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Wednesday, January 21, 2026

 

Stop war against the Kurds: Stand for peace, justice and freedom; solidarity with the Kurdish people

Situation report cover pic

The Transitional Government in Damascus, dominated by members of the former al-Qaida affiliate Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), is once again using violence to consolidate control over all of Syria. This has initiated a new war of choice that threatens to return the country to the darkest days of its civil war and poses a serious threat to international stability. The campaign is being coordinated by the jihadist regime in Damascus in conjunction with Turkish Defence Minister Yaşar Güler and Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan. The Turkish state is playing an active role in the conflict, employing fighter jets, drones, and reconnaissance aircraft, and has reportedly deployed its own soldiers to fight alongside jihadist forces.

By contrast, since their fight against IS, the Kurds in Syria have consistently expressed openness to dialogue with the Syrian government. They have never sought the division or secession of Syria, instead advocating for inclusion within a decentralised Syrian state.

The clear objective of the war of annihilation against the Kurds is to hand Syria over from the Baath dictatorship to the HTS dictatorship following the international recognition of Al Jolani (jihadist nom de guerre of Ahmed al Sharaa) as a statesman. Al Jolani’s vision for the new Syria does not include democracy or peace between nations. Women will continue to be treated as slaves. In opposition to this dictatorial concept of power, the Kurds have established a political and administrative self-government over the last 15 years, enabling women, nations and religions to express themselves freely. Therefore, there should be no place for the Kurds in Syria under Al Jolani. Genocide is once again being imposed on the Kurds to this end. Once again, the states in the international coalition against IS have demonstrated their hypocrisy. When their own interests are at stake, they not only forget their values, they also disregard international law.

Background and introduction

Since 6 January, large-scale attacks have been carried out against Kurdish communities in Syria by forces of the Syrian Transitional Government (STG), in collaboration with jihadist groups and Turkish-backed militias. Beginning in Aleppo, these attacks have amounted to attempts at ethnic cleansing, resulting in the massacre of Kurdish civilians and the forced displacement of thousands.

Over the past year, the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES) has undertaken multiple rounds of negotiations with the Syrian Transitional Government, seeking a democratic solution and the establishment of a decentralised system of governance that reflects Syria’s ethnic and religious diversity.

By 4 January, negotiations had reached an advanced stage, with the involved actors reportedly close to a tentative agreement. However, before any public announcement could be made, the process was abruptly terminated by the Syrian Foreign Minister, who maintains close ties with Turkey. On 6 January, following a meeting in Paris facilitated by the United States, Syria and Israel announced that they had reached an agreement. That same afternoon, STG forces — including Turkish-backed militias that have since been incorporated into the Syrian army—launched attacks on Kurdish neighbourhoods in Aleppo.

In the days that followed, despite the declaration of multiple ceasefires, STG forces and their allies continued to advance towards North and Eastern Syria (Rojava), creating an existential threat to Kurds and other communities in the region, as well as to the system of autonomous, democratic self-governance established there. These attacks endanger the achievements of the Rojava Revolution, including struggles for women’s liberation, peaceful coexistence among peoples, and democratic self-governance. The silence of the international coalition and other state and international actors amounts to complicity in the violence being carried out by al-Sharaa’s forces on the ground.

Thousands of Kurds, especially Kurdish women and youth, have responded to the call for general mobilisation, streaming into Rojava to join the resistance or organising in cities across the region and across the world. This report provides an overview of recent developments, documents human rights violations and potential war crimes, international reactions and mobilisations, and concludes with key demands. As it is still a developing situation, more information is likely to come in the next days.

Download the full report here.


(Statements) Defend the Rojava revolution against the Syrian regime’s genocidal attacks

Kurdish rally in Sydney January 18

Statements by the Revolutionary Left Party (Syria) and Socialist Alliance (Australia) opposing the Syrian regime’s genocidal attacks on the Rojava revolution.


Revolutionary Left Party (Syria): In defense of Rojava — For our freedom and yours

January 20

In light of the comprehensive genocidal onslaught against our Kurdish people, led by the foreign-dependent Thermidorian authority — the descendant of tyranny, ISIS, and Al-Qaeda, and the guardian of terrorism — which does not hesitate to open prison doors for ISIS fighters and recycle them as filthy tools in its war against the peoples; Syria enters a pivotal stage today that accepts neither ambiguity, neutrality, nor half-measures. 

The call for general mobilization issued by the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) on January 18, 2026, is not a passing event, but rather an expression of a decisive historical moment: A battle between the last bastions of democracy and liberation in Syria, and the project of fascism, obscurantism, and reactionary regression. It is a struggle between progress and reaction, between good and evil, between existence or annihilation. 

We, in the Revolutionary Left Party in Syria, declare clearly and unequivocally: This is not the battle of the Kurds alone; it is the battle of all advocates of freedom, all leftist forces in Syria and the entire world, and everyone who believes that homelands are not built with prisons and massacres, but through social justice, equality, and the right of peoples to self-determination. 

Experience has proven that silence in moments of genocide is complicity, that neutrality during a conflict between the executioner and the victim is a bias toward the executioner, and that those who do not stand today with the popular resistance will be crushed tomorrow under the feet of the fascist machine. The attack on the Kurdish people, the Autonomous Administration, and its democratic-liberatory model is an attack on the possibility of collective salvation in Syria. It is an attempt to stifle any liberatory, pluralistic, and socialist horizon outside the logic of the oppressive central authority and outside the hegemony of imperialism and its local proxies. 

Accordingly, the Revolutionary Left Party in Syria announces:

  • Responding to the call for general mobilization without hesitation or equivocation. 
  • Placing all its political, media, and organizational capabilities, and all forms of its struggle support, at the service of the Kurdish people's steadfastness and the protection of the Autonomous Administration. 
  • Standing unconditionally and without narrow calculations alongside the Kurdish popular resistance, as an integral part of the Syrian revolutionary resistance against tyranny, occupation, and reaction.

