Western literature serves Israeli colonisation, US publishers must cut ties

Books Against Genocide explain how Western publishers play a key role in funding the Zionist project. As workers they are organising to force companies to stop.

Perspectives



Books Against Genocide
19 Nov, 2024
THE NEW ARAB

While well over 40,000 Palestinians have been martyred, publishing has perpetuated a propagandised Zionist narrative, write Books Against Genocide. [GETTY]

“The effort to become a great novelist simply involves attempting to tell as much of the truth as one can bear, and then a little more.” —James Baldwin

The American book industry sees itself as the keeper of this truth, as the arbiter of literature, as the necessary gatekeeper of a sanctified canon. Yet time and again, it doubles down on the status quo and props up the powerful, championing not the voices of the many but the interests of a few.

Never before has the true nature of US publishing been so apparent as during the past year of the Zionist entity’s genocidal bombardment of Gaza. Western literature and publishing are instrumental to the colonisation of Palestine, from their foundational role in the inception of Zionist ideology to present-day investments in “Israeli” technology.

Behind the scenes at most major publishing houses (which, it’s important to note, are subsidiaries of multinational media empires like NewsCorp and Paramount), the climate is hostile to anyone with a conscience. Official company statements following October 7 condemned the Al-Aqsa Flood, relegating Hamas, the armed resistance and elected government of Gaza, to “terrorists,” and offering no acknowledgment of the Zionist entity’s illegal occupation and ethnic cleansing of Palestine.

NewsCorp, Paramount (parent companies of HarperCollins and Simon & Schuster respectively at the time), and Penguin Random House pledged significant contributions to the United Jewish Appeal-Federation, an organization that from October 2023 to December 2023, donated $64.2 million to illegal settlers of "Israel" and $0 to the people of Palestine.

Macmillan’s CEO, Jon Yaged, did not even have the decency to name Palestine in his email to the company, instead opting for “the Middle East.” And well before October 7, Holtzbrinck and Bertelsmann (German parent companies of Macmillan and Penguin Random House respectively) were embracing their Nazi roots by investing millions in “Israeli” tech, AI, surveillance, and security technologies.

While well over 40,000 Palestinians have been martyred, publishing has perpetuated a propagandised Zionist narrative, publishing titles trafficking in myths of mass-rape like Black Saturday by Trey Yingst, and defence of settler colonialism like On Settler Colonialism by Adam Kirsch.

In the last year, a junior Big Five employee was laid off less than two weeks after speaking out against a planned Zionist book. Other acts of individual defiance by authors, booksellers, and beyond are also met with retaliation, while publishing industry DEI taskforces facilitate “antisemitism education" trainings, a manipulative deflection under the guise of “equity” with collaborators such as Project Shema, a proxy to the racist Anti-Defamation League whose founder denies the ongoing genocide of Palestinians.

In response to industry complicity, a movement of book workers arose to insist on literature’s power to liberate, including Books Against Genocide (BAG), a collective of Big Five publishing professionals demanding our companies end all relationships with the Zionist project, along with writer-led coalitions like Writers Against the War on Gaza (WAWOG) and KidLit4Ceasefire – the latter two having called on Joe Biden to declare a permanent and unconditional ceasefire and demanded their industry colleagues uphold the Palestinian Academic and Cultural Boycott (PACBI).

WAWOG has since organised sustained boycotts against both PEN America and the New York Times. Just last month, 500 international publishers demanded that the Frankfurt Book Fair cut ties with “Israel.”

Related
Palestinian liberation does not need Western approval
Perspectives
Mjriam Abu Samra

The publishing establishment is no match for this new movement, which has targeted one shamelessly hypocritical group within the vast Zionist ecosystem of mainstream publishing: alleged “free-speech” advocacy organization PEN America. PEN America claims to stand “at the intersection of literature and human rights to protect free expression worldwide” but refused to call for a ceasefire or address the systematic assassinations of writers and journalists in Gaza.

After Israeli Occupation Forces unlawfully arrested Palestinian freedom fighter and author Ahed Tamimi, PEN America released (and then redacted) an egregiously insensitive statement calling on her family to “investigate” the antisemitic post that was fabricated to justify said arrest, and they forcibly removed Palestinian American author Randa Jarrar from protesting a PEN event with Zionist actor Mayim Bialik.

More than 1,300 prominent writers across genres denounced PEN America's performative “humanitarian” charade with an open letter. Twenty-one writers nominated for various PEN awards withdrew from consideration. This sustained pressure led to the cancellation of the PEN World Voices Festival and the PEN Jean Stein award, redirecting the latter’s $75,000 prize money to the Palestine Children’s Relief Fund.

Ultimately, one cannot deny literature’s inextricable link to modern revolutionary movements, which is why the Zionist entity kills Palestinian poets and writers with the same strikes as it does Palestinian resistance fighters. And now, these various efforts in publishing are beginning to coalesce, broadening the monetary and ideological divestment from Israel to not only ensure Zionism’s obsolescence in publishing, but also to project a new vision for the industry’s future: a unified community of authors, literary agents, publishing workers, booksellers, librarians, and readers bound by their commitment to justice and powerful enough to unseat the existing status quo.

Books Against Genocide is a coalition and campaign of book workers pressuring US "Big 5" trade book publishers to end their relationships with the Zionist project called "Israel."

JCB's literature prize sponsors violence from India to Palestine

British construction company JCB's literature prize masks its ongoing role in genocide from India to Palestine and Kashmir, says Ananya Wilson-Bhattacharya.

