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Thursday, December 26, 2024

German Foreign Minister: A war by Turkey against the Kurds in Syria must not happen

“A war between Turkey and the Kurds in Syria must not be allowed to happen,” said Annalena Baerbock, stressing that it would help no one if the terrorist militia “Islamic State” were to emerge as the winner from such a conflict.



ANF
NEWS DESK
Tuesday, 24 December 2024, 

German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock warned of a worsening of the situation in Turkey's conflict with Kurdish forces in northern Syria. “A war by Turkey against the Kurds in Syria must not happen,’ Baerbock said on Deutschlandfunk radio on Monday. She said it would help no one if the terrorist militia Islamic State were to come out on top of such a conflict. “That would be a security risk for Syria, for Turkey and for us in Europe,” said the Green Party politician.

With regard to ISIS, Baerbock pointed out that “In particular, it was also the Kurds who pushed back ISIS’. In this context, she also recalled ‘the terrible massacres committed by ISIS terrorists’. The city of Kobanê, against which Turkey and its allied jihadist militias are currently preparing an invasion, is ‘a symbol of the courageous fight of the Kurds against ISIS,’ said Baerbock. “Together with the international anti-ISIS coalition, of which Germany is also a member, they defeated ISIS.”

The current situation in Syria should ‘not be used to expel the Kurds again, to allow violence to break out again,’ the minister said, adding that this is precisely what Germany is calling on NATO partner Turkey to do. From the minister's point of view, the international community must now make it clear: “We all have a responsibility to ensure that there is no new violence, that there are no new radical forces, but that after years of this terror, people can finally live in safety.” Baerbock also emphasised the territorial integrity of Syria, saying: “The unity of the country must be preserved, and third parties must not be allowed to wreak havoc there again, as Iran and Russia did before.”

Two weeks ago, the Islamist militia Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), which is still listed as a terrorist organisation internationally, and its allies took Damascus, ending decades of rule by the Baath regime. Since then, tensions have been escalating in the areas of the Democratic Autonomous Administration in North and East Syria (DAANES), as Turkey, in the slipstream of the HTS offensive against former President Bashar al-Assad, launched a major attack on North-East Syria together with its proxy army ‘SNA’. The cities of Tel Rifat and Manbij were occupied a few weeks ago, and now the Turkish sabre-rattling is getting louder and louder near Kobanê. The NATO member Turkey has been occupying parts of northern Syria since 2016, including Afrin, Serêkaniyê and Girê Spî.




Patrice Franceschi: If Kurds lose, we all lose

French writer Patrice Franceschi said that the attack on Rojava was an attack on freedoms. "They want to destroy Rojava. If the Kurds lose, we all lose."



SERKAN DEMIREL
ANF
PARIS
Tuesday, 24 December 2024, 

Researcher and writer Patrice Franceschi told ANF that Western democracies are currently relatively weak and Turkey's NATO membership complicates matters. He added: "As long as Turkey is part of NATO, it has to be considered an ally of European states. In reality, Turkey should be expelled from NATO. It has no place there because its entire program, agenda, and will are against the West, democracies, and everyone else. Therefore, while a country like Turkey is in NATO, it is extremely difficult to help the Kurds."

Franceschi is a French researcher and writer who closely follows the region. He is also the author of the book Dying for Kobanê.

The Ba'ath regime fell following attacks led by armed groups under Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) on November 27. How do you evaluate the fall of the regime?

I should state that the fall of Bashar al-Assad's regime is a good thing, but those who overthrew it could be worse. Just because a despicable regime collapses doesn't necessarily mean that its successors will be better. They could be worse. Remember the situation with the Shah of Iran in 1979. There was a tyrant, and when he was overthrown, everybody thought that his successors would be better, but things took a far more terrible turn. Therefore, I think it's very positive that Bashar al-Assad was removed from power because his rule was drenched in blood. However, we must be cautious, as those who take his place could be worse, especially for the Kurds and all minorities in Syria.

HTS is implementing Erdoğan's agenda

You also study jihadist organizations. How should we assess the structure of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), the jihadist group currently being proposed as the future of Syria?

To put it bluntly, Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham is a coalition of Islamist groups directed, financed, and supported by Turkey and additionally funded by Qatar. HTS is currently implementing the agenda set by Ankara and Erdoğan. It is uncertain whether at some point al-Jolani (HTS leader) will try to free himself from Erdoğan and pursue his own agenda, but for now, he is obedient to Ankara. Obeying Ankara means avoiding, at least temporarily, mistakes similar to those made by the Taliban when they seized power in Kabul. That’s why al-Jolani, HTS, and Erdoğan are trying to present themselves to the West as extremely honorable partners.

We in the West must not fall for this façade. HTS is a radically Islamist group, particularly dangerous for Kurds, Christians, Yazidis, and all minorities. However, they will try to convince us they are reliable partners. If we fall into this trap and, for example, grant them a seat at the United Nations or remove them from the “terrorist organizations list,” we will pay a heavy price. Once they gain such privileges, they will implement their real agenda, starting with establishing Sharia law everywhere. This would be disastrous, especially for Kurds and other minorities.

There is no such thing as a moderate or modern Islamist organization

HTS and its leader are being marketed in the West today as a moderate or modern Islamist group. Yet their links to ISIS and their origins are deeply rooted in a similar tradition. How do you evaluate this Western narrative? Isn't this a danger for the future?

This is a very big danger for the future because there is no such thing as a moderate or modern Islamist organization. Such a concept does not exist. They are Islamists, plain and simple. Therefore, they are enemies of the West, enemies of democracy, enemies of the Kurds, and enemies of minorities. We must not be swayed by the communication campaigns trying to portray them as something else. They are what they are: al-Qaeda, nothing else.

