great film.”

de Nobrega said: “We are delighted that Todd and the cutting edge team at XYZ Films share our enthusiasm for this documentary’s creative and commercial potential. XYZ has been committed to working in South Africa for many years, so landing this deal at DFM in Durban feels like a natural next step. Together, we look forward to unveiling this extraordinary film to audiences worldwide, sparking thought-provoking conversations and leaving an indelible mark on the cinematic landscape.”

Arbourne said: “The positioning of XYZ Films in the global market is truly impressive, and it will undoubtedly take the project to new heights.”

Residential school survivors still waiting for next steps a year after papal visit

Story by Olivia Stefanovich • CBC - July 22, 2023

When Piita Irniq picked up his handmade wooden drum to perform for Pope Francis last year in Iqaluit, he was reclaiming an Inuit tradition that the Roman Catholic Church tried to erase through its residential schools.

"I wanted him to know that this is what you cut off as part of colonialism," Irniq said.

"You thought it was a witchcraft. You thought it was a pagan religion when, in fact, drum dancing has always been a celebration of life."

One year later, Irniq and many other residential school survivors are still waiting for the Roman Catholic Church to outline the next steps it wants to take in repairing its relationships with Indigenous Peoples.

"Nobody has been in touch with me from the church," Irniq said. "It's rather disappointing."


After performing a drum dance, residential school survivor Piita Irniq presents his drum to Pope Francis in the square outside Nakasuk Elementary School in Iqaluit on July 29, 2022. (Evan Mitsui/CBC)© Provided by cbc.ca

During an open air mass last year at Edmonton's Commonwealth Stadium, Canada's Catholic bishops made a pledge to Pope Francis.

"The bishops of Canada are fully committed to walking together with the First Nations, Métis and Inuit Peoples," Edmonton Archbishop Richard Smith said during the July 26 event.

Although some work has been done, there is still no cohesive national plan from the bishops for working with Indigenous Peoples on reconciliation.

'The Vatican used us'

Ted Quewezance, a residential school survivor from the Keeseekoose First Nation in Saskatchewan, said he personally accepted the Pope's apology for residential schools when he delivered it on Canadian soil in Edmonton. That came after an initial apology made in Rome.

Quewezance said he tried at first to remain optimistic about residential school survivors' prospects for working with the church on reconciliation, but has only grown more frustrated since.

"I really feel I've been used as an individual," Quewezance said.

"The government used us. The Vatican used us. The bishops used us … There's not a peep out of them. It's silence."



Piita Irniq, a residential school survivor and Inuit cultural teacher, says it's disappointing that no one from the Roman Catholic Church has been in touch since last year's papal visit. (Olivia Stefanovich/CBC)© Provided by cbc.ca

Quewezance said he hasn't been able to meet with the bishops to develop a plan for how the church can move forward with survivors and address reconciliation.

"I don't think it really helped our survivors or First Nations across the country," Quewezance said.

"It's the same old, same old. It's everybody protecting their own liability."


Ted Quewezance, former chief of the Keeseekoose First Nation, wants Canadian Catholic Bishops to work with residential school survivors like him on a post-papal visit plan.

(Alexander Quon/CBC)

Although conversations have taken place between Canadian Catholic Bishops, Indigenous leaders and survivors, there have not been any official follow-ups since the papal visit.

The bishops have invited national Indigenous leaders for a meeting but it hasn't taken place yet due to scheduling issues

Bishops 'committed' to working with Indigenous people

Archbishop Smith, who oversaw the papal visit, said the work is going to take time but he remains committed to seeing it through.

"The Pope himself said that the journey is going to take a long time," Smith said.

"His visit was important, but one step … I'm certainly excited and looking forward to walking that journey."

Smith said progress is being made at the local level.



Edmonton Archbishop Richard Smith said the Pope's visit was the first step in a long journey towards reconciliation. (Jessie Wardarski/The Associated Press)

At the Sacred Heart Catholic Church of the First Peoples in Edmonton, which Pope Francis visited, cultural workshops have started between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people.

The bishops are working with archivists on releasing more residential school documents through a new national committee, said Smith.

He said they have raised $10 million out of a promised $30 million for reconciliation efforts, including language revitalization.

Smith said that in Edmonton, an Indigenous-led committee is asking for applications to find ways to distribute their portion of the money.

"What is key is for the bishop to show up locally, meet with Indigenous leadership," Smith said.

"It could well be that that takes different amounts of time in local areas, depending upon mutual availability, depending upon resources and these sorts of things. But to me, it's absolutely clear that the bishops are committed to doing this."

Unaddressed demands

Smith said he's encouraged by the work underway. Others say progress has been too slow.

"Just having an apology without action to help the current generations of the residential school survivors and their children is overall inappropriate," said Chelsea Brunelle, a member of Batchewana First Nation in northern Ontario.

"It's not the right way to go about reconciliation between the survivors and ancestors and current generations of genocide because we still live in a colonial society and we are still suffering."

Brunelle unfurled a large banner that said "Rescind the Doctrine" at a mass the Pope led outside Quebec City last year. She and her cousin Sarain Fox were honouring their great-aunt Mary Bell, a survivor of the Spanish Indian Residential School.

The banner is a reference to the Doctrine of Discovery, which is inspired by centuries-old papal bulls that justified the colonization, conversion and enslavement of non-Christians and the seizure of their lands. Scholars say the doctrine laid the foundation for Canada's claim to Indigenous lands and the Indian Act.

Last spring, the Vatican repudiated the doctrine by issuing a new statement.

Brunelle said it's not enough.

"There still isn't any plan to rescind the Doctrine of Discovery," Brunelle said. "That's what I would still request a year later."



Batchewana First Nation members Chelsea Brunelle and Sarain Fox unfurl a banner ahead of a mass at Saint Anne de Beaupre Basillica. 

(Sarah Levitt/CBC/Radio-Canada)

Last year, Irniq asked Pope Francis to personally intervene in the case of Johannes Rivoire, a former Oblate priest who faces charges of sexual assault in Canada.

"They have to get that man back to Canada," Irniq said. "Not doing anything is re-victimizing Rivoire's victims in Canada. That is not acceptable."

Despite international pressure led by Inuit, France is not extraditing Rivoire and it's not clear if Pope Francis has done anything to help in the case.

