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Tuesday, January 07, 2025

What Trudeau's resignation will mean for Canada's economy

Gigi Suhanic

Mon, January 6, 2025 
FINANCIAL POST


SMUG

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau announces his resignation during a news conference at Rideau Cottage in Ottawa on Monday. (Credit: DAVE CHAN/AFP via Getty Images)


Justin Trudeau says he will step down as prime minister once a new leader of the Liberal Party is selected, ending months of speculation.

Gov. Gen. Mary Simon has agreed with his request to prorogue Parliament until March 24.

Questions about Trudeau’s leadership have swirled for more than a year, but reached a peak on Dec. 16 when Chrystia Freeland, his deputy prime minister and finance minister, resigned from cabinet just hours before she was to present the fiscal update.

The move escalated the political uncertainty around the country and caused the Canadian dollar to plummet below 70 cents U.S. for the first time since the early days of the pandemic.

Here’s what economists think Trudeau’s resignation will mean for the economy.
‘New wave of uncertainty:’ RSM Canada

Trudeau’s resignation “ushers in a new wave of uncertainty for the Canadian economy and financial markets,” Tu Nguyen, an economist at tax consultant RSM Canada, said in a note following the announcement.

In a sign of how the political upheaval has rattled markets, Bloomberg’s Canada Economic Policy Uncertainty Index surged to 650, its highest level ever, far outstripping its last peak posted at the start of the pandemic.

The index has typically hung around the 200 to 350 mark over the past few decades.

“The jump in uncertainty highlights the risk to the economic outlook caused by the political sector,” Nguyen said.

Political stability has attracted investors to Canada in the past, and she worries the uncertainty caused by a prorogued Parliament could discourage foreign investment.

This year was supposed to be a rebound year as inflation continues to ease and Bank of Canada interest rate cuts boost the economy. Now, that rebound could be in jeopardy, Nguyen said, at least in the short term.

“This latest bout of political instability could delay recovery as businesses could delay hiring and investments, instead adopting a wait-and-see approach,” she said.
‘Power vacuum:’ Capital Economics

The upheaval in the Liberal Party creates a “power vacuum” at a bad time as Donald Trump repeated his threat of 25 per cent tariffs on Monday and the clock ticks down to inauguration day, Stephen Brown, Capital Economics Ltd.’s assistant chief North America economist, said in a note.

But considering that Trump has publicly mocked Trudeau, Brown believes a new Conservative government in Canada led by Pierre Poilievre would stand a better chance of working with the new United States administration.

Among the Conservative policies that Brown said would resonate with Republicans are a “balanced budget rule,” a reduction in capital gains taxes and a promise to “significantly reduce” regulations that hinder business investment.

“At a time when Canada’s productivity performance has been so abysmal, we have some sympathy with the id
ea that overburdensome regulation is holding back the economy,” he said.

Federal policy ‘sea change’: Oxford Economics

Trudeau’s resignation accelerates an expected “sea change” in federal policy, making a spring election more likely, said Tony Stillo, chief economist at Oxford Economics.

He thinks the New Democratic Party and the Bloc Québécois will press the Liberals to include their priorities in the next federal budget and use that as a jumping-off point for an election once prorogation ends on March 24.

If the Conservatives secure a majority, as recent polls suggest they will, they would have the ability to reduce the size of government, restore fiscal balance and cut taxes, he said.

Other leading priorities include axing the carbon tax and cutting immigration.

Middle East latest: Israel's military launches wave of raids across the occupied West Bank


The Associated Press
Tue, January 7, 2025


The Israeli military launched a wave of raids across the occupied West Bank overnight and into Tuesday, killing at least three Palestinians it said were militants a day after a deadly shooting attack.

The army said it killed two militants in an airstrike after they fired at troops in the area of Tamun in the northern West Bank. It said another militant was killed in “close-quarters combat” in the nearby village of Taluza and an Israeli soldier was severely wounded. The military said it arrested more than 20 suspected militants.

Hamas said in a statement that one of its veteran commanders, Jaafar Dababsah, was killed by Israeli forces in the area of the two deadly raids.

It said the overnight operations were not related to Monday's shooting in which gunmen opened fire on a bus carrying Israelis in the West Bank, killing two women in their 70s and a 35-year-old policeman before fleeing

Palestinians have carried out scores of shooting, stabbing and car-ramming attacks against Israelis, especially during the past 15 months of the Israel-Hamas war in the Gaza Strip. Israel has launched near-nightly military raids across the West Bank that frequently trigger gun battles with militants and have also killed civilians.