The idea of the Ottoman empire is being implemented in Syria

While HTS's role in shaping Syria's future is being debated, the Turkish state and its affiliated militias continue their occupation attacks on the Autonomous Administration regions in Northern and Eastern Syria. Is it possible to talk about a political solution in a process where these attacks continue?

Currently in Syria, there is a situation where, on the one hand, al-Jolani and HTS aim to conquer southern Syria and integrate it into the idea of the Ottoman Empire, and on the other hand, there is an effort to eliminate the Kurds in Northern and Eastern Syria. The Turkish state has assigned this task to the Syrian National Army (SNA).

The SNA, which is attacking the Kurds, has occupied Manbij and is besieging Kobanê. These are mercenaries, more or less Islamist, entirely salaried, trained, and nurtured by Ankara. Since 2018, they have been involved in the ethnic cleansing of Afrin. They were also sent to Nagorno Karabakh to ethnically cleanse Armenians. Today, they are trying to eliminate as many Kurds as possible from northern Syria. All of this is part of Erdoğan's ambition.

The West must understand this maneuver and continue to support the Kurds by preventing the SNA from taking Kobanê or even Raqqa.

Kobanê is a symbol, and if it falls, we all lose

They want to occupy Kobanê, which is a symbol of resistance against the Islamic State for everyone. You wrote a book called Mourir pour Kobanê (Dying for Kobanê) about the Kobanê resistance. How do you evaluate the Turkish state’s desire to occupy this city, which is a symbol for the peoples of the world?

What happened immediately after Kobanê's victory, that is, the victory of the Kurds against ISIS, holds highly symbolic importance. If we abandon our Kurdish comrades to the hands of Turkish mercenaries and the Turkish army and allow Kobanê to fall into their hands, it would signify, in a sense, the end of a world. In other words, it would mean the end of the West's freedom in the face of terrorism and Turkish totalitarianism.

Western powers - the Americans, the French, and the Europeans - must act to prevent the Turks from occupying such a symbolic city.

The Rojava model terrifies them

Amid the chaos in Syria, a model was established in Rojava that offers solutions to all the region's problems. Why is this model not being considered and discussed for Syria's future?

The problem is that the model proposed and currently operating in Rojava is genuinely an interesting one that could transform the entire Middle East. But the rest of the Middle East does not want this model because Syria, Iraq, Jordan, Turkey, and all the countries surrounding Rojava oppose this idea. For them, democracy, gender equality, women’s liberation, and secularism are seen as poison.

They fear the spread of Rojava's excellent model to their own societies, and they do not want it. That’s why our brave comrades defending this model around the world are met with widespread opposition. This is the core of the issue.

We must stand with the Kurds

Another danger in the region is the resurgence of ISIS. Turkish attacks have also led to movements among jihadists in prisons and camps in Rojava. As someone who knows the region well, what kind of threat are we facing here?

The seizure of camps like Roj and Al-Hol by jihadists is a huge danger for everyone. These camps hold over 50,000 jihadists and their families. These camps in Rojava are ticking time bombs for the entire West and all democracies.

I hope Western awareness of this issue will prompt Americans, French, and Europeans to prevent the Turks and their Islamist allies from seizing these camps. What is happening right now is very serious, and everything is at stake. Unfortunately, the transition period in the U.S. between Trump and Biden seems to have left Americans in a state of uncertainty that their adversaries are exploiting to advance their agendas.

I hope that before 20 January, the right response will be made, and we will give full support to the Kurds.

Finally, let me say this: the free world - essentially the West, but also the Kurds and a few other nations - must recognize that what is happening in Northern Syria is of fundamental importance for freedom worldwide. Our support and assistance to the Kurds must be complete right now. Otherwise, the entire world faces the risk of collapse.


Paolo Ferrero: Rojava is a legacy for humanity, we must defend it!

Former Minister Ferrero said that a project to destroy Syria is being implemented, and added that "the only model that should be taken as a basis for Syria’s future is Rojava. We must defend it."


SERKAN DEMIREL
ANF
NEWS DESK
Wednesday, 25 December 2024

Following the overthrow of the Syrian regime on 8 December, the situation in the region continues to evolve. While international powers are trying to implement a new plan for Syria through the jihadist group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), the Turkish state and its affiliated militia groups, which are among the primary supporters of this jihadist group, continue their invasion attacks on the Autonomous Administration regions of Northern and Eastern Syria.


Paolo Ferrero, former Italian Minister of Social Solidarity and former secretary of Rifondazione Comunista, spoke to ANF about the developments in Syria and the attacks on the Kurds.

‘Not a new Syria but a destruction project’

Paolo Ferrero said that the Assad regime was already weak and was overthrown with the direct support of Turkey and Israel and indirect support from the U.S. He added: "They have disrupted the existing balance in Syria. I believe this new situation will not lead to a new Syrian government, but to the destruction of Syria. I say this because Israel is annexing the entire Golan Heights and neighboring areas in Lebanon. Turkey is also trying to do the same in northern Syria. Moreover, although jihadist terrorist groups are portrayed as having formed a government, in reality, they have no sovereignty. Just like the Islamic State was used against the Kurds, they too are being manipulated and used as tools."