Even though there are still many demands left unaddressed, Irniq said he still feels inspired by the Pope's historic apology.

Now is the time, he said, for the church to work with residential school survivors on supporting victims of sexual abuse, promoting Indigenous culture and traditions, revitalizing Indigenous languages and making good on promises of financial support.

"I am willing. Inuit are willing to move forward with healing and reconciliation with the church," Irniq said.

"It's your move. It's time for you to make a move … There is no other way of doing it."

Canadian Oil CEO says too much government talking, not enough action, putting climate targets in jeopardy

Story by Elise von Scheel • Yesterday

An oil company CEO says federal and provincial governments are stuck on "academic discussions" about greenhouse gas emissions targets, putting timelines for their own goals in jeopardy.

Derek Evans, the head of Calgary-based MEG Energy, told CBC Radio's The House the lack of concrete details on climate policies are interfering with the chronology for decarbonization.

"The whole 2030 timeline, what we said we thought we could do by 2030, that starts to get risked," he said, adding the dialogue has been productive but lacking action.

Ottawa is crafting policies that would put legislative pressure on the sector to decarbonize more quickly, including an impending emissions cap and killing "inefficient" fossil fuel subsidies. An announcement on the latter is expected next week, but specifics have been scarce for years.

Canada has committed to net-zero by 2050, with an interim goal that would require oil and gas to cut 42 per cent of its greenhouse gas emissions below 2019 levels by 2030.



Canada's Minister of the Environment and Climate Change Steven Guilbeault photographed speaking in Vancouver in 2022. Ottawa is crafting policies that would put legislative pressure on the oil and gas sector to decarbonize more quickly. (REUTERS/Jennifer Gauthier)© REUTERS/Jennifer Gauthier

Both levels of government are feuding over 2030 targets, though they agree on the end date of 2050. Both are providing support to industry in the form of funding and tax credits, but disagree on the methods to reach a carbon-neutral economy.

"We are going to lose the next generation"

"We will lose not only the opportunity to decarbonize, we are going to lose the next generation in terms of their belief in are we actually doing what's right for the environment," Evans said.

His daughter often presses him about his work, he said, and whether oil companies are serious when it comes to climate change.

Industry titans, including MEG's partners in the Pathways Alliance that represents 95 per cent of oilsands production, have told the federal government getting to the 42-per-cent reduction goal is unrealistic by the end of the decade (In fact, they say it would take an extra five years to get there at the current pace).

The oilsands produce about 70 million tonnes of emissions annually, according to the Alberta government — about 11 per cent of Canada's total pollution output.

"At some point, if you are serious about decarbonizing the oilsands for a variety of reasons, we need to see some progress towards that," said Andrew Leach, a professor and energy and environment economist at the University of Alberta.

"But I think also … if the government is not going to recognize, for example, enhanced oil recovery as a means of carbon capture and sequestration, industry needs to know that before they can decide where to put their money."

Policies underway, but industry lacks details

The federal government has announced billions in clean energy incentives and tax credits for things like carbon capture and storage. That's what the industry wants clarity on. Alberta has also committed about $2 billion into carbon capture, utilization and storage (CCUS) and approved 25 proposals for carbon storage hubs.

CCUS technology traps and stores pollution from production underground. Despite political and industry buzz, it hasn't been proven at a massive scale yet and remains relatively expensive.

Canadian oil and gas companies are hoping to lead the world in its development, but that's becoming a steep task as U.S. measures like the Inflation Reduction Act provide historical investments for green tech.

Canada has been floating decarbonization and carbon capture for 30 years (early mentions appear in a 1994 report on climate to the United Nations).



An oilsands plant in Fort McMurray, Alta. The federal government has announced billions in clean energy incentives and tax credits for things like carbon capture and storage. 

(Jason Franson/The Canadian Press)

"We are ready to go. We are waiting for the governments to collectively get at the table and join us and push this across the line. In my personal perspective, this is the single biggest imperative that we as people in the oil and gas business and as stewards of the land and the economy for the next generation, we absolutely need to make this happen as quickly as we can," Evans said.

Record profits prompt questions about investment

Oil companies are also coming off the most lucrative year they've ever seen.

At a time when there's money available, companies have been criticized for not investing more of their record profits into clean technology development or accelerating their commitments to existing options.

Advancing without government direction and support — and out of step with other countries like Norway — would kill the competitiveness of Canadian oil, Evans said.

"I think we would just ultimately say it's probably cheaper for us to pay the carbon tax and not abate the carbon. And then we have lost on two fronts: We have lost a global leadership opportunity … and we have not abated an iota of CO2."

A recent report commissioned by an environmental group concluded it would be significantly cheaper to meet reduction targets for greenhouse gases than it would be to pay carbon taxes on it.

Leach said the path forward depends on whether decisions are influenced more by politics or by global market and environmental factors.

That question rests largely with the industry.

"Is decarbonizing the oilsands something that has to happen for the future of the industry or is it something that has to happen so long as the current Liberal government makes it a priority," he said.

Evans remains optimistic the governments and companies can find a path forward.

"I have never heard a federal official tell me that they want to see production shut in and clearly the premier doesn't either. So with those basics, I feel we're going to be able to thread the needle here."

Undue influence? Anonymous donations to World Health Organization's new foundation raise concerns

Story by The Canadian Press • Thursday, July 20, 2023


Nearly 40% of the money raised by the WHO Foundation in its first two years came from anonymous sources, worrying some that donors may be trying to influence the World Health Organization and its role in shaping global health policy with their gifts.

The foundation, launched in 2020 to help raise private sector funds for the WHO, said it received $66 million in direct gifts through 2022, with $26 million coming from donors who chose not to be publicly named. Anil Soni, WHO Foundation CEO, told The Associated Press the foundation’s board, which includes a representative from the WHO, knows the donors' identities and that the foundation will not accept a gift if there is a conflict of interest.

“They want to be anonymous because they’re otherwise solicited or even targeted because they’re seen to be a source of wealth,” Soni said in an interview. “And I respect that.”

The foundation, which is based in Switzerland, is not required to disclose its donors.

Some global health practitioners worry anonymous donations make it harder to spot potential conflicts of interest. They say companies may donate to the foundation to influence the WHO's global health policies and reports that often have wide-ranging ramifications. For example, food and beverage companies took note last week when two branches of the WHO found that the sweetener aspartame — used in diet soda and countless foods — may be a “possible” cause of cancer.