We say it clearly: From Kobani to Qamishli, from Rojava to every spot of Syrian land, the battle is one, the enemy is one, and the fate is one. 

Together until victory. Glory to the popular resistance. Shame to fascism and obscurantism. Victory to the struggling peoples. 

  • Long live the internationalist brotherhood of peoples! Long live the revolutionary socialist struggle! 
  • Down with the counter-revolutionary authority in Damascus! 
  • All power and wealth to the people! 

Socialist Alliance (Australia): Defend the Rojava revolution!

January 20

The Socialist Alliance stands in full solidarity with the Kurdish-led Rojava Revolution which is now under attack from the Syrian regime, with the backing of the United States and the European Union (EU).

The Kurds liberated North and East Syria from the former Bashar al-Assad dictatorship and then from the terror of the Islamic State (ISIS).

Now, it is fighting off genocidal attacks from the Western-backed Syrian regime of President Ahmed al-Sharaa — a former notorious Al Qaeda commander — and the Turkish armed forces and allied mercenary militias.

This is a battle for the survival of one of the few successful popular revolutions in the 21st century. This revolution sought to make women’s empowerment central to its political practice, as well as having a commitment to multi-ethnic and multi-religious inclusion in its grassroots democracy.

This war rapidly escalated from a campaign of atrocities and ethnic cleansing carried out against Kurds and Yezidi in Aleppo, Syria, earlier this year, even while Al-Sharaa was hosting senior EU and US delegations.

The US and the EU, which have whitewashed al-Sharaa’s international image and supplied his regime with funds for its armed forces, then pressured the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria/Rojava to withdraw from Aleppo and several other towns, in return for ceasefire agreements.

However, these have been broken over and over again by the al-Sharaa regime and the US, which brokered the agreements.

The world owes a massive moral debt to the Rojava freedom fighters, who have sacrificed tens of thousands of lives in the fight to defeat ISIS, empower women and promote religious and multi-ethnic unity.

Australia must end its silence on this war. It must call on the US and the EU to end their collusion with the Al-Sharaa regime against Rojava, demand an end to its war crimes and support action to bring the perpetrators to account.

The Socialist Alliance calls on the Australian government to send urgently-needed funds to the Heyva Sor a Kurdistanê/Kurdish Red Crescent, which is helping the thousands who are being wounded and displaced by this genocidal war.

We also call on all progressive and democratic people to join the global solidarity campaign to defend Rojava.

Kurdish left statements: Defend Rojava!


Statements by Kurdistan Democratic Communities Union, Democratic Union Party and Kongra Star Coordination denouncing the Damascus transitional administration’s attacks on Rojava and North and East Syria.


Kurdistan Democratic Communities Union: The spirit of resistance of Kobanê must rise!

January 18

Following the attack on Kurdish neighborhoods in Aleppo, attacks have also been launched on Rojava and North and East Syria. These attacks are being carried out by HTS, gangs and mercenaries affiliated with Turkey, and with the direct support of the Turkish state. This attack is a conspiracy against all Kurds and the people of the region, embodied in Rojava and North and East Syria. The international forces with their military and political presence in the region have also become partners in this conspiracy through their policies and attitudes.

Kurdish people’s leader, Abdullah Öcalan, had conveyed a statement, underlining that confidence-building measures should be taken by the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria to reduce the tensions in Syria. He has also called on the Damascus transitional administration to avoid further conflict. The Turkish state is aware of these calls. While the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria and the SDF were preparing to take important steps, attacks were carried out on Kurdish neighborhoods in Aleppo. Autonomous Administration officials stated that while a positive outcome had been achieved in the meetings held on January 4 under the supervision of US officials, Shaibani, who is under Turkish influence, intervened in this meeting and prevented a joint statement from being given. Thus, reconciliation and agreement were sabotaged, and the Kurdish neighborhoods of Aleppo were attacked. It shows that these attacks were planned in advance and that the talks were used as a stalling tactic.

The Turkish state has been actively involved in planning and executing this war. From the outset, HTS leader Jolani has constantly threatened the Kurds with a reactionary and monist mindset, refusing to respond to the reconciliation efforts of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria and demanding submission to his oppressive rule. These attacks aim to dismantle the Autonomous Administration established by the Kurds, Arabs, Syriacs, and other peoples based on the concept of the ‘Democratic Nation.’ The goal is to create a fascist system in Syria based on one single nation and on one single faith. This mentality marks an attack on the co-existence of peoples and faiths in the Middle East, including Syria. Thus, the concept of the Democratic Nation that would bring peace and stability to the Middle East is being undermined.

These attacks have once again demonstrated that the monist, capitalist international powers are willing to trample on any value for their own interests. The Kurds and the people of North and East Syria have given more than 10,000 martyrs and tens of thousands of wounded in the fight against ISIS. ISIS launched a war against all of humanity; the Kurds and the peoples of North and East Syria fought at the forefront against ISIS to protect humanity. International powers have taken a stance of standing with the Kurds who resisted ISIS during this process. They saw their own interests in this, but after ISIS was defeated, they did not provide the necessary support for the struggle for a free and democratic life of the Kurds and the people of North and East Syria. After making Jolani the ruler of Damascus, they became supporters of the ISIS-minded HTS and turned down the peoples of Rojava and North and East Syria, who have given over 10,000 martyrs and tens of thousands of wounded in the fight against ISIS. In doing so, they hypocritically trampled on all moral, ethical, and moral values. They are sacrificing the people once again for their own interests.

While the Kurds, with their mentality of the Democratic Nation, have created an exemplary model for the Middle East together with Arabs, Syriacs, and other peoples, the HTS administration is trying to destroy this oasis of democracy in the Middle East by attacking Alawites, Druze, and Kurds. The international powers have revealed what kind of Middle East they want through their support for HTS. Thus, democracy and women’s rights are merely a mask on their faces.