‘The project to destroy Syria through Turkey is active’

Ferrero pointed out that the project to destroy Syria through Turkey is being carried out and emphasized that seeking a solution for Syria through HTS is futile. He said: "Given the history and ideology of this jihadist group, it’s very difficult to envision a solution for Syria with them. Turkey wants to implement its plans through this group and other armed groups affiliated with it. As in the past, it is clear that these groups are being used against the Kurds and Rojava. We will see if the U.S. intervenes. As for Russia, like Iran, it seems to be standing on the sidelines. If the U.S. and Turkey want to normalize the situation, talks may be possible. However, if Turkey insists on forcibly changing the situation in Syria, then military action may be the only option, as so far, no real discussion about a solution has taken place. The military power balance in Syria is shifting in favor of the jihadist model because this model reflects the interests of Turkey, Israel, and to some extent the U.S. These powers want to divide Syria into small ethnic, religious, or cultural states in order to better control the region. This situation is part of a long-term vision to maintain these powers' dominance in Syria."



‘They don’t want to accept the Kurdish reality’

Ferrero said that Turkey’s main goal is to implement a new Ottoman policy in the region and highlighted that the attacks on Rojava are aimed at preventing the acceptance of the Kurdish reality by Erdoğan and his regime. Ferrero said: "Moreover, Erdoğan nurtures a rigid and intolerant nationalism that rejects any form of autonomy for the Kurds. Turkey doesn’t want the Kurds to be in a position where they can freely express themselves or govern themselves."

‘The Rojava model is a true revolution’

Ferrero reminded that for half a century, an understanding that does not accept any differences has held power in Syria, and said: "The proposal and model of a democratic region that unites different religions, cultures, and ethnic groups in Kurdistan is truly revolutionary in the current context. The existence of the Assad regime was based on the denial of this pluralism. Despite the knowledge of this reality in Syria, we see that groups that pursue an exclusionary vision of a state based on a single religion, like the jihadists, are being supported."

Ferrero added: "It is crucial for us to do everything we can to support the Kurdish people in Western countries and elsewhere. Attacks on the Kurds are unacceptable. They should be left free to govern themselves. We must put pressure on Turkey and the U.S.

The Rojava model, inspired by the ideas of Abdullah Öcalan, offers an important alternative for a pluralistic and participatory democracy.

However, democratic forces are opposed to this idea because they support the authoritarian democracy that dominates the West today. The Kurdish people are not only defending the right to live and self-govern but also have a vision to solve humanity’s problems. If we follow this path of participatory and pluralistic democracy, it will be possible to move away from the logic of war. Otherwise, war will remain inevitable."

‘They want to destroy Kobanê, the symbol of resistance’

Ferrero said: "Turkey, which sees the victories of the Kurdish people as an insult to themselves, is trying to destroy the symbol of Kurdish resistance, Kobanê."

‘We must defend Rojava for the future of humanity’

In his concluding remarks, Ferrero said: "It is of vital importance to apply pressure on Turkey and the U.S. to end this situation, which reminds us of what Israel is doing to the Palestinians. These great powers think they can impose their will on the people. Rojava is not just a positive experience for the Kurds; it is also important for humanity. This model represents an important practical step showing that living together is possible despite differences. Rojava presents a concrete and realistic proposal for harmonious coexistence among different ethnic groups, religions, and political orientations. This is why we must defend Rojava. It represents a potential model for the future of humanity, where peace prevails over war. By defending Rojava, we will be defending a model for the future of humanity."


Kurds Under Threat in Syria as Turkey Launches Attacks and Kills Journalists After Assad Regime Falls
December 25, 2024
Source: Democracy Now!

As foreign powers look to shape Syria’s political landscape after the toppling of the Assad regime, the country’s Kurdish population is in the spotlight. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan continues to threaten the Syrian Kurdish YPG militia, which Turkey regards as an extension of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party militants who have fought an insurgency against the Turkish state for 40 years. Turkey’s foreign minister recently traveled to Damascus to meet with Syria’s new de facto ruler Ahmed al-Sharaa, the head of the Islamist group HTS. “Turkey is a major threat to Kurds and to democratic experiments that Kurds have been implementing in the region starting in 2014,” says Ozlem Goner, steering committee member of the Emergency Committee for Rojava, who details the persecution of Kurds, the targeting of journalists, and which powerful countries are looking to control the region. “Turkey, Israel and the U.S. collectively are trying to carve out this land, and Kurds are under threat.”




Transcript

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman.

We end today’s show with Syria and what the fall of the Assad regime means for Syria’s 2 million Kurdish people, who make up about 10% of the country. Since the Islamist armed group HTS toppled the Assad regime, Turkey, Israel and the United States are vying for greater control in post-Assad Syria, and the balance of power seems to be shifting against Kurdish groups.

Turkey’s foreign minister traveled to Damascus Sunday to meet with Syria’s new de facto leader Ahmed al-Sharaa, the head of HTS. According to press accounts, they discussed the need for Syria to draft a new constitution, Israel’s attacks on Syria, and the future of the Kurds.

Meanwhile, a U.S. delegation met with al-Sharaa on Friday, and the Biden administration is moving to lift a $10 million bounty on him over his links to al-Qaeda. The Pentagon has also acknowledged there are now about 2,000 U.S. troops in Syria, more than double the previously announced figure of 900.

On Monday, the Turkish President Tayyip Erdoğan said Syrian Kurdish armed groups had no place in Syria’s future, adding that Turkey would continue targeted operations against it. Turkey regards the Syrian Kurdish militia YPG as an extension of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK, which has fought an insurgency against the Turkish state for 40 years. The Syrian Kurdish YPG is the military wing of the Syrian Democratic Forces, or SDF, a key U.S. ally in fighting the Islamic State. But the return of President-elect Trump has called into question how long Washington’s support will continue.