Occupied West Bank rocked by day of violence as gunmen kill three Israeli settlers and reprisal attacks reported

Max Saltman, Mike Schwartz and Irene Nasser, CNN
Tue, January 7, 2025 

Israeli soldiers, police officers and rescue teams inspect the scene following a shooting on January 6, 2025, in the Palestinian village of Al-Funduq, in the occupied West Bank.


Multiple Israeli settler attacks against Palestinians have been reported in parts of the occupied West Bank after gunmen killed three settlers and injured eight others earlier on Monday in the latest explosion of violence there.

While tensions have been rising in the West Bank for years, the October 7 attacks by Hamas and the subsequent Israeli assault on Gaza has ushered in a volatile new chapter in the occupied territory.

Attacks on Palestinian communities by Israeli settlers, emboldened by their country’s offensive in Gaza and support from Israel’s right-wing government, have increased – while there have also been attacks against the settlers.

Earlier on Monday, Israeli vehicles were targeted on Route 55 in Al-Funduq, a Palestinian village in the West Bank, according to Israeli authorities. The road, which snakes through the northern West Bank, passes through the Jewish settlement of Kedumim.

Two women in one car were shot dead and a man in a second car 160 yards away died of gunshot wounds, Israel’s Magen David Adom (MDA) emergency service said.

A further eight people were injured in the attack, including the bus driver, who was shot in his limbs and abdomen, according to the MDA.

The deadly shooting sent tensions soaring and within hours the official Palestinian news agency WAFA reported multiple attacks on Palestinians.

In the northern West Bank, Israeli settlers set fire to a vehicle in the town of Hajja, and carried out attacks in Far’ata and Amatin villages, according to WAFA, where Israeli settlers reportedly threw stones at people’s homes and destroyed crops. Citing locals, WAFA reported that Israeli forces fired at men of the village of Amatin as they tried to confront the violence by settlers. CNN has reached out to the Israeli military about this claim.

On the incident in Hajja, the Israeli military said they received several reports on Monday evening of “Israeli civilians who entered the village” and had “caused damage to property” and Israeli came to the scene.

WAFA also reported an increase of Israeli military reinforcements in the area, with additional checkpoints, road closure and incursions into towns. CNN has reached out to the Israeli military for comment on the claim.

Two more incidents were reported southeast of Ramallah where Israeli settlers set fire to an agricultural room in the town of Turmus Ayya on Monday evening, according to security sources who told WAFA. Meanwhile Israeli settlers attacked Palestinian vehicles with stones near Bethlehem, according to WAFA.
‘Settle accounts’

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu vowed retaliation following the attack by gunmen earlier in the day. In a statement on X, he pledged to “find the abhorrent murderers and settle accounts with them and with all those who aided them. No one will get away.”

Netanyahu is expected to hold a cabinet meeting on Tuesday and discuss the West Bank.

While there has been no claim of responsibility yet for the shooting, it has been praised by the Palestinian militant group Hamas and been labelled a “terrorist attack” by Israel.

Speaking at the scene, Israel Defense Forces (IDF) chief Herzi Halevi said the “clock is ticking” for the attackers, and vowed to track down those responsible, make the route safer, and intensify Israel’s “intense and wide-ranging” operations “against terrorism” in the occupied West Bank.

Israeli authorities later identified the two women as Aliza Reiss and Rachel Cohen – two civilian residents of Kedumim, both in their 70s – and the man as Yaakov Winkelstein, a police investigator from Ariel, a settlement south of the site of the attack.

Rephaela Segal, assistant mayor of Kedumim, described the women as “young in nature” and said Cohen had been volunteering as a special education teacher in her retirement. Reiss was a counselor at a high school in a nearby settlement, Karnei Shomron, and both were traveling to Karnei Shomron at the time of the attack, Segal said.

This isn’t the first time in recent months that violence has broken out in this part of the West Bank. In August 2024, a group of 30 armed Israeli settlers attacked Jit, a Palestinian town just 10 minutes from Kedumim. They fired bullets, tear gas and set homes and cars on fire, according to residents who witnessed the attack.
Volatile new chapter

Recent international focus on the region has been largely on Israel’s military operations in Gaza. But another major escalation of violence has been playing out around 60 miles away in the Israeli-occupied West Bank where 3.3 million Palestinians are living under Israeli military occupation surrounded by hundreds of thousands of Israeli settlers. Such Israeli settlements are considered illegal under international law and by much of the international community.