These attacks are not only against Rojava and North and East Syria but also a conspiracy against all Kurds. It is not desired for Kurds to have any will or power anywhere. Kurdish-hostile and genocidal forces, in particular, are targeting the existence of the Kurds by attacking their organization and gains everywhere. What is being done to the Kurds in Syria is a continuation of this general understanding and policy. From this perspective, all Kurds should see these attacks as directed against themselves, and national unity and stance should be demonstrated, especially today. Our people in Rojava, in the north and the south of Kurdistan, and abroad have risen up against these attacks. This uprising must be further intensified. Kurds must view this war as a war of survival and honor and engage in this struggle with all their might. In this regard, our people in all parts of Kurdistan must respond to the call to arms by the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria.

HTS’s attacks are a conspiracy against Syria’s future. HTS is pursuing a policy that will lead to the fragmentation of Syria, not its unity. While the Autonomous Administration has created Kurdish-Arab unity, HTS wants to create Kurdish-Arab hostility. This is proof that HTS is waging a war under the influence of certain external powers. It is clear that HTS cannot achieve Syria’s democratic unity with these policies, and therefore this regime has no future.

The Arab people and all democratic forces must also resist any attack aimed at preventing Kurds and Arabs from creating a new Syria as siblings. The most valuable achievement, Kurdish-Arab siblinghood, must be protected. Our Arab people must take a stance against provocations. HTS also shows hostility to the Arab people with these attacks. While the Arab people are living freely and democratically in peace in North and East Syria, HTS and its supporters now want to subject them to a repressive, authoritarian regime. In this regard, the Arab people must also stand against these attacks and protect the free and democratic life they have created.

The peoples of North and East Syria have so far resisted all kinds of attacks together. To protect their free and democratic life, repelling this attack is also essential. In this regard, the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria has called for mobilization, urging all people, especially young people, to fight alongside the SDF. Just as people of all ages took up arms against ISIS, such an attitude must be demonstrated now. Cities and villages can only be protected against the ISIS mentality if the entire population becomes a force of self-defense. This is how existence and freedom can be protected. This is the only way to repay the debt owed to ten thousand martyrs.

The attacks that began in Aleppo and spread throughout North and East Syria have shown that the people can only fight for their existence and freedom by relying on their own strength. Indeed, the Kurds have waged a historic struggle for existence and freedom for decades, relying on their own strength. All Kurds in Syria have also fought to this day, relying on their own strength, and have secured all their gains in this way. In this sense, the Kurds and all the peoples of North and East Syria must trust in their own strength in the face of these attacks. If they trust their own strength and show the will to resist, they will demonstrate an exemplary resistance to the world, as they have done throughout their history, and they will win.

These attacks also form an attack and sabotage against the ‘Peace and Democratic Society’ process that is underway in Turkey under the initiative of Kurdish people’s leader, Abdullah Öcalan. Those who do not want Kurdish-Turkish siblinghood, siblinghood among peoples, forces that want to keep Turkey in a state of war, as in the last century, have brought HTS into this attack. While the Kurds in Turkey are called our siblings, a hostile attitude has been adopted towards the Kurds in Syria. The statements of some government officials and the way the press reports on the war in Syria are expressions of this. While Kurdish people’s leader, Abdullah Öcalan, works with patience and great effort for peace and stability in Turkey and the Middle East, this attack on the Kurds and the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria is an attack on peace and stability in the Middle East. It is clear that this will cause great damage to Turkey and negatively affect Turkey’s future stance in this war. From this perspective, we call on all democratic circles and Turkish patriots who want to see this process develop and Turkey achieve peace and a democratic society to fight against approaches that seek to sabotage this process. Recognizing that Turkey’s common future can only be secured through democratic unity, we must oppose the war in Syria and take part in the struggle for a Turkey and Middle East based on the siblinghood of peoples.

The Kurdish people and their international friends who have risen up against this conspiracy against the Kurds must stand firm, and they must stand with the forces resisting in Rojava and North and East Syria. The spirit of resistance that emerged against ISIS in Şengal [Sinjar] and Kobanê must rise up today and repel this new ISIS attack together with all peoples and international friends in the Middle East and around the world. As the Kurdish Freedom Movement, we emphasize that we stand with those fighting for freedom and democracy, and we salute our resisting people.

A widespread special war is being waged against the Autonomous Administration and the resistance fighters in Syria. Half of the war has been turned into a special war. The press and social media are being used for this purpose in particular. Our people and our international friends should only obtain information from free and democratic media. The stance and resistance against the attack should also be demonstrated in this way.


Democratic Union Party (Syria): An open letter to Western governments

January 20

While Western governments — foremost among them the United States — raise the banners of defending human rights and combating terrorism, the Kurdish people in northern and eastern Syria face a perilous political and security reality that threatens to undo all the gains achieved in the global war against ISIS.

The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) formed the backbone of the war against the ISIS terrorist organization, fighting fierce and valiant battles on behalf of the entire international community, sacrificing more than 20,000 martyrs in the fight to eliminate the most dangerous terrorist organization the modern world has known.

In this context, and with the direct coordination and support of the international coalition, prisons and detention centers were established in the areas under the Autonomous Administration, designated to hold thousands of ISIS leaders and members, in a move aimed at protecting regional and international security and preventing the resurgence of terrorism.

However, recent developments in the Syrian landscape are causing grave concern among political and human rights circles. The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), officially known as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), was not a single, isolated entity. Rather, it stemmed from al-Qaeda and comprised several terrorist factions, including the former al-Nusra Front, which later changed its name to Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS).