For more, we’re joined here in New York by Ozlem Goner. She is associate professor at the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at the College of Staten Island and the Department of Middle Eastern Studies at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York, CUNY. She’s also a steering committee member of the Emergency Committee for Rojava and is from the Bakur region of broader Kurdistan.

Welcome to Democracy Now!, Professor.

OZLEM GONER: Thank you.

AMY GOODMAN: Talk about your concerns right now. What exactly is happening to the Kurdish population of Syria?

OZLEM GONER: Thank you so much for having me.

So, this is a big threat for the Kurdish populations in Syria, and this is also a big threat for this democratic confederalist, women’s liberationary and pluralist experience that Kurds initiated in the region of north and east Syria more broadly, because Turkey, as you’ve shown in the clip, and also as President Erdoğan, for example, just this past week said that we can’t confine the great Turkish nation to its 700-something thousand kilometers. So, Turkey is very explicitly saying that they’re involved. Turkey has said very explicitly that they’ve been supporting HTS for 11 years and that they have a stake in Syria and have explicitly been intervening in the region, pushing for its interests, trying to further its already-occupied — for example, Turkey has been occupying Afrin region of north and east Syria, that was under the Kurdish self-government for now since 2018. So, Turkey is a big threat to the democracy and against Kurds especially at this moment.

And we’ve seen in Syria, you know, both Israel and Turkey are making their progress, trying to control further territory, trying to exert further power and control in the region, and all through the U.S. You know, U.S. has been — Turkey is a NATO country. We have to know this, because sometimes this is represented as if there’s, like, Turkey versus the U.S., whereas, actually, Turkey is one of the major allies of the United States in the region. Turkey is the second-largest NATO army. And Turkey has been not only massacring, torturing, imprisoning Kurds under the Turkish territories, under the Turkish nation-state, but has been killing journalists in Kurdistan, has been killing journalists in Syria, in Iraq. So Turkey is really playing at becoming a major force in this region and taking Kurds out of the picture here.

AMY GOODMAN: Let’s talk specifically about the journalists. Press freedom groups have condemned the killing of two Kurdish journalists, Nazim Dastan and Cihan Bilgin, by a Turkish drone as they were reporting on attacks on the Tishrin Dam on the outskirts of Kobani in northern Syria.

OZLEM GONER: Right, right, right.

AMY GOODMAN: Explain the significance of this area and who those journalists were.

OZLEM GONER: Right. So, those journalists — this is very, very important. This is crucial that Turkey targeted — target-killed these two journalist in north and east Syria.

AMY GOODMAN: A man and a woman.

OZLEM GONER: A man and a woman, yes. So, Nazim Dastan has been showing Turkey’s involvement with ISIS in 2014, when Kobani, this town that’s now under the threat of yet another Turkish invasion, and the SNA, the Turkish militias, Turkish mercenaries, paid by Turkey, are at the border and have started also a ground invasion. Turkey is using airstrikes and drones to also kill, do these targeted killings. Nazim Dastan was the journalist in 2014 who showed the Turkish-ISIS alliance and how, the ways, the different ways that Turkey was supporting ISIS in the region. And he was actually imprisoned in Turkey prior to his killing in north and east Syria.

And Cihan Bilgin has also been doing very important work, showing, for example, the lives of Kurdish people who were displaced from Afrin by Turkey’s ethnic cleansing in 2018. So, she has been in the region reporting the lives of these displaced people and also the ongoing Turkish attacks, because we need to understand something that’s very important, is that Turkey, from 2014, by supporting ISIS into the killing of 14,000 Kurdish people at the hands of ISIS, backed by Turkey, was very important.

Since then, in 2018, Turkey occupied Afrin, a region in north and east Syria that was under the Kurdish self-rule, and ethnically cleansed thousands of people, sold Kurdish women to slavery. And there are many, many human rights reports that show this at this moment. So, 2018. 2019, Turkey again came to the U.N. meeting and, in front of all the U.N., the world leaders, showed a detailed map as to how Turkey plans to colonize and occupy the north and east Syria. So, it’s trying to attack Kurds in 2023 right before Israel’s genocide started in Gaza. Turkey destroyed 40 to 50% of infrastructure in north and east Syria. And these, you know, they hardly make it to the media, but these are the realities that Turkey is a major threat to Kurds and to democratic experiment that Kurds have been implementing in the region starting in 2014.

AMY GOODMAN: So, let’s talk about how this will all play out with the presidential transition here.

OZLEM GONER: Right.

AMY GOODMAN: The U.S. is backing one Syrian Kurdish group that Turkey is opposed to, but at the same time, Turkey and the U.S. are allies, right?

OZLEM GONER: Yes, yes.

AMY GOODMAN: Both in NATO.

OZLEM GONER: Yes.

AMY GOODMAN: And also, how worried are Kurds in Syria about President Trump returning to power? In 2019, he greenlit a Turkish invasion into northern Syria.

OZLEM GONER: Right, right. I mean, as you know, these are fascist governors, governments, that are basically in coordination since the Cold War. Turkey has been one of major allies of the United States in the region, starting with the Cold War, I mean, using military training, sales of war equipment. The planes, the F-16s, that kill Kurds in north and east Syria are sold by the U.S., and not only are sold by the U.S., but the U.S. actually gives a lot of military funding, humanitarian funding, that are used in the purchase of these, this weaponry.

