Monday, March 31, 2025

 

Source: Labor Notes

In his broadest attack on federal workers and their unions to date, President Donald Trump on Thursday announced an executive order that claimed to end collective bargaining rights for nearly the whole federal workforce. Early estimates have the move affecting 700,000 to 1 million federal workers, including at the Veterans Administration and the Departments of Defense, Energy, State, Interior, Justice, Treasury, Health and Human Services, and even Agriculture.


This gutting of federal worker rights has the potential to be a pivotal, existential moment for the labor movement. It is a step that recognizes that the Trump administration’s rampage against the federal government is hitting a roadblock: unions.


Much remains to be seen: How quickly will the government move to execute the order? How much of it will stand up to challenges in court? Members of the Federal Unionists Network (FUN), who have been protesting ongoing firings and cuts, are holding an emergency organizing call on Sunday, March 30.


ECHOES OF PATCO


The move echoes past attacks on federal and public sector unions, including President Ronald Reagan firing 11,000 striking air traffic controllers, members of PATCO, in 1981. Reagan’s move signaled “open season” on the labor movement, public and private sector alike. Reacting to the Trump executive order, Auto Workers President Shawn Fain said in a statement that after the PATCO firings, “The labor movement failed to act in that moment, and we have been paying the price ever since.”


“The actions the administration has taken today are many times worse than PATCO,” he said


The dubious mechanism that Trump is using to revoke these rights involves declaring wide swaths of the federal workforce to be too “sensitive” for union rights.

The executive order claims that workers across the government have “as a primary function intelligence, counterintelligence, investigative, or national security work.”


Historically the interpretation of this has been much narrower. While CIA operatives have not been eligible for collective bargaining, nurses at the Veterans Administration have. These rights have been law since the 1978 Civil Service Reform Act, and in various forms for years prior, starting with an executive order by President Kennedy in 1962.


For example, the Veterans Administration has the largest concentration of civilian workers in the federal government, with more than 486,000 workers. The Trump executive order declares all of them to be excluded from collective bargaining rights.


A MILLION WORKERS AFFECTED


The order names 10 departments in part or in full, and eight other governmental bodies like agencies or commissions, ranging from all civilian employees at the Department of Defense and the Environmental Protection Agency to all workers at the Centers for Disease Control (a part of the Department of Health and Human Services) and the General Services Administration.


Federal unions immediately denounced the executive order, promising to challenge it in court. Everett Kelley, president of the American Federation of Government Employees, the largest federal union, said in a statement that AFGE “will fight relentlessly to protect our rights, our members, and all working Americans from these unprecedented attacks.”


It is unclear how quickly the federal government and its various agencies will act to nullify contracts and all that come with them.


At the Transportation Security Administration, where collective bargaining rights were axed in recent weeks, the impact was felt immediately: union representatives on union leave were called back to work, grievances were dropped, and contractual protections around scheduling were thrown out the window.


Some protests already in the works may become outlets for justified anger about the wholesale destruction of the federal labor movement.


Organizers with the FUN, a cross-union network of federal workers that has jumped into action as the crisis has deepened, are organizing local “Let Us Work” actions for federal workers impacted by layoffs and hosting the Sunday emergency organizing call March 30.


National mobilizations under the banner of “Hands Off” are also already planned for April 5.

 

Source: Labor Notes

From big cities to small towns, postal workers organized hundreds of rallies across the country in the past week to defend a beloved public service—and the nation’s largest union employer—against privatization and DOGE attack.

“Whose Postal Service?” workers chanted in New York: “The people’s Postal Service.”

“U.S. Mail Is Not for Sale” was the rallying cry March 20 at 250 rallies organized by the Postal Workers (APWU). “Fight Like Hell” was the theme March 23 for another 210 rallies led by the Letter Carriers (NALC).

A hundred people came out to the NALC rally in St. Petersburg, Florida, covering all four corners of the busiest intersection in town, said Roger Ezra Butterfield, a recently minted steward in APWU.

“I’ve been going to pickets for about 15 years, for farmworkers, for nurses, but I’ve never seen such a positive reception,” Butterfield said. “The ratio of getting flipped off to getting cheered on was heavily in our favor. There was so much honking, people shouting ‘We love postal workers!’ It was incredibly exciting.”