Ironically, due to the convergence of regional and international interests, HTS leader Abu Muhammad al-Julani (Ahmed al-Sharaa) became a key player in the Syrian conflict, even reaching the position of president of Syria, at a time when Western countries considered the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) a crucial ally in the war on terror.

Today, northern and eastern Syria are witnessing direct attacks on the SDF, the takeover of prisons holding ISIS members, the release of hundreds of extremists, and widespread assaults on Kurdish civilians. These attacks include summary killings and grave violations against women, civilians, and fighters, reminiscent of the most horrific chapters of terrorism that the world claimed to have overcome.

The silence of Western governments, or their mere issuance of general statements, falls short of political and moral responsibility and is inconsistent with their legal obligations to combat terrorism and protect partners who have sacrificed their lives in defense of global security.

Ignoring these developments poses a threat not only to the Kurds but also opens the door to the resurgence of ISIS and its networks, undermining years of international military and intelligence efforts.

What is happening today is a true test of the credibility of Western governments: either they stand with their allies who have fought terrorism, or they allow extremism to be recycled under new names, at the expense of a people who have given their most precious possessions in defense of the world.


Kongra Star Coordination: Stand with Kobanî: Stop the attacks on Rojava

January 19

Under the leadership of the Turkish state and with the involvement of international actors, a coordinated attack is being carried out against the fundamental values of our society. What is unfolding has the characteristics of a systematic and targeted campaign, which can be understood as an international genocide conspiracy. Armed extremist groups, including the so-called Islamic State, are effectively being reactivated, creating the conditions for new mass atrocities.

At this moment, a large-scale assault targets the population of Kobanî, a city that has become an international symbol of resistance against ISIS. Forces emerging from Daesh, under the name HTS, are conducting severe attacks on Kobanî. The liberation and defense of this city were achieved through the unity of the Kurdish population and international solidarity. Today, these values of unity and shared responsibility must be defended once again.

These attacks are not only directed against the Kurdish population but also constitute an attempt at ethnic and religious cleansing against Alawite, Druze, and Christian communities. The democratic system of Rojava represents hope for all Syrian communities. If this model is destroyed, all communities in the country face the threat of large-scale violence and atrocities.

Wherever these forces advance, they leave behind grave human rights violations, including looting, targeted killings, forced displacement, beheadings, the drowning of children, abduction of women, and systematic enslavement. Today, the same patterns from the early years of the Syrian conflict are being repeated under different pretexts, apparently to prevent international scrutiny. Yet this reality can no longer be hidden. The role of international actors in enabling extremist violence is becoming increasingly visible, while civilians pay the highest price.

Despite the scale of the attacks, the people’s will remains strong. Communities trust in their collective strength and resilience. To prevent a repetition of the crimes committed by ISIS in 2013–2014, urgent and united action by women, youth, and all segments of society is required.

This is a moment that demands unity, responsibility, and collective mobilization. The defense of the values for which so many have sacrificed their lives cannot be postponed. We are convinced that these brutal and illegitimate attacks can be repelled through coordinated and principled resistance.

We call on all peoples, Kurdish women, and women worldwide to transcend borders and stand in solidarity with the people of Rojava. In this historic moment, defending Rojava is defending humanity itself.





Monday, January 19, 2026



Syrian army deploys in former Kurdish-held areas under ceasefire deal

Deir Ezzor (Syria) (AFP) – Syria's army deployed in formerly Kurdish-led areas in the country's east and north on Monday after a ceasefire announced a day earlier, as Syria's president and the Kurds' leader were set to hold talks.


Issued on: 19/01/2026 - RFI

Syria's army deployed in formerly Kurdish-led areas in the country's east and north after a ceasefire announced a day earlier © OMAR HAJ KADOUR / AFP

The leader of the Syrian Kurdish forces said Sunday he agreed to the deal with Damascus to avoid broader war, integrating the Kurds' administration and his fighters into the state after months of stalled negotiations.

Despite the deal, the government and the US-backed, Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) traded blame on Monday for fresh attacks that the military said killed three soldiers.

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa announced the accord with SDF chief Mazloum Abdi following two days of rapid gains in Kurdish-controlled territory after the army pushed the SDF out of Aleppo city earlier this month.

Analysts said the deal marked a blow for the minority's long-held ambitions of preserving the de facto autonomy they had exercised in swathes of north and northeast Syria for over a decade.

In Deir Ezzor province in the country's east, an AFP correspondent saw dozens of military vehicles heading to the east of the Euphrates River, while trucks, cars and pedestrians lined up at a small bridge leading to the eastern bank.

Mohammed Khalil, a 50-year-old driver told AFP that he was overjoyed by the arrival of Syrian government forces.

"We hope things will be better than before. There was... no freedom" under the SDF, he said.

Teacher Safia Keddo, 49, said "we want children to return to school without fear, and for electricity, water, and bread to be re

'Protecting civilian lives'

The army said it "started the deployment" into Syria's north and east "to secure it under the agreement", adding that forces had reached the outskirts of Hasakeh city, whose province is the Kurds' stronghold.

The military did not say where its soldiers were killed but accused "terrorist groups" of seeking to disrupt the deal's implementation.

The SDF instead accused the government of launching attacks and reported "violent clashes" near a prison in Raqa that holds detainees from the Islamic State group.

The agreement includes the Kurdish administration's immediate handover of Arab-majority Deir Ezzor and Raqa provinces to the government, which will also take responsibility for IS prisoners and their families held in Kurdish-run jails and camps.

The SDF had seized swathes of the provinces as they expelled the jihadists during Syria's civil war with the support of an international coalition led by the United States.

An AFP correspondent in Raqa said security forces deployed in the main square, while a military convoy passed through the city as sporadic gunfire rang out.

Dozens of residents crossed the Euphrates in boats after two bridges were destroyed, while residents toppled a statue of a woman erected by Kurdish forces.