According to the UN, more than 500 Palestinian civilians were killed in the West Bank during 2024, with children bearing much of the violence. The UN said in December that 2024 had been a deadlier year for Palestinian children in the West Bank than the prior seven years combined. Since the October 7 attacks in 2023, at least 169 children have been killed by Israeli forces and Jewish settlers in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, according to the UN.

Meanwhile, 2024 was the third-deadliest year for Israelis in the West Bank since data collection began in 2008, according to the UN, which recorded the deaths of 34 Israelis – 15 soldiers and 19 civilians. Of those civilians, seven were settlers.

In August, the US announced sanctions against an Israeli organization, Hashomer Yosh, allegedly responsible for supporting settler violence in the West Bank against Palestinians, according to a State Department spokesperson.

Attacks have also come as the Israeli government ramped up approvals of Israeli settler housing. In July, Israel’s government approved a large land seizure in the occupied West Bank – the biggest since the 1993 Oslo Accords set out a path for peace between Israel and the Palestinians, according to the Israeli rights group Peace Now. The area was converted to state land, according to a document from the body, but the official notice wasn’t posted until days after, Peace Now said.

On Wednesday, the Israeli government is due to hold a construction planning meeting to discuss Israeli settlements housing approvals, the sixth consecutive week of Settlement Contruction Planning Meetings, according to Peace Now.

“The shift to weekly planning meetings represents both a normalization and intensification of settlement construction,” Peace Now said, adding that if the coming plans are approved, “the six-week total will reach 2,377 housing units. At this rate, 2025 could set new records, with projections exceeding 1,500 units per month,” Peace Now said, adding that it’s as a result of “policy changes” that have been introduced by Netanyahu and the current government.

This article has been updated. CNN’s Eugenia Yosef contributed to this report.

 







A woman protests against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's government and call for the release of hostages, held in the Gaza Strip by the Hamas militant group, in Tel Aviv, Israel, Monday, Jan. 6, 2025.
 (AP Photo/Ohad Zwigenberg)

Monday, January 06, 2025



Civil rights group’s lawsuit using Ku Klux Klan Act is last hope of holding Trump accountability for Jan. 6

Gerren Keith Gaynor
Mon, January 6, 2025 



RALEIGH, NORTH CAROLINA - NOVEMBER 04: Republican presidential nominee, former U.S. President Donald Trump takes the stage during a campaign rally at the J.S. Dorton Arena on November 04, 2024 in Raleigh, North Carolina. (Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)


“We have to decide, as a nation, do we want to allow that type of racialized political violence to be normalized,” says Damon Hewitt, president and executive director of Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, about a civil lawsuit again Donald Trump for the January 6th insurrection of 2021.

One of the nation’s leading civil rights groups is fighting to hold President-elect Donald Trump accountable for his role in the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol.

“We have to decide, as a nation, do we want to allow that type of racialized political violence to be normalized and to go unaccounted for,” said Damon Hewitt, president and executive director of Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law.

The civil rights organization is leading the civil lawsuit, Smith v. Trump, on behalf of several U.S. Capitol Police officers who were injured and harmed by the Jan. 6 attack four years ago. The suit is seeking punitive damages in an amount to be determined by the jury at trial, awarded cost of attorney fees, among other damages.

Hewitt tells theGrio that the attack on the Capitol was a violation of civil rights, namely that of Black and brown voters whose ballots Trump and his supporters sought to overturn. However, his lawsuit focuses squarely on the officers who defended the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021.

On Monday, Congress peacefully certified Trump’s presidential win in the 2024 election, cementing him as the 47th president of the United States. However, this marked a stark contrast to what happened four years ago when a mob of Trump’s supporters did what seemed unfathomable at the time.

Thousands physically assaulted officers guarding the Capitol, some using weapons and breaking windows in an effort to breach the federal building and stop the certification of Joe Biden and Kamala Harris’ 2020 election win. According to the U.S. Department of Justice, approximately 140 officers were injured during the attack.

The lawsuit filed by the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law alleges that Trump and other defendants, including the white nationalist group Proud Boys, violated the Ku Klux Klan Act of 1871.