A hundred and twenty showed up for the APWU rally in Des Moines, Iowa, said letter carrier Margo O’Neill. “We were fired up,” she said. “More than anything I was glad to have the chance to express solidarity with APWU. I’m glad we can start working together.” Mail handlers and rural carriers came too: all four major postal service unions were represented.

BOTTOM-UP PLANNING

The NALC’s “Fight Like Hell” events were originally meant to be contract rallies, after letter carriers voted down a pitiful contract offer in January.

It was a breakthrough for the union’s bottom-up reform movement when NALC leadership agreed to call a national day of action. After a couple zigs and zags, the national even got on board with the date backed by the Build a Fighting NALC caucus—a Sunday, when most members are off work.

An energetic demonstration in Detroit, possibly the first that NALC Branch 1 has ever organized, drew 300 enthusiastic letter carriers and family members. “This is my first rally—and it won’t be my last,” one worker told longtime Labor Notes editor Jane Slaughter, who called it the most encouraging rally she had been to since Trump took office.

Three hundred turned out in the pouring rain in Seattle, where speakers included a federal worker from the Environmental Protection Agency and a veteran of the 1970 postal strike.

DOWNSIZE AND PRIVATIZE?

Foreboding clouds have hung over USPS since the reelection of Trump, who during his first term made no secret of his ambitions to downsize and privatize the service. His Postal Board of Governors back then appointed as Postmaster General Louis DeJoy, a major Trump campaign fundraiser from the private logistics sector.

While protests have stalled some parts of DeJoy’s 10-year plan of drastic cost-cutting and reorganization, he has managed to enact others, and until recently vowed he wasn’t going anywhere. But in February he announced he would be leaving, though he didn’t set a date.

Days later the Washington Post broke the news that Trump was on the verge of signing an executive order to bring the currently independent USPS under the Commerce Department, an illegal move that would presumably curtail union rights. Unlike other federal workers, postal workers since their 1970 strike have enjoyed full collective bargaining rights and the protections of the National Labor Relations Act.

The executive order still hasn’t arrived—but the threat set many dominos tumbling. The Postal Board of Governors held an emergency meeting and hired its own lawyers. DeJoy opened the door and invited DOGE in to help him hack away at specific parts of USPS, including workers’ retirement and a regulatory commission he doesn’t like. Wells Fargo investment analysts put out a memo drooling over postal privatization opportunities.

And the NALC leadership rushed the economic part of the contract into expedited arbitration, abandoned noneconomic issues, and refocused its “Fight Like Hell” rallies to emphasize the new threats.

CONTRACT FALLOUT

The day after the rallies, March 24, NALC President Brian Renfroe announced that the arbitrator had awarded a deal on March 21. The raises are barely improved—where the rejected offer had raises of 1.3 percent each year, the forced-upon-members contract has 1.3 percent the first year, 1.4 the second, and 1.5 the third.

Letter carriers, fresh off the energy of their rallies, were furious.

“It’s functionally the same contract that we all just voted down,” said O’Neill. She thought Renfroe might have trouble winning his next election after this. “One thing that rang true in a lot of people’s minds immediately is that UPS with [Teamsters then-President] James Hoffa Jr., he forced through that contract that they had voted down [in 2018] and then he ended up getting voted out.”

She has been helping build a local chapter of the Build a Fighting NALC caucus. “We have made so many connections with letter carriers across the state,” she said, giving as an example the town of Ames, which turned out 50-60 people for the NALC rally—impressive for a branch with just 30 members. People in rural communities, whatever their politics, rely on the postal service.

“It’s really heartening to see people standing up and see resistance even in these small pockets of Iowa,” O’Neill said. “I know there are a lot of people out there who are really upset with the union and just want to leave the union. We’re offering an alternative and saying, ‘Don’t leave the union. We need all hands on deck to make it better—either push leadership to take our side or find a new leadership.’”

In Seattle, “the members of Branch 79 that showed up, showed that they cared to fight and cared to win, and they had the gumption to win,” said letter carrier C. Moline. “Brian Renfroe has shown time and time again that he doesn’t have that, and that’s why he should step down. But he won’t step down, and that’s why we’re going to have to take him down.