Raqa resident Khaled al-Afnan, 34, said "we support Kurdish civil rights... but we don't support them having a military role."

"This deal is important for protecting civilian lives," he told AFP.

'Serious doubts'

The SDF on Sunday withdrew from areas under its control in the eastern Deir Ezzor countryside, including the Al-Omar oil field, the country's largest, and the Tanak field.

Local fighters from tribes in the Arab-majority province sided with Damascus and seized the areas before the arrival of government forces.

Some Arab tribes were previously allied with the SDF, which included a significant Arab component.

An energy ministry official told state television on Monday that technical teams were heading to recently taken oil facilities to assess their condition.

The SDF's Abdi said Sunday he agreed to the deal to avoid civil war and end a conflict "imposed" on the Kurds.

Mutlu Civiroglu, a Washington-based analyst and expert on the Kurds, said the government's advance "raises serious doubts about the durability" of the ceasefire and a stalled March agreement between the government and the Kurds.

"Sharaa's confrontations with Kurdish forces, following earlier pressure on Alawite and Druze areas, reinforce doubts about the interim government's legitimacy and its ability to represent Syria's diverse population," he added.

Last year saw sectarian violence in the country's coastal Alawite heartland and in southern Syria's Druze-majority Sweida province.

Sharaa had on Friday issued a decree granting the Kurds official recognition, but the Kurds said it fell short of their expectations.

In Qamishli, the main Kurdish city in the country's northeast, activist Hevi Ahmed, 40, said Sunday's deal was "a disappointment after years of hope that the Syrian constitution might contain a better future for the Kurds."

© 2026 AFP

Saturday, January 17, 2026




Syrian troops clash with Kurdish forces as both sides trade blame for breaking withdrawal deal

At least four Syrian soldiers and an unknown number of Kurdish-led troops have been killed in clashes that broke out during the agreed withdrawal of Kurdish fighters across the Euphrates River. The Syrian army says it has now entered the city of Taqba on the river's west bank, which the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces say they had not agreed to leave.



Issued on: 17/01/2026 

By:
FRANCE 24

Video by:
FRANCE 24



Syrian troops swept through towns in the country's north on Saturday following an agreed withdrawal by Kurdish fighters there, but clashes erupted when the army kept up its advance deeper into Kurdish-held territory.

For days, Syrian troops had amassed around a cluster of villages that lie just west of ​the winding Euphrates River and had called on the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) stationed there to redeploy their forces on the opposite bank of the river.

Overnight, SDF ‍head Mazloum Abdi said his forces would withdraw early on Saturday morning as a gesture of goodwill, leaving the river as a front line between Syrian government troops to its west and Kurdish forces to its east.

But clashes broke out ​in some towns and oil fields on Saturday as the SDF and Syria's army accused each other of violating the agreement, with Kurdish ​authorities saying Syrian troops were pushing into towns not included in the withdrawal deal.

Kurdish authorities in northern Syria ordered a curfew for the Raqqa region "until further notice", as government forces advanced and threatened to bomb sites in the area.

After taking control of territory outside Aleppo city earlier Saturday, the army designated a swathe of Kurdish-held territory in Raqqa province southwest of the Euphrates River, including the city of Tabqa, a "closed military zone".

'A lot of contradictory information': Syrian and Kurdish forces clash along the Euphrates River





The Syrian army said on Saturday night it had begun entering the city of Tabqa, adding that it was "encircling" the Kurdish forces at their military airport.

"Syrian army forces have begun entering the city of Tabqa via various axes, in parallel with encircling the PKK terrorist militias inside Tabqa military airport," the operations unit of the army told the official SANA news agency.

The United States Central Command urged Syrian government forces to halt its advance.

CENTCOM "urges Syrian government forces to cease any offensive actions in the areas between Aleppo and al-Tabqa", it said on X. "Aggressively pursuing ISIS (the Islamic State group) and relentlessly applying military pressure requires teamwork among Syrian partners."

Remaining Arab residents celebrate troops' arrival

Syrian troops moved relatively smoothly into the main town of Deir Hafer and surrounding villages whose residents are predominantly Arab, according to statements from the military.

Some residents had left in recent days through a humanitarian corridor set up by Syria's army but those who stayed celebrated the army's arrival.

"It happened with the least amount of losses. There's been enough blood in this country, Syria. We have sacrificed and lost enough – people are tired of it," Hussein al-Khalaf, a resident of Deir Hafer, told Reuters.

Kurdish granted national language status in Syria



SDF forces had withdrawn east, some on foot, towards the flashpoint town of Tabqa – downstream but still on the western side of the river, according to a Reuters reporter in the ‍area.

But when Syria's army announced it was aiming to capture Tabqa next, the SDF said it wasn't part of the original deal and that it would fight to keep the town, as well as oil fields in its vicinity.

Syria's army ​said four of its troops had been killed in attacks by Kurdish militants, and the SDF said some of its own fighters had been killed, but did not give a number.

US-led coalition planes flew over the flashpoint towns, releasing warning flares, according to a Syrian security source.

'The goal is to destroy the Syrian Democratic Forces': Clashes break out between army and Kurds




In a bid to end the fighting, ‌US envoy Tom Barrack travelled to Erbil in northern Iraq on Saturday to meet with both Abdi and Iraqi Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani, according to two Kurdish sources. There was no immediate comment from Barrack's spokesperson.

France's President Emmanuel Macron and the president of Iraqi Kurdistan, Nechirvan Barzani, in telephone talks on Saturday urged a cessation of fighting in Syria, the French presidency said.

They "called on all parties for an immediate de-escalation and a permanent ceasefire", it said, after fighting between Syrian Kurdish forces and government troops in the country's north.

Deepening divides


Weeks of tensions between Syrian troops and the SDF have deepened the ‍fault-line between the government of President Ahmed al-Sharaa, who has vowed to reunify the fractured country after 14 years of war, and local Kurdish authorities wary of his Islamist-led administration.