“For the integrity of the WHO, I think it’s really important that there’s some greater transparency around this,” said Sophie Harman, professor of international politics at Queen Mary University of London, of the anonymous donations, which include a single anonymous gift of $20 million to the foundation’s operating expenses.

Private and philanthropic funding have long supported other large global health organizations like Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance, and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, but Harman said the WHO has stood out as the publicly funded body that also sets standards across all areas of health.

“This is a big step change for the WHO that it’s now doing this,” Harman said.

The bulk of the WHO’s funding comes from governments. But in 2020 with the onslaught of the pandemic and then-President Donald Trump's move to withdraw from the WHO, many hoped the WHO Foundation might generate new financing from wealthy individuals, the private sector and public fundraising campaigns.

Soni, the first leader of the foundation, has become an evangelist of sorts for bringing in new private sources of funding for the WHO. A veteran of major global health organizations like the Global Fund and the Clinton Health Access Initiative, he most recently worked eight years at the pharmaceutical company Viatris.

Soni said he is committed to transparency. The foundation published a list of donors and their donations online, including the anonymous ones. Soni pointed to the foundation’s gift acceptance and whistleblower policies as examples of how it guards against undue outside influence. It also bundles gifts to support specific work, such as the WHO’s Ukraine and COVID-19 responses.

“What they’ve set out in their gift policy is a really good start,” said Quinn Grundy, assistant professor with the Lawrence S. Bloomberg Faculty of Nursing at the University of Toronto, who has studied the interactions of industry with health systems. She also encouraged the foundation to decline gifts from donors who do not want to be publicly named.

The WHO already receives private support from major philanthropies, like the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, which directs much of its donations toward eradicating polio. The WHO Foundation does not aim to redirect that support, but rather motivate new donors.

Among the companies that have donated to the foundation are Meta, the parent company of Facebook, medical technology company Masimo Corp., luxury travel company DFS Group, and food giant Nestle. That donation elicited outcry from some global health professionals because of Nestle’s history of marketing baby formula. WHO guidelines advocate for breastfeeding and say that formula should be available when needed, but not be promoted.

The foundation eventually reallocated Nestle’s $2.1 million donation to the vaccine-sharing initiative COVAX rather than to the WHO’s COVID-19 response. Nestle did not comment on the donation but said it complies with national laws on marketing formula. It has also voluntarily extended a policy not to promote formula for babies up to six months to all countries, including those like the U.S. that do not have regulations, among other commitments.

“Any donor to the WHO, whether a company or a government, the entirety of what they’re doing is not necessarily going to be compliant with WHO norms and standards,” Soni said, adding that the foundation’s acceptance of those gifts should not limit the WHO’s ability to hold those countries or companies accountable.

Another new vehicle that the foundation has created is an impact investment fund, which launched last year. The Global Health Equity Fund will be run by the Israeli-venture group OurCrowd and seeks to raise $200 million to invest in “breakthrough” technologies for health care and in industries that impact health, like energy and agriculture. The foundation will not select the investments but will work with companies to make their technologies accessible and appropriate for markets in low- and middle-income countries.

Javier Guzman, director of global health policy at the Center for Global Development, thinks it is inappropriate that the WHO Foundation is involved with the development of any technology that might eventually be evaluated by the WHO, which he said has the power to shape industries and markets.

“The foundation should not be associated with any global venture firm, should not be associated with picking winners and deciding what companies and what technologies should or should not be developed,” Guzman said.

Soni responded that “The WHO Foundation does not ‘pick winners’, but we are helping to make more bets to encourage innovative solutions to save lives.”

He pointed to his experience working on access to treatments for HIV and AIDS as one motivation for the fund. While great strides have been made, he said, it generally takes years for new medications and interventions to reach poorer countries. The fund will ask the companies it invests in to make a plan to incorporate those countries into their business models.

“Too often in these debates about development, whether it’s health, education or climate, we’re focused on public capital or charitable capital,” said Soni, adding the foundation is seeking to influence return-seeking capital to be better aligned with public good.

___

Associated Press coverage of philanthropy and nonprofits receives support through the AP’s collaboration with The Conversation US, with funding from Lilly Endowment Inc. The AP is solely responsible for this content. For all of AP’s philanthropy coverage, visit https://apnews.com/hub/philanthropy.

Thalia Beaty, The Associated Press

Indigenous artifacts that may be up to 4,500 years old found in downtown Hamilton park

Story by Bobby Hristova • CBC - Jun 28, 2023

Indigenous artifacts that may be up to 4,523 years old have been found in a downtown Hamilton park, city officials say.

An archeological dig at Victoria Park, where the city is also installing a spray pad, unearthed a stemmed point and triangular point both made of stone. The city said they may be up to 4,523 and 1,523 years old, respectively. Five flint flakes were also found.

There are also artifacts that aren't Indigenous, including an 1859 Queen Victoria coin, a 16th Regiment military button made in 1860 and a carved-bone, single domino piece.

Wes Kindree, the city's landscape architectural services supervisor, said archeological work has been done at the park since 2007 because of its "rich history."

The discovery of Indigenous artifacts in early June was unexpected because the area was supposedly a "Euro-Canadian site," according to Kindree.

Within its history, the park was also home to the "glass-enclosed" Crystal Palace, which, according to the Hamilton Public Library, opened in 1860 and was "used year round for agricultural and industrial exhibits."



The archeological dig that uncovered the Indigenous artifacts was at Victoria Park, where the city is also installing a spray pad. (Bobby Hristova/CBC)© Provided by cbc.ca

It's not surprising Indigenous artifacts have been found near the city's core, said Rick Monture, a McMaster University associate professor in the departments of English, cultural and Indigenous studies.

Monture, who is also a member of the Mohawk Nation, Turtle clan, from Six Nations of the Grand River, said most towns and cities in southern Ontario were built on Indigenous villages because of their access to clean water and their esthetic qualities.

"You could probably put a shovel in any city block and find something of note," he said.

Indigenous artifacts have been found in the Red Hill Valley in Hamilton and, more recently, in the present-day Mount Albion West area.