“All the pride I feel about our rally is about equal to all the shame I feel about this man.”

The union election is next year. Two candidates have been gathering steam to challenge Renfroe for the presidency. And bargaining has taken so long that the NALC will be back at the table at next year, too. This contract is retroactive to 2023 and expires in 2026.

WOLF AT THE DOOR

A national day of action is not so novel in the APWU. Members rally regularly, most recently last fall when bargaining kicked off. But turnout was higher this time: at least double, for instance, in Tampa.

“There’s a feeling in the air that something is different,” said Butterfield. Local union leaders have been projecting urgency: texting members, asking stewards to talk about the threat, holding town halls on all three shifts in the distribution plant. Still, there’s also skepticism: people say “I’ve been hearing about privatization my entire career, and it hasn’t happened yet.”

“The boy who cried wolf metaphor been raised,” Butterfield said. “Our local president is saying this is very different: the wolf is at the door.”

The Wells Fargo memo bluntly suggests mass layoffs, doubling postal prices, selling off half the post offices, and eliminating the central mandate that USPS must provide universal service at universal rates. “You can send a postcard from rural Alaska to Tampa, Florida, for less than a dollar,” Butterfield said.

The APWU is still in bargaining, working under an extension of its recently expired contract. At last summer’s convention, members passed a resolution that the union should answer the United Auto Workers’ call to line up contract expirations around May Day 2028; this would be the contract in which to get that done.

The Rural Carriers (NRLCA) also rallied March 24 in Washington, D.C.

FOX ENTERS HENHOUSE

Contrary to what he had said about sticking around to make a smooth transition to his replacement, Postmaster General DeJoy announced his immediate resignation on March 24. Washington Post reporting suggested he was pushed out for not giving DOGE complete access.

“He let the fox into the henhouse and said, ‘Why don’t you just do the dishes,’” Moline said. “That’s not how this works.”

Meanwhile the administration’s attacks on workers in the rest of the federal sector are reaching a fever pitch. The latest executive order, issued March 27, is meant to eliminate the limited collective bargaining rights that federal workers have had. Four current bills in the House would dismantle additional union rights, like dues deduction and paid time for stewards.

“Forcing our representatives to go on record opposing legislation like that would be a good step,” said O’Neill. “The most important thing is that we organize, talk to the people we work with, discuss what privatization would mean for us—for the city letter carrier, and for our families that don’t live in cities.”

“While [Trump] has us looking at policies of hate and discrimination and prejudice, what he’s doing is he’s distracting us from the real picture,” said New York Metro Area APWU President Jonathan Smith at the March 20 rally. “And the real picture is corporate greed.

“Do not ever believe that this fight is about white versus black. It’s about rich versus poor. It’s about the haves and the have-nots… Who built this country? It wasn’t people in suits. It was people in coveralls.”


Jane Slaughter and Jenny Brown contributed reporting.

 

Source: Mint Press News

A far-right, pro-Israel group with a history of support for terror and genocide is working closely with the Trump administration, preparing dossiers on thousands of pro-Palestine figures it wants deported from the United States. Betar U.S. is known to have had several meetings with senior government officials and has claimed credit for the arrest and detention of Mahmoud Khalil, a leader of the nationwide anti-genocide student demonstrations that began at Columbia University last year.


Ross Glick, the group’s executive director until last month, noted that he met with a diverse set of influential lawmakers, including Democratic senator John Fetterman and aides to the Republican senators Ted Cruz and James Lankford, and that all supported Betar U.S.’ campaign to rid the country of thousands of “terror supporters.”


Shortly after Glick’s trip to Washington, D.C., Trump signed an executive order titled “Additional Measures to Combat Anti-Semitism” that promises “the removal of resident aliens who violate our laws,” to “quell pro-Hamas vandalism and intimidation,” and to “investigate and punish anti-Jewish racism in leftist, anti-American colleges and universities.”