Voices
Ananya Wilson-Bhattacharya
21 Nov, 2024
THE NEW ARAB

The JCB prize for literature is an indicator not only of the ever-presence of corporates in India’s cultural world, but also of ongoing British imperialism under Modi’s fascist government, writes Ananya Wilson-Bhattacharya [photo credit: Getty Images]

On November 23, the winner of India’s JCB Prize for Literature is set to be announced.

The prize — an award of 2,500,000 rupees (almost $30,000) — is overseen by British construction company JCB and its eponymous literature foundation.

However, JCB has also played a disturbing role in carrying out the Hindu supremacist (or Hindutva) agenda of India’s central government, led by Narendra Modi and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

Ahead of the announcement, an open letter on the literature prize has been signed by 120 high-profile authors across India, the UK and globally. The letter condemns the ‘hypocrisy’ of the prize in failing to acknowledge the widespread use of JCB equipment in the destruction of Muslim homes and places of worship. The demolitions have also targeted Dalits and other oppressed communities.

This so-called ‘bulldozer justice’ taking place in Modi’s India is a clear step towards ethnic cleansing, in line with the openly stated aim of government ministers to make the country a Hindu state, with some even calling for the genocide of the Muslim population.

Related


Narendra Modi is fashioning India in his own, despotic image
Perspectives
Ashok Swain

As the open letter states, JCB is likewise fuelling Israel’s continued attempts at ethnic cleansing of Palestinians through ongoing settlement expansion in the West Bank, even as the genocidal war on Gaza continues.

Amnesty International found large-scale evidence of the repeated use of JCB bulldozers and backhoe loaders in demolitions of Palestinian homes, due to contracts between JCB’s dealer, Comasco Ltd, and the Israeli Ministry of Defence.

Meanwhile, in Indian-occupied Kashmir - the world’s most heavily militarised region - JCB machines have consistently been used in house demolitions during large scale evictions, despite many residents providing proof of ownership. This is just one aspect of a broader regime of human rights violations of the Kashmiri people by the Indian state, particularly since 2019, when the limited autonomy of the state of Jammu and Kashmir was revoked by the Indian government.

The open letter forms part of the wider campaign "JCB: Stop Bulldozer Genocide", which demands that JCB must end its relationship with the Israeli Ministry of Defence and cease all activities in occupied Palestine.

In terms of India, the campaign demands that JCB commit to ensuring that its products are not used for human rights violations in India and Kashmir through robust monitoring and prevention systems. This includes making compulsory the use of its existing LiveLink technology to trace and locate JCB machines.
JCB's dirty record

JCB is deeply intertwined with corruption amongst the wealthy UK establishment. Its chairman Anthony Bamford has close ties with the UK Conservative Party and particularly with former Prime Minister Boris Johnson, having even hosted Johnson’s wedding in 2022 — making up part of the complex web of connections between the UK and India’s respective far right regimes.

The JCB empire is owned by Bamford and controlled by the Bamford family trusts, which have been involved in offshore tax scandals.

The empire is also a major donor to the Conservative Party, to which it gave £300,000 in 2024 alone. Furthermore, this month the former Conservative Party energy minister, Claire Coutinho, faced claims of conflict of interest after it was found she had accepted donations from Lord Bamford whilst overseeing the awarding of millions to JCB businesses in green grants - a classic example of government and corporate greenwashing.

The website for the literature prize mentions JCB’s desire to "communicate to readers everywhere the full diversity of India’s literature" a sentiment directly contradicted by the company’s role in destroying the homes of marginalised communities on behalf of Hindutva forces.

Mita Kapur, director of the literature prize, told Scroll.in that the books on the longlist for the prize represent "a diverse array of Indian fiction", echoing the prize’s emphasis on diversity. Notably, however, the candidates shortlisted for the prize are nearly all Hindu, and four out of five are men, despite the prize being overseen by a team of women.

The blurb of one book on the longlist, Of Mothers and Other Perishables by Radhika Oberoi, includes an apparently climactic point in the text when "protestors swarm the streets, hollering against a new bill that persecutes the Muslim community".

This is seemingly a reference to the real mass resistance to the Citizenship Amendment Act and accompanying laws, which were first introduced by Modi’s government in late 2019 and attempt to disenfranchise India’s Muslims. Tellingly, Oberoi’s novel has not made it to the JCB prize shortlist.

The letter comes as many writers across the globe have distanced themselves from Israel in recent weeks and signed letters pledging to boycott Israeli cultural institutions.

The JCB prize for literature, however, is particularly insidious, since the company’s role in destruction of lives and livelihoods - and fuelling ethnic cleansing in India, Palestine and Kashmir - remains relatively little known.

Despite the reliance of Indian literature on corporate sponsorship - as a result of a broad lack of arts funding - this is not the first time Indian authors have targeted a literary initiative with unethical corporate connections. For example, the Jaipur literary festival was widely boycotted in 2016 on account of its sponsorship by Vedanta, a mining company responsible for the widespread displacement of indigenous communities.

Indian author Asad Zaidi, a signatory of the open letter, said: "[JCB] machines have come to symbolise displacement and destruction in contemporary India. Unsurprisingly, JCB has been trying to charm and lure the cultural intelligentsia, including writers and translators, into its image-building exercise as a protector and promoter of high cultural values. Its literary and translation prizes are part of this charade."

Another signatory, Dalit poet Cynthia Stephens said:

"Heavy earthmoving equipment is like a knife. It can be used to build infrastructure for human comfort, but in recent years has been more used to destroy the lives of the poor and marginalised. We condemn such hypocrisy on the part of the company and those administering the prize."