Only licensed archeologists are allowed to investigate and excavate archeological sites, which are protected under the Ontario Heritage Act. Anyone looting or destroying the sites can face up to a $1-million fine.

Monture said the artifacts in Victoria Park may not have a tonne of cultural significance, so the city should do their due diligence but may not need to halt work for a long time.



European artifacts found at the park include a carved bone domino, alphabet ware and an 1859 Queen Victoria coin. 

(Submitted by the City of Hamilton)

"If they'd found human remains … or evidence of a village … that's one thing, but these are probably arrow points that a guy took a shot at a deer [with] and missed," he said.

Lauren Vastano, a city spokesperson, said the city contacted Huron Wendat First Nation, Six Nations of the Grand River, Mississaugas of the Credit First Nation and Haudenosaunee Development Institute to share the artifact findings and invite them to help with the rest of the archeological work.

Kindree said the archeological work was set for this week, but may be done next week due to the wet weather changing soil conditions.

He said the spray pad won't be open this year, but should be ready for next May.

Nova Scotia hasn’t built public housing in 30 years. Why that was a ‘huge mistake’

Story by Alex Cooke •Global News- Jun 26, 2023

Ahern Manor, a public housing building, is seen on Gottingen Street in Halifax on June 21, 2023.© Alex Cooke/Global News

As Nova Scotia continues to grapple with affordability and housing crises, experts are questioning the government’s failure to build new public housing units in nearly three decades.

“If you consider housing as a human right – as a basic foundational structure for your citizenship – yes, it’s a huge mistake,” said Jeff Karabanow, a professor at Dalhousie University and the co-director of Dal’s Social Work Community Clinic.

Public housing is residential space owned and operated by the government, with rent based on a household’s income rather than market rates. It is one part of the “social housing” sector, which also includes co-op and non-profit housing.

Nova Scotia has around 11,200 public housing units and the average age of the structures is 42 years. The last significant public housing project was completed in 1995.

Karabanow said across the country, public housing construction dwindled after the federal government ended a funding partnership with the provinces in 1993.

At the time, he said, the sentiment was that the private market would step in and provide forms of housing for all – part of the “trickle-down economics platform that rarely materializes,” he said.

It didn’t materialize in this case.

“We’ve seen huge increases of people living on the streets; we’ve seen huge increases of folks that are in core housing need,” said Karabanow.

“We’re seeing lots of segments of low-income and middle-income populations that are struggling to find any form of housing.”

More public housing the ‘only way forward’

While Nova Scotia’s housing crunch reached peak crisis levels during COVID-19, advocates say they have been concerned about the dwindling affordable housing supply for years.

“Even pre-COVID, we were extremely concerned with the levels of folks that were on the streets that had nowhere left to go,” said Karabanow. “And that kind of was the beginning of really seeing the outcrop of a disinvestment in any form of social or public housing mechanism.”

There were 4,790 applicants waiting for a public housing unit as of January 2023 – the most recent data made available by the province – a figure representing more than 40 per cent of the total public housing units in the province.

The January numbers are actually a 30 per cent reduction from June 2022, when there were 6,625 applicants on the waitlist.

The province attributes the decrease in part to IT upgrades, as well as a “strong focus” on unit turnaround – “that is, getting vacant units back in service quickly once someone has moved out.”

“We are cautiously optimistic to see the number of applicants on our waitlist decreasing, but the list is fluid and can change,” a spokesperson for the Department of Housing said in a statement.

There is an average two-year wait time to get into a public housing unit, though the statement said that includes both ends of the “wait time spectrum” and most clients wait for a unit for less than two years.

Wait times can vary because clients can either wait for specific communities or buildings, or broaden their options and get in quicker.

The province has said it has no plans to build new public housing units, instead focusing its efforts on improving its current public housing stock.

“We know our units are aging and we are making historical and record investments to improve and preserve them,” the Department of Housing statement said.

“Over the next four years, the province will invest over $50 million in capital funding for major repairs and maintenance. Together with operational funding, we will spend approximately $56 million on public housing this year alone.

“This investment will touch over 7,700 units; more than two-thirds of our public housing portfolio.”

But Karabanow said the province should be doing both – maintaining existing units while also building new public housing units to address demand.

“It’s the only way forward,” he said.

Core housing need

According to the 2021 Statistics Canada census, one-in-10 Nova Scotia households were considered to be in core housing need – households who “live in an unsuitable, inadequate or unaffordable dwelling and cannot afford alternative housing in their community.” An unaffordable dwelling is defined as a household that spends more than 30 per cent of their income on housing.

The difference in core housing needs between those who own their homes and those who rent is staggering. While five per cent of Nova Scotia homeowners were described as being in core housing need, that number is 20 per cent for renters.

Once known as a province with relatively low housing prices, Nova Scotia has seen its rent prices explode in recent years. Last year, Halifax had the highest year-over-year increase in rent prices out of all Canadian cities.

According to the latest national report from Rentals.ca, the average price of a one-bedroom apartment in Halifax was $1,855 in June, with two-bedroom apartments going for an average of $2,141.

Ren Thomas, an associate professor at Dalhousie’s School of Planning whose research focuses on rental housing policy, non-profit and co-op housing, said there isn’t enough rental housing in general.

She said the percentage of households seeking to rent in Nova Scotia is increasing because homeownership is getting increasingly out of reach.

“There’s always been an assumption that people would only need these options (rentals) for a short time … that it’s just kind of a temporary thing and eventually people will own houses,” she said.

“Across most advanced economies, it’s not the case anymore.”

Video: Not enough homes for renters

While many Canadian cities have set records in the past few years for housing construction, rental housing is still nowhere near keeping up with demand. And the housing that is being built just isn’t attainable for many people on low-to-moderate incomes.

“Most governments are not planning for the people they have. They’re planning for the people they want to have, and they want to have high-income people,” Thomas explained.

“They don’t want people who earn very little.”

However, she noted that those at the lower end of the income spectrum – such as those working in retail and grocery – are “definitely essential to how our cities function” and are just as deserving of a home.

“It’s a very weak link between the actual households that live here, and the units that are being built.”

The increasing unaffordability of rental housing is driving the demand for public and other forms of low-income housing, but there just isn’t enough supply.