Trump himself announced that Khalil’s arrest, which made worldwide headlines, was “the first of many to come.” “We know there are more students at Columbia and other Universities across the country who have engaged in pro-terrorist, anti-Semitic, anti-American activity, and the Trump administration will not tolerate it,” he wrote on Truth Social. The 45th and 47th president has also stated that he plans to deport “Communists” and “Marxists” from the United States, even those who are citizens. As such, this marks an escalation in government-backed suppression of dissent not seen since the McCarthyist era of the 1940s and 1950s.


Carrying Out Terror, Supporting Genocide


Betar U.S. describes itself as a “loud, proud, aggressive and unapologetically Zionist” movement “dedicated to defending Israel’s legitimacy and strengthening the Jewish connection to the land of Israel.” This includes “taking action where others won’t” – a rather ominous phrase, considering the aggressive activities of the Jewish organizations it derides as “passive” and weak.


Last week, the group appeared to openly attempt to organize an assassination attempt on Francesca Albanese, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Occupied Palestinian Territories. “Join us to give Francesca a [pager emoji] in London on Tuesday,” it posted online, an apparent reference to the September pager attack on  Lebanon carried out by the Israeli military. The incident killed dozens of people and injured thousands more civilians, and was widely condemned – even by former CIA Director Leon Panetta – as an act of international terrorism.


Last month, Betar U.S. made a similar threat against Jewish-American writer Peter Beinart. After The New York Times published his article criticizing the State of Israel, it put out a statement reading, “We urge all Jews on the Upper West Side to give Peter Beinart a [three pager emojis]. He is a traitor, a kapo, and we must oppose him.” Thus, Betar not only smeared him as a Nazi collaborator (Kapo) and called for his assassination but also appeared to reveal Beinart’s home location.


A similar incident occurred to political scientist Norman Finkelstein. In an effort to intimidate him into silence, a Betar member slipped a pager into his coat pocket, filming the incident. After Finkelstein refused to stop speaking out against injustice in the Middle East, last weekend, the group attempted to break up his public event in Washington, D.C.


Perhaps most outrageously, Betar has also publicly placed a bounty on the head of Palestinian-American activist Nerdeen Kiswani, telling her that “You hate America, you hate Jews, and we are here and won’t be silent. $1,800 to anyone who hands that jihadi a beeper,” and later repeating the offer. After worldwide pushback, the organization has deleted its posts calling for political killings of international officials and U.S. citizens.


In addition, Betar has regularly attempted to intimidate or shut down movements or gatherings protesting Israeli crimes. At a student event at UCLA, Betar publicly stated, “We demand police remove these thugs now and if not we will be forced to organize groups of Jews to do so.”


In January, it tried to break up a New York City vigil for Hind Rajab, a five-year-old Palestinian girl brutally murdered by Israeli forces. Betar members filmed the event, telling attendees they were with ICE and using facial recognition technology to obtain their identities, which would subsequently be used to deport them.


In recent weeks, Betar members have also chanted hate speech outside a Bangladeshi mosque in New York City and attacked people who protested the illegal sale of Occupied West Bank land at an auction in Brooklyn.


That Betar is a hate group is barely in question. Even notoriously pro-Israel groups such as the Anti-Defamation League (an organization the FBI once noted was almost certainly being bankrolled by the Israeli government) have included it in its list of extremist hate organizations. The ADL notes that Betar uses the fascist Kahanist slogan, “For every Jew, a .22” (meaning Jews should be armed with .22 rifles) and has indicated it wishes to work with the Proud Boys, a far-right American gang.


Betar frequently revels in violence against civilian populations and calls for genocide against Palestinians. “Fuck your ceasefire!!  Turn Gaza to rubble!!” they announced last month. “Betar firmly supports the plan to remove Palestinians from Gaza,” they added. In response to a post detailing the vast numbers of Palestinian babies killed since October 7, 2023, it replied, “Not enough. We demand blood in Gaza!”


A Fascist Paramilitary – But Jewish


Betar traces its origins back over 100 years. The group was founded by early Zionist leader Ze’ev Jabotinsky as a far-right paramilitary force, one that explicitly stood against the leftist Jewish groups who dominated at a time when “Jewish” and “socialist” were seen by many as virtually synonymous. Jabotinsky believed that establishing a state in Palestine would require the creation of what he called a “new Jew,” one that would be willing to fight and die for Zionism. To this end, Betar was established as a fighting organization and received generous funding from conservative benefactors.