Whilst India’s Supreme Court ruled against ‘bulldozer justice’ just over a week ago, declaring that authorities cannot demolish someone’s home merely because they have been accused of a crime, it is unclear whether this will be implemented in practice and popular opposition remains crucial.

Challenging the literature prize is fundamental to the ongoing campaign against bulldozer genocide.

Related
India port workers' anti-colonial solidarity strike for Gaza
Perspectives
Ananya Wilson-Bhattacharya

Through the literature prize, JCB is attempting to maintain its image as a source of both cultural and economic prosperity in India.

The website for the prize emphasises the company’s role in creating jobs for Indian workers, citing JCB’s "substantial and longstanding involvement in the country’s social and economic life". This involvement, in fact, includes the destruction of the livelihoods of some of India’s most marginalised people.

The JCB prize for literature is an indicator not only of the ever-presence of corporates — including those complicit in genocide — in India’s cultural world, but also of ongoing British imperialism under Modi’s fascist government.

As author Siddhartha Deb put it: "If the JCB Prize is intended to support Indian writing, that means Indian writing is complicit in British racism, Hindu fundamentalism, and Zionist ethnic cleansing."

Alongside the global boycott of Israeli cultural institutions, it is more urgent than ever to connect the dots and condemn the JCB prize in solidarity with those facing demolition and displacement — both in Palestine under Israeli occupation and in India and Kashmir amidst the steady rise of Hindutva fascism.

Ananya Wilson-Bhattacharya is a writer, activist and editor. She is interested in arts and culture and social movements.

Follow her on X: @AnanyaWilson

Have questions or comments? Email us at: editorial-english@newarab.com

Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The New Arab, its editorial board or staff, or the author's employer.

Kashmir Votes to Challenge Modi’s Grip

KASHMIR IS INDIA'S GAZA

By Sajad Hameed, Qazi Shibli

October 25, 2024

Source: Jacobin

Image by Sajad Hameed, Jacobin

Previously arrested several times for “anti-India” activities, twenty-three-year-old Ikhlas Amin Bhat, a resident of Anantnag, campaigned for an independent candidate in Kashmir’s first legislative assembly election in ten years. “My family has always boycotted polls, but this time, we showed up, driven by the hope for real change in the region. We have pinned our faith on Indian democracy,” he said, sharing photos from the campaign trail.

He was among the many voters and campaigns that dealt a blow to Delhi through the election of a national assembly with a near majority for the center-left and regionalist Jammu and Kashmir National Conference (JKNC).

Ikhlas’s participation in these elections is symbolic of a broader shift in Kashmiri political engagement. The late 1980s witnessed the rise of an armed insurgency in Kashmir, with thousands of young Kashmiris taking up arms against Indian rule. This insurgency sparked decades of repression, during which human rights violations became the norm.

Things only got worse after the election of Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). In 2019, the Indian government unilaterally abrogated constitutional safeguards for Jammu and Kashmir, revoking the region’s limited autonomy (Article 370 of India’s Constitution), provoking widespread outrage. This drastic action was followed by a severe crackdown: thousands of additional troops were deployed; hundreds of local politicians, lawyers, traders, and journalists were imprisoned; and the region was subjected to the longest internet blackout ever recorded, lasting over eighteen months.

Human Rights Watch, in reference to the post-abrogation situation in Jammu and Kashmir, stated that Indian authorities have been “restricting free expression, peaceful assembly, and other basic rights” following the revocation of the region’s special autonomous status. In a 2022 statement, the organization noted, “The government’s repressive policies and failure to investigate and prosecute alleged security force abuses have increased insecurity among Kashmiris.”
What’s Rightfully Ours

These human rights challenges have framed the backdrop of the 2024 elections, marking the first time in years that Kashmiris have had the opportunity to express their grievances and aspirations through the ballot.

The 2014 elections resulted in a coalition government that collapsed in June 2018 when the BJP withdrew its support. For the past five years, the region has been under direct federal rule, stripped of local representation. Following the directives of India’s Supreme Court, the 2024 assembly elections mark the first opportunity for the people to reclaim their voice and express their grievances since the abrogation of its special status.

“We voted with the hope of ushering in real change and a brighter future,” Ikhlas told Jacobin. “Despite a history of violence and boycotts due to distrust in the electoral process, this year’s elections saw a high voter turnout — exceeding 60 percent. Many residents, including those in Anantnag, a town once known for its boycotts and separatist protests, expressed a renewed belief in electoral politics.”

The substantial voter turnout exceeding 60 percent signifies not only a shift in political engagement but also a collective yearning for stability and local representation. Voter engagement in areas like Anantnag, which have historically boycotted elections, could either lead to reconciliation or further deepen existing divides.

Modi, India’s prime minister, hailed the voter turnout as a sign of progress, stating, “For the first time, voting was held without the fear of terrorism. The huge participation is proof of Naya [New] Kashmir.” The BJP credits this enthusiasm to improved security and its policies, while many Kashmiris simply see it as an opportunity to finally be heard.

For Vanessa Chishti, a professor at O. P. Jindal Global University in India, voter participation in the elections reflects a complex interplay of sociopolitical dynamics. “In the aftermath of the abrogation of Article 370, the Modi government has implemented a series of policies aimed at consolidating control over the region, often stifling dissent and marginalizing local voices. The electoral process, therefore, represents a critical avenue through which the people of Kashmir seek to reclaim their agency and make their voices heard,” she remarked.