The two sides engaged in months of talks last year to integrate Kurdish-run military and civilian bodies into Syrian state institutions by the end of 2025, insisting repeatedly that they wanted to resolve disputes diplomatically.

But after the deadline passed with little progress, clashes broke out earlier this month in the northern city of Aleppo and ended with a withdrawal of Kurdish fighters.

Amid continued sectarian violence, Syrians face mass displacement

PERSPECTIVE © FRANCE 24
08:48



Syrian troops then amassed around towns in the north and east to pressure Kurdish authorities into making concessions in the deadlocked talks with Damascus.

Kurdish authorities still hold key Arab-majority areas in the country's east, including some of Syria's largest oil ‍and gas fields. Arab tribal leaders in SDF-held territory have told Reuters they are ready to take up arms against the Kurdish force if Syria's army issues orders to do so.

Kurdish fears have been deepened ‌by bouts of sectarian violence last ​year, when nearly 1,500 Alawites were killed by government-aligned forces in western Syria and hundreds of Druze were killed in southern Syria, some in execution-style killings.

(FRANCE 24 with Reuters and AFP)



Syrian army enters areas east of Aleppo as Kurds withdraw
DW with AP, AFP, dpa, Reuters
16 hours ago16 hours ago

The Syrian army announced that it had taken control of Deir Hafer, a town previously under Kurdish control located east of Aleppo.

The Syrian army entered Deir Hafer, which is located 50 kilometers east of Aleppo
Image: Abdulfettah Huseyin/Anadolu Agency/IMAGO


The Syrian army announced on Saturday that it had taken control of Deir Hafer, a town located to the east of Aleppo.

The announcement came one day after the US-backed, Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) agreed to withdraw from the area.

The army announced on state television that it had established "full military control" of Deir Hafer. Meanwhile, reporters from news agencies on the ground witnessed troops deploying inside the town.

The Syrian military announced that they had also captured the Jarrah airbase, located east of Deir Hafer, as well as the nearby town of Maskana and more than 30 villages.

Later on Saturday, both sides accused each other of not adhering to the withdrawal deal. The Syrian army claimed that two of its soldiers were killed, while the SDF claimed that several of its fighters were killed.

What did SDF say?

On Friday night, after government forces began attacking SDF positions in Deir Hafer, Mazloum Abdi, the commander of the Kurdish-led fighters, announced on X that his group would withdraw from contested areas in northern Syria.

Abdi announced that the SDF would start moving east of the Euphrates River at 7:00 a.m. local time on Saturday.

Earlier on Friday, Syrian authorities said that thousands of people had fled the towns of Deir Hafir and Maskana to escape the ongoing conflict between government troops and the SDF.

Last week, deadly clashes erupted between government troops and SDF in Aleppo. The fighting ended with the evacuation of Kurdish fighters from three neighborhoods that had been taken over by government forces.


Why are Syrian army and SDF clashing?

Fighting broke out between the Syrian army and Kurdish-led forces as negotiations stalled between Damascus and the SDF over an agreement reached in March 2025. The agreement aimed to integrate their forces and allow the central government to take control of institutions, including border crossings and oil fields, in the northeast.

During Syria's civil war, the SDF was considered the United States' most important ally in fighting the extremist "Islamic State" group.

However, the transitional government led by President Ahmed al-Sharaa accuses the SDF of tolerating al-Assad loyalists and members of the banned Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) within its ranks.

In turn, Kurdish representatives distrust assurances by al-Sharaa, the former leader of the Islamist group HTS, that their rights will be protected. They also warn of a possible resurgence of the "Islamic State".

Edited by: Jenipher Camino Gonzalez





Friday, January 16, 2026

Thousands flee Aleppo area amid heightened tensions over Kurdish SDF

dpa 16.01.2026

Photo: Moawia Atrash/dpa

Thousands of people have fled the eastern areas surrounding Aleppo as they seek to escape further fighting between government troops and the predominantly Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), authorities said on Friday.

Officials said around 4,000 people have left the towns of Deir Hafir and Maskana.

Heavy fighting broke out last week in Kurdish-controlled districts of Aleppo amid a dispute over plans to integrate the previously autonomous Kurdish administrations into the state system.

The transitional government eventually brought the Kurdish neighbourhoods of Aleppo under its control.

Government forces are now seeking to push SDF fighters further east, where they still control large parts of the country.

During Syria's civil war, the SDF was regarded as the United States' most important ally in the fight against Islamic State.

An agreement on integrating the SDF into the state armed forces following the overthrow of long-time ruler Bashar al-Assad has so far not been implemented.

The government announced a "humanitarian corridor" for several towns east of Aleppo to allow civilians to leave by Friday afternoon.

According to eyewitnesses who spoke to a dpa reporter on the ground, SDF fighters prevented people from leaving the areas in some cases.

The transitional government under President Ahmed al-Sharaa accuses the SDF of tolerating Assad loyalists and members of the banned Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) within its ranks.

Kurdish representatives, in turn, distrust assurances by al-Sharaa, the former leader of the Islamist group HTS, that their rights will be protected. They also warn of a possible resurgence of Islamic State.


For Syria’s new rulers, Sunni clans hold the key to stability – and ending sectarian strife

Headed by a close ally of Syria’s President Ahmed al-Sharaa, the recently established Office of Tribes and Clans aims to ease tensions within the country’s Sunni majority, divided between former rebels, those who once sided with the Assad regime, and others in the ranks of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces. FRANCE 24’s Wassim Nasr has gained exclusive access to a crucial link in the Syrian reconciliation process.