WASHINGTON, DC – JANUARY 06: Pro-Trump protesters, including Proud Boys leader Joe Biggs, (plaid shirt at bottom center of frame,) gather in front of the U.S. Capitol Building on January 6, 2021 in Washington, DC.(Photo by Jon Cherry/Getty Images)

“There’s a provision that prohibits a conspiracy to violate civil rights. You don’t have to be wearing the hood in order to do that,” Hewitt told theGrio.

He added, “If you have multiple parties who are in communication to deprive people of their civil rights, to stop processes like execution of functions, like counting of ballots – that’s what this type of law is tailor-made for.”

Hewitt said it’s imperative that justice is served and sees his lawsuit on behalf of Capitol Police officers as the “last leg” of a “stool of accountability” for what happened four years ago, particularly after the political process of impeachment and investigation by the House Select Committee in Congress led by Rep. Bennie Thompson.

The lawsuit alleges that the police officers who are part of the Smith v. Trump case experienced a range of damages, including PTSD and long-term trauma. Some officers not a part of the lawsuit also died as a result of the Capitol attack. Though the Lawyers’ Committee has previously advocated for police reform legislation like the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act, Hewitt emphasized that the organization is not “anti-police” and that this lawsuit on behalf of officers is about justice. He also acknowledged the racial justice aspect of the lawsuit, as those officers were also defending against the “big lie” that there were “stolen votes” in 2020, largely in cities with large populations of Black and brown voters in cities like Philadelphia, Detroit, Atlanta, and Milwaukee.

If Trump is able to evade accountability in this case, as he has done in countless political and legal attempts to hold him accountable, Hewitt said it would mean that he and others could continue to “injure Black people and people standing up for our rights with impunity.” Trump has also vowed to pardon some people convicted for the Jan. 6 attack.

“It really sends the message that we don’t matter. That’s not something we can stand by,” said Hewitt.
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As Trump prepares to be inaugurated as the 47th president of the United States, the civil rights lawyer expressed concern that the history and nature of what happened on Jan. 6, 2021, could lead to a “whitewashing of what has really happened.”

In states like Oklahoma and Arkansas, where elected officials have already moved to censor or eliminate teachings about race and racism in America, Hewitt could very well see the omission of Jan. 6 in textbooks. “Unless we can stop them,” he added.

As Trump continues to claim presidential immunity in other legal cases as a result of the U.S. Supreme Court ruling granting him broad immunity from prosecution, Hewitt says the Smith v. Trump lawsuit could be one of the first cases to test that theory, even if it is a civil case.
“We have been successful to this point in keeping the case alive in the federal district court despite multiple attempts to kill it,” he noted. “If it was easy for them to overcome, they would have defeated it already.”

He added, “Trump tends to play the ‘try-to-run-the-clock-out’ type of deal that worked for the criminal prosecutions, but that’s not going to work in this civil rights case.”

The Smith v. Trump case has surpassed the discovery phase and is expected to have its next court date in the coming months.


Gerren Keith Gaynor is a White House Correspondent and the Managing Editor of Politics at theGrio. He is based in Washington, D.C.

The Emergence of Time as a Social Force



 January 3, 2025
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Photograph Source: Alex Lehner – CC BY 2.0

In 1336, Milan was expanding to become one of the richest and most important cities in all of Europe. From the end of the 13th century, it was ruled by a powerful dynasty that would go on to found the Duchy of Milan, a major state that would remain intact until Napoleon’s armies swept across Europe centuries later. That year, Milan cemented its position as a burgeoning technological powerhouse by introducing “the first documented hour-striking clock in a public setting.” Milan’s spectacular clock was an international sensation and “has been described as the first true automat in Europe and the locking wheel as a precursor of the computer.” The hourly ringing of its bells heralded the modern world, the world we know today, dominated by the power of time, where nothing would fall outside of its ambit. It was spellbinding, the cutting edge breakthrough of its day. Until then, time was conceived not as fixed and linear, as a standardized grid within which to situate the tasks of daily life—rather the tasks of daily life were the clock, dictating and defining time rather than the inverse. The prevailing model of time was as something relativistic, informed by patterns in nature that were not rigid and unmoving. But time assumed a new form and social energy. From the early modern period on, “time” becomes one of the most frequently used words, tightening its grip on the social order and our imaginations. Time of this new kind is an artifice that must be produced through social norms and institutions. It is neither natural nor necessary, but is rather a development from complex material realities and the interests of an emerging ruling class.