“This election holds particular significance for us because it symbolizes our fight to reclaim our special status and what we believe is rightfully ours,” said Khurshid, an unemployed postgraduate voter from north Kashmir’s Baramulla district, reflecting the sentiments of many Kashmiris who feel disenfranchised.
The Election Results

Shopian, one of the four districts down in the south of the Kashmir valley, formerly a hotbed of militancy, saw turnout increase 7 points, to 57 percent, compared to 2014. A significant number of people, primarily women, came out to express their concerns about the government’s reduced rice allotment, a policy change that has been in effect since January 2023.

“Rice is the staple food of Kashmir, and the government previously provided up to fifteen kilograms per person each month. However, under the Indian government, this allotment has been reduced to just five kilograms. We are suffering due to the scarce rice supply. The insufficient allotment forces locals to purchase rice at exorbitant prices. This has severely impacted us economically, with most of our earnings now going toward buying food,” said Zaina Begum, a local resident.

The austerity has been compounded by a poor underlying economy. A recent employment report tells much of the story: educated youth unemployment stood at 21.8 percent in 2005, while in 2022, the rate has grown to 34.8 percent.

It’s no surprise that for many Kashmiris economic struggles are a driving force behind their participation in the elections. While the issues that resonate with the public range from economic to young undertrials imprisoned for several years and fundamental governance concerns, the BJP centred its electoral campaign on the “peace” it claims to have restored in Kashmir since 2019. The party fielded nineteen candidates for the assembly segments in the valley; however, eighteen of them lost their deposits, receiving less than one-sixth of the total votes cast in their respective segments.

The JKNC, one of the most vocal regional opponents of the August 5, 2019, decision, has made a remarkable comeback by winning forty-two out of ninety seats — its best performance in nearly three decades. In its manifesto, the party not only criticized the abrogation of the region’s special status but also promised to advocate for its restoration and to call for the revocation of several draconian laws. The BJP failed to win any seats in the Kashmir division, while in the predominately Hindu Jammu region it won twenty-nine seats.

Tanvir Sadiq, a senior leader of JKNC who won the elections in Srinagar’s Zadibal assembly seat, stated that their party’s victory, which campaigned on a manifesto denouncing the BJP’s actions, represents a clear rejection of the government’s narrative. “The people of Kashmir have realized that to speak their heart out through the ballot is much better. The last five years have been damaging and this vote is a vent out for Kashmiris who have felt unheard since the abrogation of Article 370,” said Sadiq.
A Pivotal Moment

Sadiq noted the enthusiastic participation of young voters, signaling a shift in Kashmir’s youth political engagement. As Sadiq articulates, the younger generation has come to understand that voicing opinions on social media alone is insufficient; real change demands tangible action.

This sentiment is echoed by Chishti. “People have pursued all other avenues, including militancy and protests,” she explains. “There is fatigue of decades, and there has been a lot of bloodshed and loss. Kashmir is now seeking a constructive avenue for change, and the electoral process represents that hope. From political rights to governance challenges, the public, through their vote, is calling for immediate redressal of a myriad of concerns that have long been neglected.”

One of the most significant developments in this electoral cycle was the active participation of various separatist leaders and factions, historically advocating for either independence from India or a merger with Pakistan. Notably, Jamaat-e-Islami, one of the most hard-line political groups in the valley that had previously called for a boycott of the polls, fielded several candidates.

The BJP has characterized the involvement of separatist leaders in the electoral process as a “remarkable” achievement. Senior BJP leader Ram Madhav commented, “The participation of the Jamaat, which has historically boycotted elections, alongside a significant number of independent candidates — many of whom are well-known leaders — demonstrates that the people of this troubled region are eager to break free from the confines of outdated political narratives.”

Chishti asserts that the BJP is poised to capitalize on the participation of separatist forces in the electoral process, leveraging this development for both domestic and international narratives. “Right-wing Hindu nationalist parties have historically exploited the Kashmir issue to further their agenda, framing it as a cornerstone of national identity since independence. The recent involvement of separatist groups marks a significant shift, and the BJP will undoubtedly portray it as a validation of its policies.”

She suggests that the 2024 assembly elections in Kashmir signal a pivotal moment for the region, marked by significant voter engagement and the unprecedented participation of separatist factions. As the people of Kashmir strive to reclaim their agency through the electoral process, the implications of this shift extend beyond the immediate political landscape.

The path forward is challenging, as a centrally appointed governor will retain significant power, with the police and several other departments remaining outside the control of the local government. “Most people, including I, voted in protest. If the newly elected representatives fail to address pressing concerns like unemployment and civil liberties, disillusionment could once again lead Kashmir toward unrest,” said Omana Muzaffar, twenty-one, while watching a victory procession for the National Conference.


Related Posts

Why the Far Right Rules Modi’s India
Achin Vanaik -- March 25, 2024
Electoral Setbacks for BJP Won’t Unseat Hindu Fascism in India
Azeezah Kanji -- June 07, 2024
India’s Dalits and Muslims Can Work Together Against Modi
Nicolas Jaoul -- July 29, 2024
The Economic Fallout of India under Modi and the BJP
Paramjit Singh -- June 03, 2024
Modi Could Squander an Unprecedented Chance at Normalizing India-Pakistan Ties
Salman Rafi Sheikh -- April 26, 2024


Sajad Hameed is an India-based visual journalist covering human rights, politics, and technology in South Asia.

LA REVUE GAUCHE - Left Comment: Hinduism Is Fascism

India: Rape victims struggle to get justice

Akanksha Saxena Madhya Pradesh, India

Mass protests in cities like Kolkata and New Delhi seem to finally be changing Indians' view of sexual assault. In the countryside, however, perpetrators are still shielded by caste, power structures, and apathy.