Issued on: 15/01/2026
FRANCE24
By: Wassim NASR


A view of Aleppo, Syria's second-largest city, where sectarian tensions underscore the huge challenges facing the country's new rulers. © Wassim Nasr, FRANCE 24

Renewed clashes between Syrian security forces and Kurdish fighters in the Aleppo region are a reminder of the volatile communal and sectarian tensions that continue to roil the country more than a year after the fall of the Assad dynasty.

The latest violence follows weeks of deadly clashes last summer pitting Bedouin tribesmen against Druze militias in the country’s south, and after the massacre of Alawite civilians in their western heartland in March and April of last year. 

Each bout of violence underscores the daunting challenge facing Syria’s new rulers as they grapple with the complex, fragile ethnoreligious mosaic of a country ravaged by more than a decade of civil war and riven with bitter divides. 

While the focus is on Syria’s vulnerable minorities, the country’s Sunni majority  –  itself divided along tribal lines and past opposition or allegiance to the Assads – holds the key to stabilising the country and staving off further sectarian strife. 

With that aim in mind, the Syrian presidency set up an “Office of Tribes and Clans” in September headed by Jihad Issa al-Sheikh, also known by his nom de guerre Abu Ahmed Zakour, a longtime fellow traveller of Syria's rebel-turned-president Ahmed al-Sharaa. 

FRANCE 24’s Wassim Nasr was able to meet with al-Sheikh and other members of the office at its three regional branches in Aleppo, Hama and Idlib, gaining exclusive insight into a body that aims to play a key role in the Syrian reconciliation process. 
In Aleppo, old grudges and shifting alliances

Strategically placed alongside Aleppo's Bureau of political affairs, the local branch of the Office of Tribes and Clans has moved into the former premises of the Baath party that ruled Syria for decades under the Assads.  

Its task is to maintain the non-aggression pact between Syria’s former rebels and the Sunni militias that had previously backed the Assad regime, before switching sides during the lightening offensive led by Sharaa’s Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) in November 2024.  

It was their change of allegiance that led to the fall of Aleppo, Syria’s economic capital, in just three days, hastening the end of Assad rule.  

The largest of these militias, the al-Baqir Brigade, had previously received funding from the Iranian Revolutionary Guards and was entrusted with conscripts from the Syrian regular army. This effectively gave them the power of life and death over local inhabitants. 

“The rebels in Aleppo came from the same (Sunni) neighbourhoods (as the militiamen),” said a witness from the early days of the Syrian revolution in 2011, who traced existing rancours to a notorious incident involving a family accused of siding with the Assads.  

“The discord began when the head of the Meraai family and one of his sons were executed and their mutilated bodies displayed in public for several days,” added the witness, describing their killing as a response to the shooting of anti-Assad demonstrators. 

A lynchpin of the al-Baqir Brigade, the Meraai family was widely seen as a tool of the Assad regime to suppress opponents – not necessarily acting on direct orders from Damascus, but rather to preserve its financial interests and the favours granted by the regime.  

Sitting on a plastic chair amid the ruins, a Meraai family member who was imprisoned at the time had a different take on the incident. He said the executions “were unjustified because we simply don’t know who fired at demonstrators from the rooftops”. 


A destroyed building in the al-Salihin neighbourhood of Aleppo. 
© Wassim Nasr, FRANCE 24

Fifteen years on from that fateful incident, his brothers Khaled and Hamza would play a key role in the liberation of Aleppo by Sharaa’s rebel coalition. After more than two years of negotiations and a visit to Sharaa’s bastion in Idlib, Khaled al-Meraai was persuaded by his fellow Bagara clansman Jihad Issa al-Sheikh that the time had come to abandon the Assads. 

Seeing the tide turning, Khaled al-Meraai agreed to secretly harbour an HTS commando unit that would attack a strategic command centre of the Syrian army in Aleppo. Months before the battle, scouts had infiltrated the city to prepare the ground, including Jihad Issa al-Sheikh's own brother, Abu Omar. 

But this crucial role in the liberation of Aleppo has not erased, at least in the eyes of the early rebels, the Sunni family’s earlier participation in the Assad regime’s repressive apparatus. As the former inmate put it, “our relatives will flee the city, fearing revenge, if they don't see me sitting in my chair here every day”. 

While the Meraais still own valuable properties, including a stud farm for purebred Arabian horses, they have been forced to return some of the assets that were confiscated from former rebels. The new Syrian authorities are protecting the family, but without publicly acknowledging the deal that helped bring about the capture of Aleppo  –  even though Hamza al-Meraai was recently photographed with an interior ministry spokesperson in Damascus. 

The Meraai family's stud farm in Aleppo. © Wassim Nasr, FRANCE 24


In addition to Sunni reconciliation, the sprawling multi-faith city faces formidable security challenges. On New Year's Day, a member of the internal security forces was killed while preventing a suicide bomber from attacking a Christian celebration. His funeral was attended by senior officials including the interior minister  as well as representatives of Aleppo’s Christian churches. 

A few kilometres north of the city, residents of the Shiite villages of Nubl and Zahra live under heavy protection from the Syrian army. As soon as Aleppo was captured in late 2024, the villages sent representatives to the city to obtain security guarantees. Once again, Jihad Issa al-Sheikh, the presidential adviser, acted as mediator. Since then, “there has been only one murder”, said a local representative in Nubl.  “In the early days, the local (HTS) commander slept here on the floor to ensure that there would be no abuses.” 

But the situation remains precarious for the Shiite villagers, who are mindful that nearby Sunni villages are still in ruins. “Our [Sunni] neighbours see that we are protected, while they are unable to rebuild their villages and are still living in tents,” said the Nubl resident. “One can imagine and understand what they are going through.” 

Clan leaders gather in Damascus 

On December 9, the Damascus home of Sheikh Abdel Menaam al-Nassif, an early supporter of the Syrian revolution,  hosted a high-level meeting of clan representatives from across the country, presenting the Office of Clans and Tribes with an ideal platform to send a message.  