So, behind, you know, if you scratch the surface a little bit, the only purpose of those U.S. troops in the region were to prevent the further growth of ISIS, because even prior to the U.S. entering the region, it was the Kurdish forces who have been, because of their own movement’s success of 40 years of practicing of self-governing, self-defense, women’s self-defense forces — so, these were all in place before the U.S. entered the region. But the current presence of the U.S. troops is to prevent Turkey from entering, annihilating, crushing, killing Kurds in tens of thousands. What we’re seeing in Gaza today can happen in Rojava if we don’t enter. And it happened previously to Kurdish populations in my hometown of Dêrsim, 1930s, in Iraq. So, the Kurdish populations at the hands of these governments, who are in cooperation with the U.S., who use U.S. funding, U.S. military equipment, and then somehow appearing on the surface as if there is some contradiction here between the U.S. and Turkey. At the moment, as you said in the beginning, Turkey, Israel and the U.S. collectively are trying to carve out this land, and Kurds are under threat.

And also, I have to say one important thing is, even during Assad regime, Turkey was preventing the Kurds from sitting at the negotiating table to determine the future of a democratic Syria. And Turkey is doing that right now, while HTS have been giving some messages that Kurds could be included in this process. That is, after that, the Turkish foreign minister made several visits, signaled that, “Hey, we have been supporting HTS for the last 11 years.” And so, Turkey is trying very hard to prevent Kurds from sitting at the negotiating table. And that’s a very big loss for the region in general.

AMY GOODMAN: And, of course, we’ll continue to cover this. Ozlem Goner, we want to thank you so much for being with us, associate professor at the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at the College of Staten Island and also at the CUNY Graduate Center here in Manhattan.

Happy birthday to Narmeen Maria! Tune in tomorrow to our tribute to the blacklisted lyricist Yip Harburg, the man who put the rainbow in The Wizard of Oz, his songs sung by millions around the world. This is Democracy Now! I’m Amy Goodman. Thanks for joining us.


Ozlem Goner
Professor and steering committee member of the Emergency Committee for Rojava 

Wednesday, December 04, 2024

TURKIYE'S WAR ON SYRIAN KURDISTAN

After Aleppo, what will happen to the Kurds of northwest Syria?

Analysis: 
With thousands having already fled the rebel offensive in Aleppo and surrounding areas, Syrian Kurds fear for their future in the country's northwest.



Paul Iddon
04 December, 2024
THE NEW ARAB

The momentous takeover of Syria’s second city, Aleppo, and surrounding areas on 29 November by the Islamist Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and the Turkish-backed self-styled Syrian National Army (SNA) has significant ramifications for Syria and possibly the wider region.

More immediate, however, is its impact on the hundreds of thousands of Kurds who live in northwest Syria.

As Aleppo collapsed to the lightning HTS-led offensive, the Turkish-backed SNA seized on the momentum to capture the town of Tel Rifaat and surrounding villages from the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG).
Related

Syria's rebel offensive: Why now and what could happen next?
Analysis
Shelly Kittleson


Tens of thousands of Kurds have fled from that area. They are enduring freezing winter conditions on their way to the relative safety of the Kurdish-administered territories east of the Euphrates River.

HTS originated as an offshoot of Al-Qaeda called Jabhat al-Nusra and has fought the regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad since the early years of the civil war that began in 2011. The group has established itself as Assad’s most formidable adversary in the conflict and has long controlled large parts of Syria’s strategic northwestern Idlib province.

The SNA consists of numerous armed groups that Turkey has used as proxies, mainly against the YPG and the larger multi-ethnic Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), of which the YPG is the backbone. Turkey used these rebels to invade the northwestern Kurdish enclave of Afrin in 2018, displacing tens of thousands of its native population, primarily into the adjacent Tel Rifaat area. These same Kurds now find themselves displaced once again.

Aleppo city has two Kurdish-majority neighbourhoods, Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh. Altogether, there are approximately 500,000 Kurds in this large northwestern area west of the Euphrates River, now largely under HTS and SNA control.

“Kurds have had a bad experience with HTS folks from the Jabhat al-Nusra days,” Mohammed A. Salih, Non-Resident Senior Fellow in the Foreign Policy Research Institute and an expert on Kurdish and regional affairs, told The New Arab.

“The fundamental problem with many Assad opposition groups is that they are chauvinistic toward Kurds, perhaps as a result of decades of Baathist exclusionary nationalist teachings,” he said.

In Salih’s estimation, most of these groups are Islamist extremists, putting them at odds with the majority of Syria’s Kurdish minority.

“Kurds want to deal with a party in the opposition that is willing to take into account their demands for cultural and political rights as a distinct community within Syria,” Salih said. “And even though the majority of Syrian Kurds are Muslims, they are staunchly secular in their way of life and expect this to be respected.”

In his view, Kurdish civilians are undoubtedly in danger due to the current circumstances in Aleppo and other areas west of the Euphrates.


Analysts view the Turkish-backed SNA as a markedly more significant threat to Kurds than HTS. [Getty]

“Kurds cannot trust the HTS or the SNA,” Salih said. “They have good reason for this based on the ideological nature of these groups and their past records both in dealing with them and the non-Sunni, non-Arab and non-Turkmen populations of Syria,” he added. “It’s a very fluid and unpredictable situation.”

Consequently, he believes the “best option” for Kurds is to evacuate east of the Euphrates, where the SDF is in a much better position to protect them. Reports suggest that the YPG has begun pulling forces from the Kurdish-majority neighbourhoods in coordination with HTS to allow Kurdish residents to evacuate.

It’s unclear if HTS can provide security guarantees for any Kurds who decide to remain in their homes in the city.