All names of survivors and their family members in this article have been changed by DW to preserve anonymity.

Minors, especially girls, are often targeted by sexual predators in the central Indian state of Madhya Pradesh. In a small countryside town, DW met with the family of 6-year-old Masoom, who was raped in broad daylight by a 27-year-old man.

Her mother Fatima recalls the horrific day: "I was cooking, and her grandmother was washing dishes. We didn't hear a thing. My daughter was reading an Urdu lesson in the shop attached to the house, playing as she did every day. She came inside crying and told us a man had come and taken her pajamas off. She was bleeding from her private parts. We understood what had happened. He had threatened to kill her if she made any noise.

Now, Masoom is terrified of men, including her own father.

"My daughter is so innocent and smart, yet this happened to her. She was in the hospital for over two weeks. She's scared of her own father now. She refuses to sleep next to him," says Fatima.

Her grandmother Sultana is worried about the long-term impact of the assault.

"She used to be so full of life and joy. That brightness has disappeared from her face since the incident. She hardly eats, and whatever little she does eat isn't making her strong. I don't want any other girl's life to be destroyed like hers," Sultana says.
Majority of child rape unreported

Masoom's story is not an isolated case. According to new UNICEF estimates, over 370 million girls and women who are alive today across the world have experienced rape or sexual assault before the age of 18.

Her family's search for justice ended with the rapist sentenced to life in prison under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act (POCSO). But such outcomes are rare. In rural India, cases like Masoom's often don't even make headlines.

India recorded nearly 39,000 child rape cases in 2022, but those numbers only tell part of the story. For any reported rape, many more cases go unreported as the victims and their families are silenced by intimidation, caste dynamics, and a broken justice system. Additionally, only 3% of registered child rape cases ended in convictions in 2022.

Upper-caste dominates law enforcement

Behind these numbers are victims like Chandralekha, a 14-year-old Dalit girl. Her rapist, an upper-caste man, apparently counted on the system to shield him.

"I was out selling tea when he stopped me and forced me," Chandralekha says with her voice shaking.

Rights groups have long documented how upper-caste men use sexual violence as a weapon against Dalits, often without fear of punishment. Chandralekha's father, Manoj Kumar has been repeatedly threatened for trying to get justice for his daughter.

"I'm under a lot of pressure, but I won't give in. They've threatened to kill me. The rapist said to me, 'I'm upper caste, you're at the bottom.' He uses caste-related slurs. He said, 'You're lower caste, and we'll make sure you suffer,'" Manoj told DW.

Law enforcement in India is often dominated by upper caste officers. A 2020 report found that police frequently ignore crimes against Dalit women. In Chandralekha's case, the police allegedly told her family to file a harassment complaint instead of a rape charge. This allowed the accused to secure bail and continue intimidating the family. And even if the case gets to trial, his punishment will likely be lenient.

"When I asked the police to record it as rape, they refused. They only arrested him after 15 days, and that was because I called the women's helpline. He was released on bail soon after. The police wouldn't listen to me. They told me, 'Why should we follow your instructions?'" Manoj said.

Modi acknowledges anger, but change comes slow

After the recent rape and murder of a doctor in Kolkata sparked massive outrage, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said India was "angry" over sexual assault.

"As a society, we must think seriously about the atrocities against our mothers, daughters and sisters," he said in a national address.

However, critics argue that his government's response has been largely performative. Allegations of sexual violence continue, even against members of his own party, while systemic issues —such as poor police investigations and institutional backing for perpetrators — remain unaddressed.

Systemic failure of justice

India's courts, especially in rural areas, are often riddled with inefficiencies, biases, and corruption. In Sarita's case, the 15-year-old was abducted and gang raped.

Despite the police finding her attackers, justice is painfully slow. Her brother Suresh, the family's sole breadwinner, has been repeatedly summoned by police over minor formalities.

"Every time they summon me, I have to go," he told DW "They say it'll take a year before any punishment. How can I support my family if I'm stuck dealing with this?"

These delays happen for a reason. According to defense lawyer Vaibhav Bhatnagar, rural courts are often overwhelmed.

"There's only one session judge for all these cases, and families are pressured to compromise. That's why conviction rates are so low."

Meanwhile, families are harassed, ostracized, and pushed to drop cases.
Stigma and silence: Survivors ostracized

Perpetrators often avoid the shame of committing rape, with the stigma falling on the victims instead. Survivors like Chandralekha and her family are shunned by their communities and often forced into isolation.

"Our ration shop was shut down. We had to sell our livestock to fight this case," said Chandralekha's mother.

Her daughter, once a brilliant student, now stays home in fear.

Local police officer Monika Singh has made it her mission to challenge these toxic attitudes through her school outreach programs. She speaks to schoolboys and girls, demanding a shift in mindset.

"We have to get it into our heads that women are equal to men, and they deserve respect," she tells a gathering of adolescent boys.

"If you stay silent, the perpetrator will feel like he can do more," she warns them, urging them to report harassment.

Activists fight back

Despite the overwhelming odds, grassroots activists are pushing back against rape culture.

In towns across India, street plays focusing on sexual violence challenge deeply ingrained patriarchal beliefs. The performances confront audience with uncomfortable truths.

"This is a man's world," one actor says during the play. "What can you do alone?" A woman's voice responds, "I will fight for my daughter, I will get her justice."

These activists know the change won't happen overnight. But every little step, including every street performance, moves the country closer to breaking the silence on sexual violence.