Thomas said in addition to the stagnating public housing stock, there’s also been little growth in the non-profit and co-operative housing sectors, which can provide more affordable options for different groups like those fleeing domestic violence and people with disabilities.

“So housing for all of those groups has really decreased in the last 30 years, 40 years, really. And that’s something that the private market doesn’t provide very well,” she said.

“Private market developers are great at providing housing for anyone in the top, let’s say, 20 per cent of incomes, but not so great at providing it for anyone else.”

In a May 2021 report, the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives recommended the province build or acquire 33,490 non-market rental units by developing and funding a 10-year plan to expand the stock of permanently affordable, non-profit and co-op housing.

“Providing shelter predominantly via the private marketplace is at odds with shelter being both a human right and a major social determinant of health, particularly considering the extent to which households live in poverty in Nova Scotia,” the report said.

According to data from the Affordable Housing Association of Nova Scotia, there were 921 actively homeless people in the Halifax area as of June 20 – an increase of nearly 300 since this time last year.

Both Karabanow and Thomas noted that housing affordability issues are being seen across the country, not just in Nova Scotia.

When ‘affordable’ housing isn’t affordable

The National Housing Strategy – a 10-year, $82-billion plan introduced in 2017 – is touted as the “largest and most ambitious federal housing program in Canadian history.”

Through a number of different programs and initiatives, the strategy provides funding for developers, municipalities and provinces to construct new housing and modernize existing units.

The National Housing Strategy website said the federal government is “re-engaging in affordable housing,” and the strategy “provides a platform for the public, private and non-profit sectors to come together.”

But the strategy doesn’t make clear what exactly “affordable housing” means.

Video: Advocates call for public housing funding in Halifax amid skyrocketing rent

A Parliamentary Budget Office report from February 2023 noted that there is “no standard definition of affordability” in the National Housing Strategy – “rather, each program uses its own unique definition, which can lead to the construction of units presented as ‘affordable’ but which in reality may require households to devote more than 30 per cent of their income to housing.”

One of its major programs, the Rental Construction Financing Initiative, assesses affordability relative to median before-tax income at the family level in a given census metropolitan area, which “does not account for the fact that renters generally have lower incomes than homeowners.”

“With this definition, ‘affordable’ rent can be much higher than what renters can afford based on their income.”

Meanwhile, the strategy’s National Housing Co-Investment Fund defines affordable rent as rent that is less than or equal to 80 per cent of median market rent.

This could “lead to the creation of units that are unaffordable for Canadians, since it is possible to pay below-market rent and still spend more than 30 per cent of household income on rent.”

And the Rapid Housing Initiative defines affordable as less than 30 per cent of gross income for targeted groups. The report said these units are “likely to be more affordable” than units supported by the previous two programs.

Video: N.S. to help create 24 housing units in Annapolis Valley

Karabanow said these varying definitions of affordability can muddy the waters when it comes to creating affordable housing for those who need it the most.

“We can’t forget extremely low-income assistance rates here, extremely low minimum-wage rates here as well. That all impacts this idea of affordability,” he said.

“So the idea of keeping it at 30 per cent of somebody’s income, at least that metes out a more universal sense to what people can afford or not.”

In a statement, a spokesperson for the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, which oversees the National Housing Strategy, said more than 175 units of permanent, affordable units were created across Nova Scotia in the first two rounds of the Rapid Housing Initiative – which are priced based on income rather than market rates.

The federal government will also invest $1.5 billion in developing new co-op housing, which will be the largest investment in co-op housing in 30 years.

“To ensure affordability for everyone, we need a drastic increase in housing supply, particularly rental, and more supply of social and affordable housing,” the statement said.

More than $500 million will also be distributed through the multilateral Housing Partnership Framework to “protect, renew and expand community housing.”

More units, more money

Thomas said while the National Housing Strategy provides some money to help maintain and refurbish existing public housing units, there’s “very little set aside for actual construction of new, affordable units.”

After the federal government froze funding for new public housing back in the 90s, some areas – such as Quebec, B.C., and Ontario – have been working on expanding their own social and public housing projects.

But taking the lead on public housing is more of a challenge in a smaller, less populous province like Nova Scotia, which has less money to go around.

“Building housing is extremely expensive. The average cost of building an apartment unit – it varies, but it’s somewhere in the range of $200,000 per unit,” Thomas said. “And maintaining even a public housing unit … (is) pretty much in the range of $20,000, $25,000 per unit per year.”

Video: Halifax mayor wants long-term plan to address affordable housing

But Thomas said another thing to consider is the impact of homelessness and core housing needs on other areas of public spending, such as health care.

“If someone has a stable place to live, they use the health-care system less, their health is better, their mental health is better,” she said.

“We should be thinking this way, as Canadians, because we have a public health-care system … if people don’t have stable housing, their health is often the first thing that is more precarious.”

Karabanow noted that governments have “dumped huge amounts of money in emergency, Band-Aid approaches” like shelters, rather than “taking the leap” and investing in sustainable long-term approaches like accessible, truly affordable housing.

He acknowledged it wouldn’t be easy.

“Spending money for any government is not seen as a very viable platform for re-election,” he said. “It just isn’t the way that politics and elections allow for any type of far-reaching and deeper foresight.”

Video: ‘Huge amounts’ of money going to ‘Band-Aid approaches’

Maintaining and improving existing stock

In an interview, Municipal Affairs and Housing Minister John Lohr said Nova Scotia has one of the highest concentrations of public housing units in the country, with about 11 units per thousand people.

“We’ve got a very good stock of public housing in terms of the numbers, but we know we have a lot of need to maintain and improve it,” he said.

The province’s public housing stock is managed by the Nova Scotia Provincial Housing Agency, a Crown corporation created last year following a damning auditor general report that found the stock was poorly managed by the province’s five former housing authorities.

Lohr noted the province is spending $50 million over the next four years to improve its current public housing stock and upgrade its management system, which was called for in the auditor general report and in a 2021 report by the Affordable Housing Commission, which Thomas worked on.

“We’re reorganizing everything on the human side, and we’re also changing the organization on how we renovate them and update them, and how we track them, and how we manage the whole stock of public housing,” he said.

Video: Nova Scotia plans to create single Crown corporation to oversee public housing

While the province is firm on its decision to not build new public housing, Lohr said the province is helping to expand its non-profit and cooperative housing sector.