“In Aleppo, it depends on whether the YPG can reach a reliable understanding with HTS there for Kurdish civilians not to be harmed. There is no guarantee for that,” Salih said.

“In reality, it is more likely that a humanitarian disaster will materialise as a result of the influx of tens of thousands of displaced people to SDF-controlled areas in west Euphrates, which are already stretched thin in terms of resources and governance capabilities,” he added.

Kyle Orton, an independent Middle East analyst, described the present situation for Kurds in northern Syria as “precarious” but believes they have a better chance of surviving under HTS rule than other Syrian minorities.

“In theory, HTS’s Islamist worldview is actually less of a menace to Kurds per se, those that do not have ties to the YPG, since Kurds are Muslims,” Orton told TNA. “Christians and particularly Alawis have the most to fear from HTS rule, again in theory.”

He noted that HTS has made a “concerted effort to present a tolerant face” towards minorities in areas it has controlled, such as Christians in Idlib.

Related
What the Turkey-Syria rapprochement might mean for Syria's Kurds
Analysis
Paul Iddon


“How long any of this lasts is anyone’s guess: whatever the formal status of HTS’s relations with Al-Qaeda, it is a jihadist-derived entity, and there is every reason for scepticism,” Orton said.

“Assuming HTS does not initiate a concerted campaign of persecution against Kurds in Sheikh Maqsoud and other Kurdish-majority areas it has captured, we should expect most people to stay put,” he added.

“Settled communities will endure great hardships to maintain their homes and only move when they really have no other choice.”

Both analysts see the Turkish-backed SNA as a markedly more significant threat to Kurds than HTS.

“What we are seeing is that there is an actual demographic change campaign against Kurds underway in areas west of the Euphrates, particularly those areas under the control of the SNA. The SNA represents the most anti-Kurdish faction among the anti-Assad opposition groups,” Salih said.

“Kurds in the Tel Rifaat and the entire Shahba region are in danger of retribution by SNA groups whose entire mission at this point at Turkey’s behest appears to be fighting Kurds,” he added. “A mass displacement of Kurds from these areas is already going on.”

Orton also believes the SNA is a “much more worrying” threat to Kurds.

“There is little discipline in SNA ranks, and its fighters carry a much more bitterly ethno-sectarian outlook,” he said. “The chances of indiscriminate attacks on Kurdish populations by the SNA are much higher, and even without a targeted assault, the SNA’s governance methods are much more predatory and chaotic,” he added.


A humanitarian disaster could materialise as a result of the influx of tens of thousands of displaced people to SDF-controlled areas in west Euphrates. [Getty]

“It will not be so easy to live a ‘normal’ life in areas the SNA administers, and there is every reason to expect a larger outflow of Kurds.”

As if matters couldn’t get any worse, this new crisis could unwittingly end up empowering remnants of the Islamic State (IS) if the SDF has to focus its attention and resources elsewhere. The US has partnered with the SDF against IS for a decade now. The SDF was the main fighting force against IS, dismantling the entirety of its territorial self-styled caliphate on Syrian soil by 2019.

“It has to be assumed that the SDF will take contingency steps to protect its borders, and to that extent, its focus on IS diminishes. Odds are that IS will try to make its presence felt in the current melee,” Orton said.

“It seems likely IS will make its move in the northwest, at the centre of the action, but it could well be within the SDF statelet, especially if developments extend the instability further east,” he added.

Salih also believes the post-29 November turmoil is “inevitably impacting” SDF priorities.

“If Kurds are under attack in northwestern Syria, SDF fighters will have less incentive to prioritise the fight against IS,” he said.

In Salih’s view, this situation “highlights a fundamental miscalculation” in America’s strategy toward Syria’s Kurds, namely focusing exclusively on their joint fight against IS. By doing so, Washington ignored the “dire governance and humanitarian conditions” in the SDF-controlled areas caused by Turkish strikes and now the mass displacement and killing of Kurds in northwest Syria.

“This approach is unsustainable and counterproductive,” Salih said. “If continued, it will only further bolster IS and recreate the conditions for its resurgence.”

Paul Iddon is a freelance journalist based in Erbil, Iraqi Kurdistan, who writes about Middle East affairs.

Follow him on Twitter: @pauliddon



'We feel abandoned': Fear rises among Aleppo’s Kurdish residents

The takeover of Aleppo by the Islamist rebel group Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) has left the city’s Kurdish minority on edge. As Kurdish fighters reportedly withdrew from the area, a resident of the Kurdish quarter of Aleppo shared his concerns with the FRANCE 24 Observers team.

Issued on: 03/12/2024 - 
Aleppo's Kurdish district has been plunged into uncertainty since the arrival of HTS Islamist rebel groups. This image shows Kurdish fighters (left and right) and a Syrian islamist rebel (centre). 
© The Observers

By: Guillaume Maurice

On the night of November 29-30, Islamist rebel groups led by Hayʼat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) seized control of Aleppo, Syria’s second-largest city. Within the Kurdish minority now trapped in the city, many fear reprisals from HTS, whose fighters include former members of the Al-Nusra Front, a group once linked to Al-Qaeda.

Read more  Key points on the rebel gains that reignited Syria's civil war

Since 2016, most of Aleppo has been held by Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s army, except for the northern part which remained under the control of Syrian Kurdish forces.

This map shows areas of Aleppo under the control of the Islamist rebel HTS on December 2, 2024 in green. Zones controlled by the Kurdish-led SDF are shown in yellow. 
© LiveUaMap

The Sheikh Maqsoud district in northern Aleppo has been under the control of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) since the 2012–2016 Battle of Aleppo. The Kurdish forces navigated a complex web of alliances, clashing at times with Assad’s regime and fighting against other Syrian rebel factions.