After these developments in the Late Middle Ages and Early Renaissance, in which time is invented or at least socially reinvented, the concept undergoes a series of refinements that deepen its penetration of social and economic life. Until today, when the reification of time into a powerful tool of social control and domination seems almost complete. Ever more precise instruments for measuring time and smaller and more exact units of measurement have created a new and distinctly modern understanding of and relationship with time. Time continued to magnify its power, and the separation of production into smaller and more discrete steps tracks the invention and development of time. But it did more than just reshape patterns of production; it reshaped the human subject and her conception of herself and her physical and social environment. The subject would now always understand herself as being within time, adopting its purposes and logics, justifying her decisions in its terms. Later, with the social relationships and patterns of the industrial age, time is reconceived as yardstick, taskmaster, and disciplinarian, as a new God to which unending sacrifices are owed. Increasingly, every waking minute must be filled to propitiate the insatiable gods of productivity and efficiency—every activity and minute required to complete it must be scheduled and optimized. “The growth of a sense of time—the acceptance of time—is a process of adaptation to an ever more reified world.” We have become the subjects of highly refined, historically contingent new absolutism. One can express himself in any way, adopt any lifestyle in private, just insofar as he can never exercise any meaningful control over his time. The inexorability of time makes it “the ultimate model of domination,” fragmenting and dispersing everything before it by artificially separating us from the reality of experience as continuous, unified, and fluid. By breaking time into ever smaller units, we are disintegrating human life and experience itself, creating abstract, unnecessary distinctions between fundamental aspects of human life. Once meaningless and essentially unknowable, time as a social construct and system is now inescapable, “mirroring blind authority itself.”

Our lifelong relationships with time under capitalism are emotionally fraught. Time presses upon us with increasing energy and persistence in the age of the smartphone, as our calendars and other “productivity” applications ensure a steady outpouring of reminders and alerts. Time is there and it is running out fast, grains of sand piling up on the floor of the hourglass. In our era of ever-increasing pace, in which our culture places enormous value on speed, precision, and efficiency, there is the temptation to inspect each grain. Was that unit of time spent wisely? Now we have wearable devices that can provide us with information about the user’s heart rate, sleep patterns and quality, and exercise habits. Review the data and optimize the system—that’s the message, and it carries with it an indispensable temporal quality, because what is maximally efficient in any given case is dependent on time and how much of the precious commodity one has. Time is now conceived of in its pure commodity form, perfectly reducible and fungible. Andrew Niccol’s 2011 film In Time, though widely panned, explored an interesting iteration of this idea: the story plays out in a future where time has become the standard currency, and how long you can stay alive is determined by how rich you are. People are separated into segregated “Time Zones,” where the poor live out their short lives in ghettos. Even in our so-called free society, the lives of workers and the poor are necessarily shortened, for even if they are long, the amount of time free from toil—that is, the real life of the individual—is painfully and tragically short.

Several thinkers have drawn historical connections between the technologies that give us time as we know it and the social mechanisms of domination today associated with it. If we have been tempted to treat such technological advances as necessarily opening the way to increasing convenience and improved quality of life, then they give us reasons to at least subject this story to scrutiny. The work of eminent historian E.P. Thompson provides us with one of the seminal treatments of the cultural transformation wrought by the “new immediacy and insistence” of time as “[t]he clock steps on to the Elizabethan stage.” In his 1967 article “Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism,” Thompson argues that new technologies for tracking time were attended by dramatic shifts in “the inward apprehension of time of working people” and thus by “a severe restructuring of working habits—new disciplines, new incentives, and a new human nature upon which these incentives could bite effectively.” Time crept into every corner of life, as the day was bent into conformity with the needs of the economic system. In a short but fascinating aside, underlining the connection between these new ways of conceptualizing time and the most private and intimate aspects of human life, Thompson observes that, for a time, “winding the clock” took hold as a slang term for sexual activity following the 1759 publication of the popular and influential novel Tristram Shandy. Among the humorous scenes early in the novel is a question from the protagonist’s mother, put to his father during the carnal act resulting in Tristram’s conception: “have you not forgot to wind up the clock?” Everything is susceptible to commodification and exchange, time and sex included. The advent of time as we know it gave us small, discrete units capable of being alienated (in the sense of a conveyance or transferral); it fit perfectly with commodity capitalism.