Edited by: Darko Janjevic

Why Arresting the Waning Influence of Trade Unions is Vital

Pranita Kulkarni | 02 Oct 2024

• 
  

TUs might be far from perfect and must indeed be subjected to scrutiny and reform. Yet, their disappearance from the political horizon is highly undesirable.

In the build-up to the most recent elections in the United Kingdom, there was, understandably, a spate of predictions about the term of the now-Prime Minister Keir Starmer, a relatively lesser-known face on the UK political landscape. Interestingly, a reasonable amount of this conjecture pertained to what Starmer’s outlook would be on workers’ rights and trade unions.

A piece by The Telegraph (UK) went to the extent of making a “revelation” that the Labour Party leader had plans to give trade unions “a stranglehold on workplaces” which would result in the loss of jobs and enable unions to “bring the country to a halt with crippling walkouts”.  The article – which further lists the promise to give all the workers equal rights as one of the dangerous decisions – might not be worthy of serious attention, as its key objective seems to be fear-mongering. However, its claims, in reality, are in contrast with the party’s attempt at watering down some of the progressive pro-worker provisions from the green paper ‘A New Deal for Working People’, which had left the UK unions concerned.

In fact, what truly deserves attention is the space taken up by trade unions (TUs) in this narrative, and the portrayal of their real or imagined strength. With the advent of neoliberalism, trade unions globally are facing challenges of declining membership. The proportion of UK employees who were trade union members fell to 22.3% in 2022 down from 23.1% in 2021 and is the lowest since 1995, according to the country’s Department of Business and Trade.

And yet, unions, as an institution, are far from disappearing from the political horizon in the UK. Their influence—even though shrunken—is recognised, and even exaggerated by Right-wing conservatives. Overall, there seems to be some space available to accommodate their voice and protests and something to gain from their political support; their standing matters.

Now, contrast this with the Indian general elections conducted over a month before the UK elections and the visibility accorded to trade unions here in the political narratives by key parties. Arguably, it isn’t a completely fair comparison given the drastically different economic, political, and industrial trajectories of the two countries. Trade unions also follow very different systems of political and ideological alignments in both countries. Yet, there are a few important commonalities.

The neoliberal policies of the successive governments in India have led to the weakening of Indian trade unions as well, with dwindling membership. Both UK and India have seen a long rule of Right-wing governments that have been averse to unions and pro-worker policies and trade unions from both these countries have missed out, in the past, on reaching out to significant demographics of workers – migrants/immigrants and women, among others.

The onus is often put on the unions themselves for focusing mainly on blue collar, male, and industrial workers in the past. However, in the past few years, many trade unions have tried some course corrections and re-strategised to remain more relevant and inclusive.

In the Indian context, over the past three years, we also saw trade unions aligning with the farmers’ movement, speaking of peasant-worker unity to triumph over divisive barriers, such as caste and religion. And it has yielded results. The central trade unions that campaigned relentlessly against the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the farming belts did claim a share in the ruling saffron party’s relative decline and gains for Opposition unity.

But, there is still a long way to go for trade unions before they can be truly representative of the majority of workers in India (over 90% of whom are engaged in the unorganised sector). Yet, in an increasingly fragmented, precarious, and volatile labour market—not to mention a highly polarised society—organisation of labour and political action is needed more than ever. To what extent have political parties, particularly those in the Opposition, acknowledged this? A quick look at the election manifestos of some of the Indian political parties may not quite leave us hopeful.

Wide Berth to Trade Unions

The manifesto of the Right-wing BJP, predictably, steers clear of any mention of trade unions. This is hardly a surprise given the ruling party’s infamous bonhomie with Big Capital and its attempt to diminish workers’ rights, protections, and unions’ legitimacy with the ushering of the new labour codes in a bid to encourage “ease of doing business”.

The Industrial Relations Code, 2020, stipulates that every industrial establishment must have a negotiating union or a negotiating council. If there is one registered union for an establishment, that automatically becomes the ‘negotiating union’, as per the Code. If there are several registered unions, the one supported by more than 51% of the workforce forms the negotiating union, according to Section 14(3) of the Code. Such a regulation undermines the presence and scope of the smaller or non-registered unions, who will be denied the opportunity to participate in the negotiations or widen their base, while the one big union – which could easily be a management dummy – dominates the bargaining processes. Apart from this, the Code effectively extends the barriers to striking work by making the process mind-bogglingly long and complicated, handing more power to employers.

The past decade, with the BJP at the Centre, has been a profoundly hostile period for trade unions, workers, and social movements. The ruling party resorted to a myriad of tactics to suppress the farmers’ protests—ranging from vilification and shoddy negotiations to outright suppression and communalisation. It has largely turned a deaf ear to workers and unions protesting against the labour codes and scheme workers demanding fair remuneration, social security, and better working conditions. Ashish Mishra, son of then Union Minister Ajay Mishra, is currently on trial for the brutal murder of four farmers and a journalist during a farmers’ protest in Lakhimpur Kheri, Uttar Pradesh, against the now-repealed farm laws. In this context, BJP’s manifesto is aligned with its politics, leaving no space for the right to collective bargaining

As for the Congress election manifesto released ahead of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections in May, the central theme was social justice – apparent from its title ‘Nyay Patra’. Its release followed the Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra, a campaign led by the party leader Rahul Gandhi, which aimed at “uniting India through justice” by seeking to understand the challenges and injustices faced by the poor, labourers, farmers, women, youth, backward classes, Dalits, tribals, and minorities.

The largest Opposition party, through its campaign as well as the manifesto, spoke a great deal about the anti-people policies of the incumbent regime. Unfortunately, yet predictably, it also steered clear of any mention of the workers’ right to collective bargaining and the need to reverse the successive governments’ attempts at weakening trade unions in the past four decades.