When HTS advances were first reported, Kurdish fighters said they were ready to defend Sheikh Maqsoud. Some started converging towards Aleppo during the night.
Dans cette vidéo publiée le 29 novembre 2024 des membres de la minorité kurde d’Alep se disent prêts à défendre leur quartier de la ville, Cheikh-Maksoud. ©X/ofisa_agahi

As HTS fighters were taking control of Aleppo, clashes broke out between Kurdish fighters and members of both the HTS and the Syrian National Army (SNA), a coalition of Turkish-backed armed groups. Kurdish soldiers were reported captured.
This video, posted on December 1, 2024 and geolocated in northern Aleppo, shows Kurdish fighters being captured by HTS forces.

On December 1, the HTS issued a statement via Telegram calling on Kurdish fighters to evacuate Sheikh Maqsoud. “We propose that you leave Aleppo with your weapons, heading safely to northeastern Syria. We affirm that Syrian Kurds are an integral part of Syrian society, and should enjoy the same rights as the rest of the country's population,” the statement reads.

In this statement published on December 1, 2024, the Islamist rebel group HTS asks Kurdish forces to evacuate the city of Aleppo. In return, they agree not to attack Kurdish civilians in the city. 
© Telegram / aleamaliaat_aleaskaria

In response, the SDF commander-in-chief announced plans to evacuate Kurdish civilians from Aleppo.“We have intervened to establish a humanitarian corridor between our eastern regions and Aleppo [...] to protect our people from massacres,” reads the statement published on December 2.

But these announcements have done little to reassure Kurdish civilians in Aleppo.
'We don’t know what’s going to happen; we’re plunged into uncertainty'

A resident of Sheikh Maqsoud, who requested anonymity for security reasons, told The Observers he was deeply concerned.

We don’t know what’s going to happen; we’re plunged into uncertainty. We feel alone and abandoned.

I wasn’t in the area when the HTS attacked Assad’s forces in Aleppo, but I was nearby during their assaults on the Kurdish neighbourhood. The HTS used vehicles, shots were fired. There have been two or three attacks in the past few days.

Since Friday, we’ve had almost nothing to defend ourselves. We’ve received some support from the Syrian Democratic Forces, a few soldiers and weapons, but not much else, even though so many of us live here.

I don’t trust the Islamists’ promises not to harm us. They’ve already dismantled the Asayish –the Kurdish police force in the district. After that, they could easily turn violent.
'Are they just doing it opportunistically to expand their territory?'

For Broderick McDonald, a researcher at Oxford University, it is not clear how the HTS group will position itself vis-à-vis the Kurdish population, especially given the group's history.

This is part of HTS's strategy to make itself less confrontational with a whole host of different actors. It puts out statements not only to Kurdish groups but also to the government of Iraq, to the Russian government.

They are basically saying 'our fight is with Assad and as long as you do not align yourself with Assad, we don't have a problem with you.' Now, it's going to be difficult for them (the Kurds) to believe that, given the history of HTS. HTS has a track record of human rights abuses against many different minorities, including Kurds.

It is difficult to see how they will follow through on that. However it's interesting that HTS has tried as much as it can to avoid direct clashes with Kurdish groups. In fact, it's the SNA groups largely which are clashing or negotiating with the Kurds, much more than it is HTS itself.

There are still big questions: can you trust HTS to do this long term, or are they just doing it opportunistically to expand their territory? But by and large, I think they are trying their best to avoid getting into direct clashes with the Kurds and instead focusing their energy on the Assad regime.

As of the afternoon of December 2, videos circulating on social media showed Kurdish forces retreating from Aleppo toward the Kurdish-controlled regions of Raqqa and Manbij.
This video posted on Twitter on December 2, 2024 shows convoys of Kurdish forces withdrawing from Aleppo towards to the Kurdish-controlled regions of Raqqa and Manbij.

Sporadic clashes were reported later that day, though these accounts could not be independently verified.


Monday, December 30, 2024

Kurds Seek Federal Solution as Tensions Rise in Syria and Beyond

Kurds wave independence-era flags during a demonstration in support of the US-backed, Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces in the northeastern city of Qamishli, on Dec. 19, 2024. (DELIL SOULEIMAN/AFP via Getty Images)

GIORGIA VALENTE
MEDIALINE
12/29/2024

Kurds face oppression across the Middle East, battling for recognition and autonomy while resisting extremism, Turkey's aggression, and regional political challenges

The Kurdish people, often referred to as the largest stateless ethnic group in the world, have faced centuries of marginalization and persecution. Scattered across Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Iran, the Kurds share a cultural, linguistic, and historical bond but remain divided by political borders imposed after World War I. In Syria, their plight has been particularly stark with decades of oppression under the Arab nationalist Baath regime.

“The Kurds are native to Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Iran. Today, they are probably the largest ethnic group that does not have a state of its own. There are about 20 million in Turkey, 10 [million] in Iraq, 6 [million] in Iran, and 3 or 4 [million] in Syria. We do not have exact numbers. It’s all estimates,” Henri Barkey, adjunct senior fellow for Middle East Studies at CFR, said to The Media Line.

Kurds in Syria have long been treated as second-class citizens. Stripped of citizenship rights in the 1960s, many were rendered stateless and denied access to education, property ownership, and other fundamental rights.


I was perhaps one of the few Kurds who did not belong to the ruling party in Syria and still had the opportunity to work academically in Syrian universities, despite being classified as an opponent of the regime. When I earned my doctorate with distinction, the regime’s security agencies issued a secret order banning me from teaching in all public and private universities.