He said in recent years, their efforts have touched about a thousand non-profit and co-op housing units through programs such as Compass, the Housing Trust of Nova Scotia, and the Land for Housing Initiative.

He couldn’t say how many of those units were rent-geared-to-income but said they were a mix of different options with more affordable rates.

In terms of “affordable” units going for 80 per cent of market value – a figure typically touted on housing announcements in Nova Scotia – Lohr said it “doesn’t work for some people, but for those it works for, it’s incredibly important.”

“We’re interacting in just a really broad number of ways in the housing crisis,” he said.

A ‘wicked problem’

Karabanow said while it’s “very, very important” for the province to invest in things like land trusts and co-ops, they make up a smaller proportion of the social housing sector and can be a “huge burden” for non-profits and other entities to run.

He said in order to truly diversify communities and create healthy, mixed-use neighbourhoods as the province’s population grows, more public housing units are desperately needed.

“Government’s role in a pluralistic society is to provide for all, where we see deep, deep gaps,” he said.

“I can’t think of a larger, wicked problem now, as sociologists call it, than our housing structures.”

Demand for biofuels sparks Canadian boom. But will U.S. subsidies pull investment south?

Story by Paula Duhatschek • CBC - Jul 12, 2023

Canada's biofuel industry is seeing a major uptick in investment spurred on by growing global demand for biofuel and, in particular, the implementation of the country's new Clean Fuel Regulations.

In recent years, much of the investment in Canada's biofuel sector has targeted the production of renewable diesel, a biomass-based fuel that is chemically equivalent to petroleum diesel and can either be blended with it or used as a replacement fuel.

As that industry grows, so does Canada's canola processing sector. Canola is a popular low-carbon feedstock for renewable diesel that can be grown in large quantities, often near the refineries where it's being processed.

But the boom times could end as quickly as they began thanks to a new tax credit coming through the U.S. Inflation Reduction Act (IRA). A manufacturing vacuum that's already sucking investment in clean tech down south could claim Canadian biofuel production as its next victim.

"If [the credit] goes ahead as proposed, it's a full-on wrench [in the Canadian industry]," said Ian Thomson, president of Advanced Biofuels Canada, a lobby group.

Growing investment

Just this year, construction wrapped up on Canada's first renewable diesel refinery in Prince George, B.C., Saskatchewan's Covenant Energy announced plans to move ahead with a renewable diesel facility on the edge of Lloydminster and Imperial Oil committed $720 million to build a renewable diesel project near Edmonton.

Investment has been driven in part by provincial policies, like B.C.'s low-carbon fuel standards, and by Canada's Clean Fuel Regulations. The federal regulations came into effect this month and require liquid fossil fuel suppliers to gradually reduce the carbon emissions from the fuels they produce and sell over time.

Companies can choose for themselves how they meet these targets — such as by building a carbon capture and storage (CCS) facility at one of their refineries or offering electric vehicle charging. One of the main ways transportation fuel suppliers plan to do so is by blending biofuels into their product.

"That's a primary topic right now," said David Schick, vice-president of Western Canada and regulatory affairs for the Canadian Fuels Association, which represents companies that process crude oil and bring products to the market.

"Our members who provide most of the transportation fuel in Canada, up to about 95 per cent are coming up with ways to have more biofuels in the fuel mix in order to meet compliance obligations."

Interest in renewable diesel is also growing south of the border, due to the U.S. Renewable Fuel Standard and state-level policies in California, Washington and Oregon.

Canola crush plants in the works

All that demand has been good news for Canadian canola producers. While renewable diesel can also be made with soybeans, animal fats, used cooking oil and even algae, the canola industry has been an enthusiastic supporter of the renewable fuel sector as a market for canola.

Since 2021, there have been five major canola crushing announcements in the Prairies. Together, they're expected to increase the country's canola crush capacity by seven million metric tonnes — about 60 per cent above current levels, according to the Canola Council of Canada.


Jeff Nielsen, owner of JE Nielsen Farms near Olds, Alta., says greater demand for biofuel means a more diverse market for his product. 

(Paula Duhatschek/CBC)

At least one of those plants, in north Regina, is slated to be co-located with a renewable diesel facility.

Jeff Nielsen, who farms canola, wheat and barley near Olds, Alta., says that's good news for his business.

He sees the Clean Fuel Regulations as a step in the right direction: a way to reduce the carbon emissions from the diesel he uses in farming while potentially making use of the canola he grows on the farm.

If the canola can also be processed and refined in Canada, so much the better, he said.

"The more we can keep here and crush here, we add more jobs here," said Nielsen. "So it's a great value-added proposition."

IRA will be 'double hit'

The looming threat on the horizon is a new U.S. tax credit that could pull investment down south.

Starting in 2025, the Clean Fuel Production Credit, part of the IRA, will offer a significant tax incentive to U.S. producers of clean transportation fuels, even those bound for export.

At the same time, the U.S. will phase out a blenders' tax credit that Canadian producers could previously access, Thomson said.

"It's a double hit," said Thomson. "Not only do Canadians lose access to the American market because they can't compete, Canadian producers are highly likely to not be able to compete in our own backyard because, essentially, subsidized American product will be coming into our market and undercutting Canadian producers."

Already, Calgary-based Parkland Corporation has scrapped plans to build a standalone renewable diesel complex at its refinery in Burnaby, B.C., and blamed the decision, in part, on the IRA and the way it "advantages U.S. producers."

The industry is hoping Canada's next federal budget, or, ideally, the fall economic statement will include incentives to keep biofuel production north of the border.



A renewable diesel facility at Imperial's Strathcona refinery near Edmonton is expected to produce 20,000 barrels per day of renewable diesel once it is complete. 

(John Ulan/The Canadian Press)

Schick, with the Canadian Fuels Association, said many fuel companies could easily build projects in Canada or the U.S., but will choose the option that makes the most economic sense.

"What's at stake is that if we don't produce these products in Canada, we're sending our feedstocks to the United States and buying these products back," he said.

"That reduces the reliability of supply, potentially increases the cost, and it's really a lost opportunity for Canada to take all of these natural advantages we have to produce these fuels in the country that the world wants."

Export 'trap'

Growers and processors will continue to produce canola and canola oil whether it's being used domestically or exported south of the border.