Addressing the assembly of senior clansmen, Jihad Issa al-Sheikh said the office was “not designed to command you or replace you, but rather to serve as a direct line to President Sharaa”. He then issued an advice to clans tarnished by collaboration with the deposed regime. 

“Those clans that were on Assad’s side should keep a low profile and put forward figures who have not been compromised. We need everyone,” he added. “We must turn the page on old quarrels once and for all by supporting the state and not being a source of destabilisation.” 


Jihad Issa al-Sheikh (left), a key Sharaa aide and head of the Office of Tribes and Clans, attends a meeting in Damascus in December 2025 
© Wassim Nasr, FRANCE 24


Referring to recent sectarian classes, the top Sharaa aide said it was “unacceptable for clans to take up arms at the slightest incident or to join the ranks of our enemies for one reason or another”. 

He added: “We must rise to the challenges we have faced since the liberation of the country.” 

General Hamza al-Hmidi, the head of operations for the Syrian armed forces, then spoke of the deadly summer clashes in Sweida, which saw Bedouin tribesmen converge on the southern province to fight local Druze militias, and led Israel to intervene militarily with strikes on security forces deployed to quell the bloodshed. 

“We were faced with militiamen firing at us at the front and with killers and looters in our wake. These actions, which do not reflect our values, gave (the Israelis) a pretext to bomb us, forcing us to leave the city in the hands of (Druze) militiamen,” lamented the young general. 

The meeting touched on the sensitive subject of cronyism and political appointments, with clan leaders urged to present qualified candidates for administration jobs and the future National Assembly – and to refrain from promoting themselves or their relatives. The message was that the Baath party ways of coopting tribal and clan leaders through clientelism would no longer be accepted. 

The meeting, attended by two representatives of Syria’s new political bureau, led to animated debate. The idea of a "Council of Elders" composed of clan leaders was put forward – a means to preserve their status and influence while separating their role from that of political institutions.  

It’s a delicate balance for Syria’s new rulers, for whom gaining the support of clans necessarily means making concessions, including material ones, particularly in areas that are still outside Damascus’s control. 

Preventing vendettas in Hama and Homs 

The office’s Hama branch had its baptism of fire in the wake of two particularly grisly murders in nearby Homs, which kicked off attacks on Alawite neighbourhoods. Its primary mission was clear: to ease tensions in Syria’s third most populous city.  

In the days following the murders, representatives of various clans acted quickly to prevent an escalation, under the coordination of Sharaa’s adviser al-Sheikh. The investigation revealed that the murders of a married couple, initially presented as sectarian, were in fact an internal family affair. A joint letter from community leaders helped to tamp down reprisals and narrowly avert bloodshed. 

Sheikh Abu Jaafar Khaldoun, head of the Hama office, stressed the importance of inter-community dialogue. “We need to start from scratch and rebuild neighbourly relations,” he said. “This involves simple gestures, such as attending funerals.” 

Khaldoun said interactions with the Alawite, Ismaili and Christian communities helped to defuse tensions after rebel forces took over Hama and then Homs. 

‘We wasted no time after liberation, for fear of reprisals between communities, and even within each community,” he explained. “The first few months were tense, and some people took advantage of the situation to settle old scores.” 
In Idlib, a laboratory for reconciliation 

A rebel bastion and launchpad for the lighting offensive that toppled Assad, northwestern Idlib province has also served as a model for the type of conflict resolution advocated by Syria's new leaders. 

Starting in 2017, Sharaa’s HTS began to work with local clans with a pragmatic goal:  to resolve conflicts between rival factions in areas outside the regime's control, drawing on clan ties shared both by residents and the province’s large number of internally displaced people. After a series of military setbacks in 2019, the clans were gradually integrated as a supporting force for HTS and the "Syrian Salvation Government" that administered the rebel holdout.  

This dual experience, both military and mediatory, is the foundation of the new Office of Clans and Tribes, whose leaders are largely drawn from the ranks of Idlib’s displaced population. 


A tent used by the head of the office's Idlib branch in the northwestern province. 
© Wassim Nasr, FRANCE 24


A key role of the office’s local branch is to maintain a link between the new Syrian authorities and displaced people from eastern Syria. The latter include both the clans based in areas controlled by the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and displaced people from Raqqa, Hassaka or Deir ez-Zor – populations often buffeted by war, forced displacement and shifting alliances.   

Efforts to tilt the tribal balance have weighed heavily in recent military realignments. Most recently in Aleppo and months before in nearby Manbij, shifts in clan alliances have facilitated the recapture of entire neighbourhoods previously held by Kurdish forces, illustrating the decisive role played by Jihad Issa al-Sheikh and his office in reshaping the balance of power on the ground. 

For the new regime, the stakes are primarily political and security-related. The eastern provinces provide most of the SDF's recruits while at the same time constituting a potential breeding ground for jihadist groups. To alienate them once more would be to repeat the mistakes that in the past pushed certain clans into the arms
 of the Assad regime, Kurdish forces or the Islamic State (IS) group. 

Reassuring the Sunni majority and healing the deep divides left by years of war is a matter of survival for the new Syrian authorities. Lasting stability can only come from internal dynamics, driven by Syrians themselves. In this context, the Office of Tribes and Clans holds a key place at the intersection of community tensions and the most sensitive security issues. The stated objective is not to marginalise the clans, but to integrate them as actors of stabilisation. 

The authorities are claiming a number of results since the office’s creation, including de-escalation in Homs, the management of protests in coastal areas home to many Alawites, and a gradual decline in assassinations targeting former members of the Assad regime. Despite the recent deadly clashes in Aleppo, the ability to prevent a major escalation in fighting over sensitive neighbourhoods previously held by Kurdish factions is also presented as concrete illustration of this new approach. 

This article was translated from the original in French.