“I was perhaps one of the few Kurds who did not belong to the ruling party in Syria and still had the opportunity to work academically in Syrian universities, despite being classified as an opponent of the regime,” said to The Media Line, Serbest Nabi, a Syrian Kurdish political philosophy professor, currently living in Erbil, Kurdistan. However, his achievements came at a cost. “When I earned my doctorate with distinction, the regime’s security agencies issued a secret order banning me from teaching in all public and private universities,” he said.

This marginalization was rooted in the Baathist ideology, which sought to suppress ethnic diversity in favor of Arab nationalism. For Kurds, asserting their identity or demanding rights was met with suspicion and repression. “The suspicion of being an extreme Kurdish nationalist followed me everywhere and throughout my academic life,” he shared.

Many Syrian Kurds facing these issues, like Nabi, had to escape to Iraq, a country where Kurds achieved autonomy as part of a federal state. As of January 2024, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees reported that approximately 270,000 Syrian refugees were residing in Iraq, with the majority being Syrian Kurds.


I sought refuge in Iraqi Kurdistan. My family joined me here later. My children, who grew up here, know nothing about their homeland and their father’s birthplace.

“I sought refuge in Iraqi Kurdistan. My family joined me here later. My children, who grew up here, know nothing about their homeland and their father’s birthplace,” Nabi addressed.

Since the Syrian Civil War in 2011, Kurdish forces, primarily the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), have played a crucial role in fighting ISIS and controlling key territories in northern Syria.

“The Kurds in Syria alone have faced the culture of religious extremism and the racism of the Arab Baathist regime. Fate has forced them to confront groups like ISIS, Al-Nusra, and others with takfiri ideologies,” Barkey stated.

“The Kurds are responsible for holding 40,000 ISIS prisoners, including fighters, women, and children. If Turkey keeps pushing militias to obstacle them, these prisoners could escape, spreading across the Middle East and reigniting the ISIS threat in Syria like in the past,” he added.

SDF historically allied with the US against ISIS, but this has led to tensions with Turkey, which views the group as an extension of the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party), a designated terrorist organization.

“Turkey has invaded Syrian territory controlled by the Kurds three times since 2016, shrinking Kurdish-held areas under the pretext of fighting terrorism. Turkey, a NATO member, has been attacking Kurdish forces with impunity while the US did very little to protect them. Kurds were betrayed by allies,” Barkey said.

By supporting extremist factions, like Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), and creating proxy forces like the Syrian National Army, Ankara has sought to prevent any form of Kurdish autonomy along its borders.


Turkey is strategically afraid of Kurdish autonomy. If the Syrian Kurds negotiate something similar to Iraq’s federal structure, it raises the possibility that Turkish Kurds will demand the same. For Erdogan, this is a red line.

“Turkey is strategically afraid of Kurdish autonomy. If the Syrian Kurds negotiate something similar to Iraq’s federal structure, it raises the possibility that Turkish Kurds will demand the same. For Erdogan, this is a red line,” explained Barkey.

“Erdogan wants to bring back Ottoman thoughts—control Egypt, the Mediterranean Sea, Greece, and Cyprus. It’s all for pipelines and regional dominance, but the Kurds are an obstacle to this plan,” Juan Saadoun, a Syrian Kurd media activist currently living in Canada, said to The Media Line.

He also highlighted the hypocrisy in the West’s position these days. “The irony is that while the West normalized HTS, which originated from Al-Qaeda, they label Kurds as terrorists for past PKK ties,” he said.

Turkey’s aggression also aims to prevent solidarity between Kurds across borders. “We, along with the Kurds of Turkey, represent a shared social, cultural, and historical extension. Political borders cannot separate our common consciousness of belonging to our identity,” Saadoun noted.

He emphasized how Turkey’s proxy forces exacerbated the plight of civilians. “The Turkish-backed factions in Afrin and other areas in Syria commit atrocities, prevent families from returning, and enforce extremist practices like Jizya taxation,” he stated.

Personal stories of loss underscore the gravity of the situation and point out the fear of an ISIS comeback. “My brother Yusuf led fierce battles against ISIS and was martyred resisting the Turkish invasion in 2019 in Ras al-Ain (Sere Kaniye). My cousin, Haji, was martyred in the battles to liberate Raqqa from ISIS. We must prevent this from happening again,” Nabi shared.

Despite these challenges, the Kurds remain resilient, united by a shared vision for self-determination. “The Kurdish tragedy cannot continue in this manner. A solution must transcend the colonial-imposed borders of the Middle East after World War I to ensure the rightful place of the Kurds in this geography,” Barkey stated.

We want a federal region, like the Kurdistan region in Iraq. We want safety and protection for Alawites, Druze, and other minorities as well.

Saadoun shared this view: “We want a federal region, like the Kurdistan region in Iraq. We want safety and protection for Alawites, Druze, and other minorities as well.”

Yet, achieving this dream is fraught with obstacles. “I aspire to return to my country and participate in political life,” Nabi said. “However, I find it very difficult to return to a country ruled by an Islamic political-religious movement. I will most likely be on the side of the opposition, continuing to confront any tendency toward establishing a tyrannical religious authority in Syria.”, he claimed.

The Kurdish struggle for recognition, equality, and safety continues, a testament to their enduring spirit in the face of adversity. As Nabi pointed out, “The current situation requires resilience and global solidarity. Without it, the Kurds will remain caught in a cycle of war and marginalization, their sacrifices overshadowed by regional and international politics.”

Friday, January 21, 2022