But that industry also hopes to keep biofuel production in Canada as much as possible. The domestic market is more certain, less subject to the instability that comes from selling to the export market and better for the overall economy to have the entire production cycle take place in Canada.

"We shouldn't fall into that trap, if I can call it that, with regards to just shipping raw product out of our country and then bringing finished product back," said Chris Vervaet, executive director of the Canadian Oilseed Processors Association.

"What's that saying about 'hewers of wood and drawers of water?' That's kind of been Canada's history, and there's many different reasons why that's still the case today — but again, here's an opportunity in front of us to change that narrative."

Why scientists say wastewater surveillance needs to continue, despite low COVID-19 levels

Story by Jennifer La Grassa • CBC -  Jul 19, 2023

Despite a majority of wastewater sites across the country reporting some of the lowest levels of COVID-19 since analysis began, some researchers say this type of surveillance should continue so Canada can be prepared for the next pandemic.

Wastewater surveillance gained prominence in recent years by providing health officials with a summary of the degree of disease among Canadians during peaks in the pandemic. But its value beyond the coronavirus was quickly realized as a crucial public health tool that could help protect people from future harmful infections.

Of the 39 sites tracked by Canada's COVID-19 wastewater surveillance dashboard, recent data shows that about 60 per cent are reporting decreasing levels of the virus. The rest of the sites are stable or slightly lower than their previous readings.

"In the past, I would say, several weeks, we've seen a relatively consistent downward trend," said Dr. Guillaume Poliquin, vice-president of the National Microbiology Laboratory, part of the Public Health Agency of Canada (PHAC).

Wastewater reporting began in 2020, not long after the pandemic was declared by the World Health Organization, with more sites added as it continued.

Even though the amount of the virus at many of PHAC's sites appears to be at its lowest point since reporting began, Poliquin said it comes with a caveat.



Dr. Guillaume Poliquin, vice-president of the Public Health Agency of Canada's National Microbiology Laboratory, says ongoing conversations are taking place and work is being done to sustain and expand the wastewater surveillance system. 

"The techniques that are used, how accurate they are, how sensitive they are, has generally been getting better over time," he said.

"Monitoring has changed over time. It's not all the time comparable, but the trend is certainly reassuring."

It became apparent during the pandemic that COVID-19 levels will fluctuate based on the time of year. Disease spread tends to be lower in the warm summer months, with one reason being that people spend more time outdoors.

At the same time, 80.5 per cent of Canadians are fully vaccinated against the virus and more than 4.6 million have been infected, according to PHAC data — although its website notes that due to changes in testing, the number of cases might actually be higher.

How important is surveillance?

The practice of gathering wastewater from different communities and analyzing it for COVID-19 is a public health tool that researchers have said is useful to predict disease trends and support decisions around public health policies. But it's also a strong indicator of what's to come, as experts can see whether a new strain of the virus has emerged.

Initially, 21 per cent of Canada's population was being monitored, but it's now grown to more than 60 per cent across the country, Poliquin said.

Survey results published last month in The Lancet journal show that Canada was one of the top countries, among 43 that participated, whose wastewater surveillance efforts covered the majority of the population. The article goes on to emphasize how significant this sort of testing tool has proven to track current and emerging health threats.



People receive a dose of the COVID-19 vaccine at a mass vaccination clinic at Scotiabank Arena in Toronto on June 27, 2021. The pandemic was recently downgraded from global emergency status. 

(Cole Burston/The Canadian Press)

Although the COVID-19 pandemic was recently downgraded from global emergency status, continued wastewater surveillance is still very important, said Eric Arts, Canada Research Chair in viral pathogenesis and control at Western University in London, Ont.

"It's too easy for the general public to see it and say, 'Well, [COVID-19] is no longer here, so why are we bothering with this?' And it's getting the information out that says ... 'You don't listen to the weatherman most of the time, but when you see a storm rolling in, you really wish you would have listened,'" Arts said in an interview with CBC News.

"It's preparing our health-care system for an impending wave."

Whether that's a new subvariant of COVID-19 or a range of other infectious diseases, Arts said advance warning could help the health-care system get ahead by rolling out protections and preventative measures.

Wastewater could indicate next pandemic

The federal government is also routinely monitoring wastewater for polio, mpox (formerly known as monkeypox), the flu and respiratory syncytial virus (RSV).

But Arts said he's most interested in using wastewater to get ahead of the unknown.

"[There are] new pathogens that might jump into the human population that we're not fully aware of," he said.

But if scientists don't know what they're looking for, how will they be able to tell it's in the wastewater?



This graph shows the standardized concentration of SARS-CoV-2 in Ontario's wastewater systems. Across Canada, the provinces and territories actively monitoring their wastewater for COVID-19 all display it in different ways, making it hard to draw comparative conclusions across each region. Creating a national strategy would help with the way this data is presented, researchers say. 

(Public Health Ontario)

"There's rapid advancement in technologies, and we can now monitor things that are novel and that are coming into the population, as long as we maintain these surveillance programs," he said.

Arts said he's part of a program that is looking at a way to monitor all of the possible strains of coronaviruses and influenza viruses that have the potential to infect humans.

"The tools we have at hand make the surveillance of those tens of thousands of strains actually not that difficult and not that cost prohibitive," he said.

"So when something does appear that shouldn't be in human wastewater, we can say, 'Hmm, that's something to keep an eye on,' and then alert the public health agencies."

Governments and health officials, he said, could prepare vaccines for these other possibly infectious strains and have them on hand to mass produce should a pandemic arise.

But there is some concern among those in the wastewater surveillance field that despite how essential this new technology is, monitoring could be cut if governments tighten their budgets.

Will monitoring continue?

The federal government's national wastewater monitoring system currently works with local researchers and labs to collect information from key sites. Additionally, some provinces and territories are funding their own efforts to monitor wastewater at a more local level.

At this time, there's no requirement for provinces to collect this data, nor is there any firm national strategy around a standardized procedure or collaborative database to hold this information.

Wastewater researchers are calling on Ottawa to create a national strategy that will consolidate this data and better inform the country's public health status.

While Poliquin, of the National Microbiology Laboratory, said he doesn't have a "definitive" answer on the next steps for this surveillance system, he told CBC News that ongoing conversations are taking place and work is being done to sustain and expand it.