The Congress manifesto touched upon the unemployment issue and proposed schemes for skilling and job creation. However, a better permeation of the social justice theme warranted a commitment to strengthening the institutions that can protect workers from the exploitative and predatory practices.

This commitment could have been achieved by broadly three approaches. One, strengthen the pre-existing labour laws. This exercise on the level of legislative intervention needs to be guided by a thorough understanding of the severe under-implementation of the laws and of the overall inadequacy of the present systems and mechanisms.

Two, introduce progressive labour law reforms, especially equipped to deal with the rapidly changing structure and composition of the labour market and the fragmented labour force today. And, three, extend legal and political support to workers’ organisations, which can play a crucial role in amplifying workers’ voices, protecting the latter’s rights, and acting as a counterweight to the might of the capital.

The party manifesto’s section dedicated to the ‘workers’ category is a tad more inclusive with attention paid to hitherto overlooked categories—such as migrant and unorganised sector workers—and dimensions of discrimination (although limited to only gender). But it fails in paying any attention to the role trade unions can play in ensuring the implementation of labour laws and workers’ welfare. This isn’t surprising given Congress's history with trade unions; in its post-Independence rule, the party sought to control unions, contributing to the depoliticisation of the working class in its quest for "industrial peace”.

Even in the recent manifesto of the Congress party, one can see a strange emphasis on productivity in the section dedicated to workers. The very first point speaks the language of capital and corporations, advocating high productivity. One might have reasonably expected that this section would instead highlight the extreme exploitation faced by workers in the relentless pursuit of productivity.

The manifesto also mentions restoration of a balance between labour and capital, yet it glaringly ignores the significant power imbalance between the two. To address this imbalance, it is imperative to empower workers. Allowing them to collectivise and use their agency to articulate their needs and interests would be the logical solution. However, the Congress manifesto conspicuously omits any reference to workers’ unions or their right to organise.

Even if we engage with the contention that the absence of support for unions is due to concerns about corruption, the manifesto fails to propose any alternatives for workers to be heard. There is no mention of support for NGOs or activists working with labourers, leaving a void where there should be advocacy and support for workers’ rights.

Manifestos and poll promises or “guarantees” of the major Opposition parties, such as Aam Aadami Party, Samajwadi Party, Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, and Trinamool Congress, show similar apathy towards trade unions, the Left parties, such as the Communist Party of India (Marxist) being one of the few exceptions.

 

Need for Better Collaboration

The political parties now sitting in the Opposition in the Lok Sabha must seize the opportunity as well as take the responsibility to stand with trade unions and share the space for political action. While manifestos might be thought of as outdated, they do continue to be roadmaps that reveal a party's ambitions, positioning, ideology, and policy stances, even when out of power. Reflecting on these commitments, revising them, forging new and gainful partnerships, and redrawing this roadmap, could, therefore, pave the way forward for them.

In this process, recognising the potential of trade unions can be greatly beneficial. The need to ensure good working conditions, fair pay, and the eradication of exploitative employment practices must be equally amplified along with the demand for job creation and the role of trade unions in giving voice to the working people.

Trade unions may be far from perfect and must indeed be subject to scrutiny and reform. Yet, their disappearance from the political horizon is highly undesirable.

The writer is an independent researcher who looks at the intersection of migration and labour organisation. She is also associated with the Centre for Financial Accountability. The views are personal.

PM Modi arrives at Nassau Coliseum to address Indian diaspora in historic event

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has arrived at the Nassau Coliseum in Long Island, New York, where he will address 15,000 members of the Indian diaspora gathered from 42 states in a highly anticipated event. The “Modi and US” program has drawn immense excitement, with the venue resembling a grand Diwali celebration.

Jagdish Sewhani, a member of the event’s organizing committee, highlighted the significance of the moment, saying, “It is a historical event at Nassau Coliseum. This is the first time ever that an Indian Prime Minister has come to Long Island in 75 years. The mayor of Nassau County is eager to welcome PM Modi, whom he described as one of the most popular leaders in the world.”

Over 500 artists are set to perform as part of the cultural celebrations preceding PM Modi’s speech. Traditional performances include ‘Yakshagana,’ a folk dance from Karnataka and Kerala, and ‘Parai,’ a traditional musical instrument from Tamil Nadu.

Outside the venue, a group showcased ‘Mallakhamb,’ an acrobatic sport originating in Maharashtra. Jaydev Anata of the Mallakhamb Federation US expressed hopes of promoting the sport globally, with aspirations of getting it into the Olympics.

Earlier, PM Modi took to social media, posting pictures of his interactions with the Indian diaspora and expressing his eagerness to participate in the community program. The prime minister’s visit to New York also includes chairing key bilateral meetings, participating in a CEO Roundtable, and addressing the Summit of the Future on September 23.

(Inputs from ANI)

Modi’s Global Agenda: India’s Rise In US Politics – OpEd

US President Joe Biden with India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Photo Credit: PM India Office

 September 23, 2024 

By Mohan Malawya

The Rise of Hindu Nationalism in the West Hindutva, the Hindu nationalist ideology closely associated with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is no longer confined to India’s borders.

Through the Indian diaspora, particularly in the United States, Hindutva is influencing political decisions and shaping Western policies to align with India’s strategic interests. The Indian-American community, dominated by upper-caste Hindus, has become a powerful political and economic force in the U.S., with significant influence in sectors such as technology and politics. This influence is now being used to promote Modi’s nationalist agenda on a global scale, often at the expense of addressing human rights abuses and caste discrimination.