There is a sense in which freedom is reducible to free time, in which domination and unfreedom are bound to the historical establishment of control over the time of others. Today, there is an overwhelming feeling “that people shouldn’t really have control over their time—that they can’t be trusted with it, that they need to be dominated in order for there to be some social order.” From the philosopher Theodor W. Adorno (1903-1969) we receive one of the most trenchant looks at the concept of time in its current social dimensions. Adorno’s 1969 essay “Free Time” attempts to ground a critique of our approaches to free time under contemporary conditions, contending that our relationships with it are shaped in decisive ways, “functionally determined” by “relations of production into which people are born.” Adorno believes fundamentally that we are living within an “age of truly unparalleled social integration,” in which institutional cohesion and consolidated power are such that the individual is functionally trapped, unable to contend with the almost total subjugation of free time. Adorno thinks this means “that ‘free time’ is tending toward its own opposite, and is becoming a parody of itself.” Adorno’s arguments, though filled with a kind of curmudgeonly condescension, cut into the inescapable social totality created by capitalism: “The miracles which people expect from their holidays or from other special treats in their free time, are subject to endless spiteful ridicule, since even here they never get beyond the threshold of the eversame … .” For Adorno, there is a deep sense in which the cultural fixation on and celebration of not being at work, of engaging in carefully curated and choreographed hobbies and leisure activities, itself shows the extent to which capitalism and its characteristic program of time discipline has come to dominate all of life. “If people were able to make their own decisions about themselves and their lives, if they were not caught up in the realm of the eversame, they would not have to be bored.”

Adorno demonstrates that, by themselves, the technological mechanisms necessary for the distillation of time were insufficient to bring about the new power of the clock; also necessary were the social and economic predicates. Successive advances in the sophistication and accuracy of timekeeping coincided with efforts to rationalize uses of land and labor. When the English ruling class engrossed the land, they engrossed the time of the peasantry along with it as a matter of course. The political world, its problems and possibilities, are inconceivable absent their temporal character; we cannot imagine the political world without reference to time. We could almost index political categories by their attitudes toward time and the ceaseless flow of history, where conservatives “stand athwart history,” hoping to slow in some way the passage of time. For their part, progressives associate movement into an unknown future with social and technological developments and steady advancement. In the current moment, when capital continues to concentrate and the crisis realities of this growing inequality visit us with increasing frequency, capitalism seems to have conceptually preempted the future: even as we live under its domination and see its innate tensions play out, there is a sense that the system of global capitalism cannot end. Progressives and liberals have made their peace with capitalism, quietly resigning efforts to imagine and build alternatives. We’re stuck at the end of history, without the tools to go beyond the dead end.

But even as we’re stuck, we seem to be moving faster and faster, careening even. The incredible salience and ever-increasing speed of these cultural and technological changes has been such that they have changed the way we talk about history and time. Long before the spread of the consumer internet pushed us into a new Information Age, generations of modern people had noticed that the technological developments and scientific discoveries and advances were increasingly frequent. Contemporary scholarship on the Anthropocene and the global impact of human civilization across multiple domains has introduced the concept of the Great Acceleration, “twin surges, of energy use and population growth.” This notion of an ongoing age of Great Acceleration can be generalized as a framework for analysis. Today we observe unprecedented, transformational acceleration in general technological development, the overwhelming pace of work, the frenetic information flows and consumption patterns, the ominous concentration of capital, and unsustainable environmental degradation. Everything has been picking up speed. Just as more granular company data provide a clearer picture and thus more focused and complete control over workers and the processes of production generally, so did increasingly precise time measurement mean stronger and more inescapable control over workers and society at large. As capitalist society has grown more complex and fast-paced, the amount of information we are being asked to confront, analyze, and produce every day has grown tremendously, informing and changing our subjective impressions of the passage of time: we can think of the increasing compression and density of information as accelerating time, an adjustment to our experience of time phenomenologically.