"The technology has proven its value," he said. "There's a lot of potential here, and now that the network and infrastructure has been put in place, we are looking to continue to support it."

Poliquin said the scale of it is also cost-effective, with an individual PCR test costing $50 to $100 a person and a wastewater sample test costing $100 to $200.

In order for a national strategy to be effective, Arts said, the government needs to get all public health agencies on board, look at standardizing the procedure across the country and ensure that it consolidates the work out of specific centres.

Border surveillance top priority, say researchers

But if governments decide to scale back this type of warning system, researchers say it's most important to keep monitoring Canada's points of entry, such as borders and airports.

"Twenty-five to 30 per cent of Canada-U.S. trade crosses the border at Windsor-Detroit, making it the strategic location to place resources to be monitoring for diseases emerging in the country," said Mike McKay, executive director of the Great Lakes Institute for Environmental Research (GLIER) at the University of Windsor, in Windsor, Ont.



Mike McKay, executive director of the Great Lakes Institute for Environmental Research at the University of Windsor, says Canada's borders are an important place to continue wastewater surveillance for any incoming illnesses. 

(Dale Molnar/CBC)
McKay, who has been monitoring the wastewater in southwestern Ontario and parts of the United States since the early months of the pandemic, said this type of surveillance will also help the private sector so that supply chains become more resilient.

He said GLIER is working alongside groups at the University of Guelph, University of Waterloo, York University and University of Toronto to pitch a cross-border surveillance program to the federal government.

This would include monitoring in Ohio, Michigan and into Windsor, as well as the Fort Erie, Ont., and Buffalo, N.Y., areas, he said.

The application will be submitted by September, and Ottawa is expected to to make a decision early next year. If accepted, the program would be part of a government-funded initiative around pandemic preparedness.

Was Canada’s $20M armoured vehicle deal caught up in a UN sanctions breach?

Story by globalnewsdigital • Jun 25, 2023

Jordan Light Vehicle Manufacturing (JLVM) allegedly seized 54 armoured Toyota Land Cruisers manufactured for Canada, according to government memos.

© Jordan Light Vehicle Manufacturing LLC

Federal government memos obtained by Global News reveal new details about the delayed delivery of dozens of armoured vehicles purchased to protect Canada’s embassy staff abroad.

The federal government told Global News the delays were due to supply chain disruptions brought on by the COVID-19 pandemic, but documents suggest the holdup was the result of the vehicles being caught up in an alleged potential breach of United Nations sanctions.

Video: Intentional armoured vehicle delays put Canadian Embassy staff at risk

In 2018, the Canadian government awarded a $19.9-million contract to U.S.-based military supplier Jankel Tactical Systems to armour 76 Toyota Land Cruisers.

Once manufactured, the vehicles were to be placed in storage, pending shipment to Canada’s diplomatic missions in hotspots around the world, including Kyiv in Ukraine, Abuja in Nigeria, and Port-au-Prince in Haiti, among others.

Canada’s former ambassador to Haiti, Gilles Rivard, says without armoured vehicles, diplomats in dangerous places can’t do their jobs.

“Armoured vehicles in many countries are essential to preserve the life of people, because you never know what's going to happen,” Rivard told Global News.

Video: Chaos in Haiti: What is Canada’s responsibility?

But for nearly a year, Canada had no access to dozens of vehicles in its new fleet.

Canada signed the armoured vehicle deal with Jankel, which then subcontracted the storage of the Toyota Land Cruisers to a Jordanian company called Jordan Light Vehicle Manufacturing (JLVM).

According to government memos obtained by Global News, Jankel informed the government on April 27, 2022, that it would be “severing ties” with the sub-contractor “due to JLVM’s possible breach of UN sanctions.”

A United Nations panel claims it has documented several instances of vehicles manufactured by JLVM’s parent company — the Jordan Design & Development Bureau (JODDB), previously known as the KADDB — in use by the Haftar Armed Forces in Libya, allegedly in violation of a UN arms embargo.

The panel has not been able to determine how those vehicles allegedly ended up in Libya and in the hands of an embargoed group.

Global News has learned that once the relationship between Jankel and JLVM went south, the Jordanian subcontractor held dozens of Canada’s vehicles in a storage facility in Amman, refusing to release them.

A total of 54 vehicles were initially seized, according to a government memo.

“It became imperative that Global Affairs Canada relocate these vehicles immediately,” the document reads.

The vehicles didn't come cheap, either. According to a government memo, Canada had paid more than $13 million for the dozens of vehicles that were seized — more than $240,000 apiece.

The federal government appeared to have little leverage to get the vehicles, since it had already paid most of the bill upfront, in accordance with the terms of the contract.

Alan Williams, a former assistant deputy minister of materiel with the Department of National Defence, said the contract should have withheld more of the payment until the vehicles were delivered to their final destinations.

Otherwise, there was no incentive for the company to deliver on time.

“No one should be paying 90 per cent in advance,” Williams said. “That should never be the case.”

The Jordan Design & Development Bureau, JLVM’s parent company, refused to answer Global News’ questions about whether it breached UN sanctions, nor would it comment on JLVM's alleged seizure of the armoured vehicles.

“We don’t have the needed information to share as there are [sic] no current partnership between JLVM and Jankel Group Limited,” JODDB contract specialist Hisham Alrawashdeh said in a statement.

Jankel chairman Andrew Jankel told Global News that his company has “a good working relationship with JLVM,” but would not comment further, citing “various client confidentiality reasons.”

“We are very proud of our relationships with our customers, partners and suppliers,” he added.

Global Affairs Canada refused to answer questions about the alleged violations of UN sanctions and said the delivery dates were adjusted “due to supply chain delays and microchip shortages.”

“The vendor met the terms of the agreement at the time the contract was awarded,” said Global Affairs spokesperson James Emmanuel Wanki. “We cannot speak to the transactions between Jankel and other parties.”

Global News has learned that the armoured vehicles held by JLVM were finally released to Global Affairs in May 2023 — roughly a year after they were first seized.

Ottawa now expects the vehicles will be delivered to diplomatic missions over the next two years.

Still, Williams warns that government procurement in Canada is in chaos and suggested that this contract is yet another example of what he calls a “lack of accountability.”

“If you're messing around and misapplying a contract of $20 million, what about all the others?” he said.