Both the Democratic and Republican parties have recognized the growing importance of the Hindu-American voting bloc, particularly in swing states. This has led to a concerted effort to court Indian-American donors, many of whom are aligned with Modi’s Hindutva ideology. The political influence of the Indian diaspora has reached a point where it can affect key decisions, such as Governor Newsom’s recent veto of a bill aimed at banning caste-based discrimination. The bill, which was intended to address the issue of caste discrimination within Indian-American communities, faced strong opposition from upper-caste Hindus who used their political and economic power to pressure the governor.

This incident highlights the broader trend of political manipulation within the Indian-American community, where influential figures use their power to suppress criticism of caste-based discrimination and human rights abuses in India. By aligning with Hindutva, the diaspora is not only promoting Modi’s nationalist agenda but also protecting discriminatory practices from scrutiny, both in India and abroad.

A Hidden Issue Despite the progressive values espoused by Western societies, caste-based discrimination remains a hidden issue within Indian-American communities. In Silicon Valley, where many Indian-Americans hold leadership positions, reports of caste-based discrimination have surfaced, particularly against Dalit workers. These reports reflect how India’s social hierarchy is being replicated in the U.S., undermining the principles of equality and justice that are central to American society.

While caste-based discrimination is illegal in India, it remains deeply ingrained in the country’s social fabric, and the diaspora has carried these practices with them to the West. The refusal to confront caste-based inequality, particularly within the tech industry, perpetuates a system of oppression that marginalizes lower-caste individuals and allows upper-caste Hindus to maintain their privileged status. This mirrors the situation in India, where efforts to address caste-based discrimination are often met with resistance from powerful upper-caste groups.

Hindutva’s influence on U.S. politics goes beyond caste-based discrimination. Supporters of Modi’s government within the Indian diaspora have actively lobbied Western governments to ignore India’s human rights abuses, particularly in Kashmir. The Indian-American community has successfully positioned itself as a key player in shaping U.S. foreign policy, ensuring that India’s strategic interests are prioritized over concerns about its treatment of Muslims and lower-caste Hindus.

This influence has become especially evident in discussions surrounding Kashmir, where India’s oppressive policies have drawn widespread condemnation from human rights organizations. Despite this, the Indian diaspora has lobbied U.S. policymakers to turn a blind eye to the situation, framing India’s actions as necessary for national security. This mirrors the role of the Jewish lobby in shaping U.S. policies toward Israel, with the Indian diaspora similarly positioning itself to control U.S. politics in India’s favor.

The global reach of Hindutva is not just about political influence; it is also about solidifying Modi’s power on the world stage. By promoting Hindutva both in India and abroad, the Indian diaspora is helping to strengthen Modi’s position as a global leader. This is particularly evident in the tech industry, where Indian elites are using their economic power to shape foreign policy discussions and advance India’s geopolitical goals.

The Indian diaspora’s penetration into key sectors like technology and politics is part of a larger strategy to influence Western policies in India’s favor. This includes ensuring that discussions on human rights abuses, caste discrimination, and the marginalization of Muslims and Dalits in India are sidelined in favor of promoting a positive image of the country. By controlling the narrative, the Indian diaspora is helping to project a false image of India as a progressive, inclusive democracy, while hiding the reality of oppression under Modi’s rule.

Hindutva’s Impact on Global Politics The global reach of Hindutva, supported by the Indian diaspora, is reshaping Western policies in ways that prioritize India’s interests over human rights and equality. Caste discrimination, anti-Muslim policies, and human rights abuses in India are being overlooked in the name of geopolitical alliances. The Indian-American community’s growing influence in U.S. politics serves as a warning of how nationalist ideologies can infiltrate even the most progressive societies, threatening the values of equality and justice that are central to Western democracy.

Mohan Malawya

Mohan Malawya is currently pursuing a degree in Social Sciences from Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), and writes on India's domestic politics, foreign policy and India-Pakistan relations.

India’s ‘Namaste’ has become multinational: PM Modi tells diaspora in New York

In a landmark address to the Indian diaspora at Nassau Coliseum in Long Island, Prime Minister Narendra Modi highlighted the growing global significance of India’s traditional greeting, ‘Namaste’, saying that what was once a local expression has now become a multinational symbol of unity.

“‘Namaste’ has gone multinational; it has transitioned from local to global,” PM Modi said, expressing gratitude to the diaspora for their unwavering support. “Your love is my good fortune,” he added.

During his speech, PM Modi emphasized the significant contributions of the Indian community around the world. “Many languages, but one common feeling—that feeling is for Bharat Mata and Bhartiyta. This is India’s biggest strength,” he said, highlighting the unity of Indians regardless of their geographical location.

“We look to do good; we contribute the most no matter where we are,” he added, reinforcing the idea of global citizenship among Indians.

The Prime Minister’s visit to the US from September 21-23 has drawn a large crowd, with approximately 15,000 members of the Indian diaspora gathering from 42 states to welcome him. As he entered the Nassau Coliseum, PM Modi greeted the audience with the chant, “Bharat Mata ki Jai,” receiving a standing ovation.

The atmosphere was vibrant, with talented artists from the Indian community performing traditional music to set the tone for Modi’s address.

Earlier, in a post on X, PM Modi shared his excitement about engaging with the diaspora, saying, “After programmes in Delaware, landed in New York. Eager to be among the diaspora at the community programme in the city and to take part in other programmes.”

Following this historic event, PM Modi is scheduled to chair key bilateral meetings and attend a CEO Roundtable in New York. He will also address the Summit of the Future on September 23.

(With ANI inputs)