If time is experienced as the constant, irreversible outpouring of changes in the state of the system, higher degrees of information density may be experienced as an acceleration of time. Our most scientifically sophisticated concepts of time are intimately bound up with the fact of our limited knowledge and understanding, of its slippery, relativistic nature. We cannot define time without reference to physical space, without a description of its relative, flexible coextension with space. This relationship holds in politics and philosophy no less than in physics. Several related concepts from these fields help give form and substance to the notion of time. One common way of thinking about time presents it as an arrow—always pointed in one direction, toward the future, away from the past, always moving in that direction. But why does time run only in one direction? Our understanding of time is connected to models of thermodynamics, in particular the Second Law, which is the idea that the measure of disorder in a given closed physical system tends to increase. This measure of disorder is called entropy, where a higher entropy value expresses the lack of organization that grows as the component parts of the system attempt to move toward a state of equilibrium. More precisely, entropy is a measure of the number of states the overall system could produce while maintaining the same overall energy profile. “Entropy,” according to leading theoretical physicist Sean Carroll, “is a way of characterizing our ignorance about the system.” As disorder and disorganization spread through a system, it becomes increasingly difficult to describe in formal, mathematical terms. The emergence and multiplication of these asymmetries are experienced as the passage of time.

We live in a time when many of our most advanced scientific minds wonder aloud whether we will be replaced entirely by computers—and, more than that, whether such a replacement might be desirable and good. Many of our leading technophiles and techno-optimists believe that in inventing AI, we have accelerated evolution and inaugurated a new age. And if all that matters to us is speed and efficiency, then perhaps they are right. But if there is more to measure than efficiency, narrowly constructed in terms of capitalist logics, then we need tools to pass beyond the dead end and reimagine time socially. We have inherited varied critiques of time as a social reality, and these can help us render both better concepts of time and new ways to counter its power in social and economic life. Without full and complete access to our time, we are deprived of our lives themselves. The real mystery is “that there is not more active resistance to this state of affairs,” that people have come to see the total conquest of their time on earth as a condition both natural and inevitable.

David S. D’Amato is an attorney, businessman, and independent researcher. He is a Policy Advisor to the Future of Freedom Foundation and a regular opinion contributor to The Hill. His writing has appeared in Forbes, Newsweek, Investor’s Business Daily, RealClearPolitics, The Washington Examiner, and many other publications, both popular and scholarly. His work has been cited by the ACLU and Human Rights Watch, among others.

LA REVUE GAUCHE - Left Comment: Search results for CLOCK

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Sunday, January 05, 2025

HAPPY NEW YEAR

'Historic': NC Gov. Cooper Commutes 15 Death Sentences

Calling Cooper "courageous," executive director of the state's ACLU noted that with this decision, the Democrat "has commuted more death sentences than any governor in North Carolina's history."


Democratic North Carolina Gov. Roy Cooper speaks before U.S. President Joe Biden arrives at a campaign rally in Raleigh on June 28, 2024.
(Photo: Allison Joyce/Getty Images)

Jessica Corbett
Jan 01, 2025
COMMON DREAMS

Death penalty abolitionists are praising former North Carolina Gov. Roy Cooper for one of his final actions in office: The Democrat on Tuesday commuted the sentences of 15 men on death row to life in prison without the possibility of parole.

Term-limited Cooper—who passed the torch to Democratic Gov. Josh Stein on Wednesday after eight years in office—announced the decision following a campaign by racial justice advocates and outgoing President Joe Biden's decision last week to commute the sentences of 37 people on federal death row to counter an expected killing spree under President-elect Donald Trump.

Although no executions have occurred in North Carolina in nearly two decades due to ongoing litigation, Cooper received clemency petitions from 89 of the 136 people on death row in the state, according to his office. After reviewing each case, the governor—who previously served as the state's attorney general for 16 years—granted 15.

"These reviews are among the most difficult decisions a governor can make, and the death penalty is the most severe sentence that the state can impose," Cooper said in a statement. "After thorough review, reflection, and prayer, I concluded that the death sentence imposed on these 15 people should be commuted, while ensuring they will spend the rest of their lives in prison."



Welcoming the announcement, Chantal Stevens, executive director of ACLU of North Carolina, said that "with this action, Gov. Cooper has commuted more death sentences than any governor in North Carolina's history and joins the ranks of a group of courageous leaders who used their executive authority to address the failed death penalty."

"We have long known that the death penalty in North Carolina is racially biased, unjust, and immoral, and the governor's actions today pave the way for our state to move towards a new era of justice," Stevens continued. "This historic decision, following President Biden's decision to commute the sentences of 37 people on federal death row, reflects growing recognition that the death penalty belongs in our past, not our future."