Jabotinsky instructed members to swear an oath to the unborn Israel: “I devote my life to the rebirth of the Jewish State, with a Jewish majority, on both sides of the Jordan.” The creation of such a state, therefore, would require the mass extermination or expulsion of the region’s native inhabitants.


Betar’s formal name was Brit Yosef Trumpeldor, named after a Jewish settler who was killed in 1920 in an early firefight with Palestinians over disputed land. It was exactly men like Trumpeldor who Jabotinsky believed were necessary in order to win, in contrast to the majority of European Jews, who he saw as passive and weak.


1920s Europe was a time of rising antisemitism, and despite their inherent anti-Jewish nature, many conservative Jews admired the discipline and organization of fascist paramilitaries such as Hitler’s Brownshirts. Betar was modeled on these groups, with Jabotinsky believing the Zionist project’s success was dependent on the establishment of such organizations.


Because of their anti-communist, anti-worker outlook, conservative money flooded into Betar, helping it become one of the largest and most influential Jewish organizations by the 1930s, with membership rising to around 70,000 people. Betar leaders would go on to become key figures in Israeli politics. These included Prime Ministers, Menachem Begin and Yitzchak Shamir, as well as Benzion Netanyahu, the father of current Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.


Betar
Members of Betar attend a summer youth camp in the Polish town Zakopane in 1935. Photo | Public Domain

While this depiction of Betar as a fascist terrorist group might sound biased or one-sided, much of this information comes directly from the organization itself.


On its official website’s “Our History” section, Betar writes (emphasis added):


Betar thus became an incubator for the development of right-wing Zionist ideas and its supporters were sometimes referred to as “Jewish Fascists.” In Palestine, Betar members facilitated illegal Jewish immigration and were active instigators of disturbances and violence, frequently bombing Arab civilian areas in response to attacks and waging guerilla [sic] warfare against the British.”

 

Thus, the organization does not shy away from the fascism label, and it proudly notes that it “frequently” carried out terror operations against Arab civilians in Palestine. (At some point in the past week, after it began receiving increased scrutiny for its connections to the Trump administration, Betar has removed both the “fascist” moniker and the boast about bombing Arabs, but the original page can still be viewed via the Internet Archive.


Since October 7, 2023, Betar has greatly upped its presence in the United States, thanks to far-right Israeli-American businessman Ronn Torossian and Executive Director Ross Glick. In July 2024, it successfully applied for tax-exempt nonprofit status, meaning it is classified by the government as a charity. “Since our revival in 2024, Betar has made a powerful impact across the U.S. and is just getting started. We are recruiting, developing, and empowering Jews to become unapologetic Zionist leaders—defending Israel on campuses, in communities, and across all platforms,” Betar writes. Yet an investigation by The Electronic Intifada suggests that Betar might have been illegally fundraising.


The same report notes that Glick has faced serious allegations of sex crimes. In 2019, his former girlfriend found nude images of herself posted on her company’s official Instagram, Facebook, and Twitter pages. Glick was arrested and charged with unlawful use of a computer and unlawfully posting the lewd pictures. He pleaded guilty to second-degree harassment, a violation, and paid a fine.


Commentators across the political spectrum agree that the Trump administration is pushing the United States in a rightward direction, in the process running roughshod over constitutional protections and guarantees. In doing so, they have found allies in many controversial groups. That such a small and new movement like Betar U.S. already enjoys such influence within the White House has already raised eyebrows. And given Israel’s determination to continue its genocidal campaigns against its neighbors – and Trump’s limitless support for its ally – it appears likely that Betar’s power is expected to grow under the current administration.


If this is the case, that is bad news for those who value the right to speak freely and to protest. It is therefore crucial that this group be understood and scrutinized rather than be allowed to operate in the shadows behind closed doors.


Alan MacLeod is Senior Staff Writer for MintPress News. After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books: Bad News From Venezuela: Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age: Still Manufacturing Consent, as well as a number of academic articles. He has also contributed to FAIR.orgThe GuardianSalonThe GrayzoneJacobin Magazine, and Common Dreams.