"With 121 people still on death row in our state, we know there is much more work to be done to realize that vision, and the ACLU of North Carolina will continue to advocate for the end of the death penalty once and for all," she added.



Stevens' group as well as the national ACLU's Capital Punishment Project, the Center for Death Penalty Litigation (CDPL), the Legal Defense Fund (LDF), and Durham attorney Jay H. Ferguson have represented Hasson Bacote, who brought the lead case challenging the death penalty under North Carolina's Racial Justice Act (RJA).

Bacote, a 38-year-old Black man convicted of first-degree murder in Johnston County in 2009, was among those who had their sentences commuted on Wednesday. According to Cooper's office, the other 14 men are:Iziah Barden, 67, convicted in Sampson County in 1999;
Nathan Bowie, 53, convicted in Catawba County in 1993;
Rayford Burke, 66, convicted in Iredell County in 1993;
Elrico Fowler, 49, convicted in Mecklenburg County in 1997;
Cerron Hooks, 46, convicted in Forsyth County in 2000;
Guy LeGrande, 65, convicted in Stanly County in 1996;
James Little, 38, convicted in Forsyth County in 2008;
Robbie Locklear, 52, convicted in Robeson County in 1996;
Lawrence Peterson, 55, convicted in Richmond County in 1996;
William Robinson, 41, convicted in Stanly County in 2011;
Christopher Roseboro, 60, convicted in Gaston County in 1997;
Darrell Strickland, 66, convicted in Union County in 1995;
Timothy White, 47, convicted in Forsyth County in 2000; and
Vincent Wooten, 52, convicted in Pitt County in 1994.

"We are thrilled for Mr. Bacote and the other... people on death row who had their sentences commuted by Gov. Cooper today," said Cassandra Stubbs, director of the ACLU's Capital Punishment Project. "This decision is a historic step towards ending the death penalty in North Carolina, but the fight for justice does not end here. We remain hopeful that the court will issue a ruling under the state's Racial Justice Act in Mr. Bacote's case that we can leverage for relief for the many others that still remain on death row."

The North Carolina General Assembly passed the RJA, which barred seeking or imposing the death penalty based on race, in 2009. Although state legislators then repealed the law in 2013, the North Carolina Supreme Court ruled in 2020 that those who had already filed claims under it should still receive hearings.

Bacote's evidentiary hearing began last February, and the court heard closing arguments in August. LDF senior counsel Ashley Burrell noted Tuesday that "the RJA hearing demonstrated that racial bias infiltrates all death penalty cases in North Carolina, not just Mr. Bacote's and those in Johnston County."

Shelagh Kenney, deputy director of the Durham-based CDPL, similarly said that "Mr. Bacote brought forth unequivocal evidence, unlike any that’s ever been presented in a North Carolina courtroom, that the death penalty is racist."

"Through years of investigation and the examination of thousands of pages of documents, his case revealed a deep entanglement between the death penalty and North Carolina's history of segregation and racial terror," Kenney added. "We are happy Mr. Bacote got the relief he deserves, and we hope Gov. Cooper's action will be a step toward ending North Carolina's racist and error-prone death penalty for good."



NC Newslinereported that "the commutations came as inmates in North Carolina face a ticking clock on the death penalty, which has been on hold for nearly 20 years amid challenges to the punishment's legality. Should the courts in North Carolina rule against those challenges, executions could resume with haste, as dozens of the state's death row inmates have exhausted all other avenues for appeal."

Separately on Tuesday, Cooper announced commutations for 54-year-old Brian Fuller, who has served 27 years after being convicted of second-degree murder in Rockingham County, and 63-year-old Joseph Bromfield, 63, who has served 34 years after being convicted of first-degree murder in Cumberland County. They will both become parole eligible immediately.

Cooper also pardoned 43-year-old Brandon Wallace, who was convicted of conspiracy to traffic cocaine and marijuana in Lee County in 2007, and 53-year-old John "Jack" Campbell, who was convicted of selling cocaine in Wake County in 1984


The decisions capped off Cooper's two terms as governor, during which he often had to contend with Republicans' veto-proof legislative majorities. Due to that experience, the Democrat frequently faces speculation that he may pursue federal office.

"If you're going to run for public office again, you must have your heart and soul in it, you must have the fire in the belly," Cooper toldThe Associated Press in December, explaining that he plans to spend the next few months considering his future. "I'm going to think about how I can best contribute to the things that I care about."